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A VOLUME OF ORIENTAL STUDIES

PRESENTED TO PROFESSOR EDWARD G. BROWNE

Five hundred copies of this book have been
printed^ and the type has been distributed.

This copy is No.

A VOLUME OF
ORIENTAL STUDIES

PRESENTED TO
EDWARD G. BROWNE, M.A., M.B., F.B.A., F.R.C.P.

/S PROFESSOR OF ARABIC IN THE UNIVERJ

ON HIS 6oTH BIRTHDAY

(7 FEBRUARY 1922)
EDITED BY

T! W.&XARNOLD

AND

REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON

CAMBRIDGE

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1922

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

C. F. CLAY, MANAGER
LONDON : FETTER LANE, E.G. 4

NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.

BOMBAY \

CALCUTTA t MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.

MADRAS )

TORONTO : THE MACMILLAN CO. OF

CANADA, LTD.
TOKYO: MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

A) MI RAT I ON for the scholar, gratitude to the generous
patron of learning, and feelings of personal affection
have prompted the compilation of this volume, to which
Orientalists of as many as eleven different nationalities
have contributed.

For years past you have inspired successive groups of
students with your own enthusiasm for the literature and
culture of Islam, and by your writings you have stirred up
in every part of the civilised world interest in the subject
of your own studies, and have widened the bounds of
human knowledge. It is the hope of all your friends that
you may long continue to carry on the torch, and add still
more to those writings which are so precious a possession
to all students of the Muslim world.

During the progress of the work three of the contributors,
Sir C. J. Lyall, Professor I. Goldziher, and Professor C. F.
Seybold, have passed away. While it has been a pleasure to
all to join in making this 4jtju* acceptable, especial thanks
are due to Professor A. A. Bevan for his help in connexion
with Hebrew and Aramaic, and to the staff of the Cam-
bridge University Press for the care they have bestowed on
a book containing many languages and scripts.

Since your name will always be associated with Persia, it
seemed natural that the volume should bear a Persian title,
which not only conveys the sentiment of 'ajab but also
embodies a Persian figure of speech by its allusion to the
familiar initials, E. G. B.

T. W. ARNOLD.
REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON.

LIST OF CONTRIBUTIONS

PAGE

ARENDONK, C. VAN (Leiden). An initiation rite of the Sorcerer in

Southern Arabia ... ..... i

ARNOLD, T. W. (London). The Caesarian Section in an Arabic

Manuscript dated 707 A.M. . 6

AsfN PALACIOS (Madrid). Influencias evangelicas en la Literatura

religiosa del Islam ......... 8

BABINGER, FRANZ (Wiirzburg). Marino Sanuto's Tagebiicher als

Quelle zur Geschichte der Safawijja 28 /

BEVAN, A. A. (Cambridge). Some Contributions to Arabic Lexico- \jr

graphy . .51

CARNOY, A. J. (Louvain). The Character of Vohu Manah and its

evolution in Zoroastrianism .... 94

CARRA DE VAUX (Paris). Notice sur un Calendrier Turc . .106
CASANOVA, PAUL (Paris). Les Ispehbeds de Firim . . . .117
CASARTELLI, L. C. (Manchester). Avestan urvan^ 'soul' . -127 \
CHRISTENSEN, ARTHUR (Copenhagen). Jiihi in the Persian Literature 129
EDWARDS, E. (London). Some rare and important Arabic and

Persian Manuscripts from the collections of HajjT 'Abdu'l-Majld

Belshah ; now either in the British Museum or in the private

collection of Professor Edward G. Browne . . . -137

FISCHER, A. (Leipzig). Die mas'ala zunburija 150

GOLDZIHER, I, Himmlische und irdische Namen . . . 157

GUEST, RHUVON (London). Relations between Persia and Egypt

under Islam up to the Fatimid period 163

GUIDI, I. (Rome). Particelle interrogative e negative nelle Lingue

semitiche . . . . . . . . . 175

HARTMANN, R. (Leipzig). Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem

Paradies . . . . . . . . . . .179

HERZFELD, ERNST (Berlin). Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan und die

Baukunst der Ilkhane in Iran 186

HIRSCHFELD, HARTWic (London). A volume of essays by Al Jahiz . 200
HORTEN, M. (Bonn). Die Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf

ethischem Gebiete . . . . . . . . .210

HOUTSMA, M. TH. (Utrecht). Some remarks on the Dlwan of NizamI 224
HUART, CL. (Paris). Les Mosafirides de TAdherbaidjan . . .228
JACKSON, A. V. WILLIAMS (New York). A Visit to the Tomb of

Baba Tahir at Hamadan . . . . . . . -257

KRENKOW, F. (Westcliff-on-Sea). The use of Writing for the preser-
vation of Ancient Arabic Poetry . . . . . .261

LITTMANN, ENNO (Tubingen). Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht iiber

die Ehe 269

L ist of Contributions v i i

PAGE

LYALL, C. J. The Mu'-allaqah of Maimun al-A'shk (rendered into

English in the metre of the original) . ... 285

MACARTNEY, C. H. H. (Newbury). A short account of Dhu'r

Rummah .......... 293

MACDONALD, D. B. (Hartford, Conn.). A preliminary classification

of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 304

MARGOLIOUTH, D. S. (Oxford). The sense of the title Khallfah . 322
MASSIGNON, Louis (Paris). Esquisse d'une bibliographic Qarmate . 329
MITTWOCH, EUGEN (Berlin). Die Berliner arabische Handschrift

Ahlwardt, No. 683 (eine angebliche Schrift des Ibn 'Abbas) . 339 /
NALLINO, C. A. (Rome). Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi

per trafila Pehlevica ........ 345

NICHOLSON, REYNOLD A. (Cambridge). Pir Jamal .... 364

NOLDEKE, TH. (Karlsruhe). Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines

jungen Raubtiers . . . . . . . . .371

PEDERSEN, JOHS. (Copenhagen). The Sabians .... 383 jQ

Ross, E. DENISON (London). The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din,

Mubarak Shah 392

SEYBOLD, C. F. Die Namen der 2 Bistiimer (Dependenzen der

Persis) : oW* Siran und Oojuo^* Mrmdit, verderbt aus

jjtju-> Sendan und ^-ojJj-j Serendib . . . . .414
SHAFf , MUHAMMAD (Lahore). A Description of the Two Sanctuaries

of Islam by Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi (f 940) 416

SNOUCK HURGRONJE, C. (Leiden). Qatadah's policy of splendid

isolation of the Hijaz . . ...... 439

STOREY, C. A. (London). Lexicographical Jottings .... 445

TORREY, C. C. (Yale). Three Difficult Passages in the Koran . . 45 7 ^
TRITTON, A. S. (Aligarh). A Freak of Arabic Versification . . 472
WEIR, T. H. (Glasgow). The Revolution in Persia at the beginning

of the 1 8th century (from a Turkish MS in the University of

Glasgow) .......... 480

WENSINCK, A. J. (Leiden). The Refused Dignity . . . . 491 /

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Professor Edward G. Browne (phot, by Swaine)

The Caesarian Section

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan, I. Front view

„ » II- Doorway

III. S.W. Corner .

IV. Middle panel of W.

Wall .

V. Mihrab .
VI. Detail of Mihrab .

„ „ „ VII. Detail of plinth at

base of S. Wall .

The Tomb of Baba Jahir at Hamadan

Baba Tahir's Sarcophagus

Frontispiece
to face page 6

between

pp. 192 & 193

to face page 260
260

AN INITIATION RITE OF THE
SORCERER IN SOUTHERN ARABIA

Though mention is often made of sorcery (sihr) and its
rites in Arabic literature, the information about the person
of the sorcerer (sahir, sahhar] is scanty1. It may therefore
be of interest to draw attention to an account which dis-
closes something of the notions current at one time in
Southern Arabia regarding the way in which the sorcerer
was supposed to acquire his mysterious power.

The Geographical Dictionary of Yaqut (d. 626= 1229)
contains an article2 the translation of which runs as follows:

Hawdu Huwwira (variants Haidu 'Uwwira, Hawdu Quw-
wira) is a mountain between Hadramawt and 'Uman in
which is a cavern. It is said that there is at its entrance a
one-eyed man. When one wishes to learn sorcery, he
resorts to this cavern and speaks to this one-eyed individual
about it. The latter then replies: "This is impossible, unless
you renounce [belief in] Muhammad." Thereupon he lets
him enter the cavern. Here is an assembly, and at the upper
end of the cavern is a seat on which a saikh is sitting. The
saikh then asks : " Which method of sihr would you like [to
learn] ? " For he instructs him in one method only without
letting him pass on to another. — This is mentioned by
'Utman al-Balati an-Nahwi (i.e. the Grammarian)3, who
lived in Misr, on the authority of Husain4 al-Yamanl and
As'ad b. Salim al-Yamanl.

1 Cf. J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidentums, 2nd ed. (Berlin 1897),
p. 159 sqq. ; E. Doutte, Magie et Religion dans f Afrique du Nord (Alger
1908), p. 27 sq. and passim', H. Reinfried, Brdnche bei Zauber und
Wunder nach Buchari (Karlsruhe 1915).

2 Mu^gam al-Buldan, ed Wiistenfeld, ii, 356 sq. (ed. Cairo, 1324, iii,
359 ty.); abbreviated in al-Qazwinl, lAga'ib al-Makhluqat, ed. Wiistenfeld, i,
157 sq. ; cf. Marasid al-Ittila1, ed. Juynboll, i, 327 infra sq.\ Osiander,
Studien iiber die vorislamische Religion der Araber, ZDMG^ vii, 471.

3 Abu '1-Fath 'Utrnan b. 'Isa al-Balati, d. 599 (1002), cf. Brockelmann,
Gesch. der arab. Litteratur, i, 302.

4 Var. al-Muhsin.

B. P. V. I

2 C. VAN ARENDONK

Saith the author: al-Qadi al-Mufaddal Ibn Abi '1-Hag-
gag1, the Inspector2 in Misr, told me saying: "Ahmad b.
Yahya b. al-Ward — he was governor of the Castle al-Munif
of Dubhan3 — related to me in the Yaman on the i;th Du
'1-Higga 613" [2;th March 1217]:

In one of the districts of ad-Dumluwa4, at a mountain
called Quwwir, is found a ravine5 named Hawd Quwwir.
Its depth is not great, it has a length of five lances and
a small breadth ; there is built in it a platform. Whoever
wishes to learn something of sorcery takes a black he-goat,
which has not a single white hair. After slaughtering and
flaying it he divides it into seven pieces which he brings
down into the cavern6. Thereupon he takes the paunch,
rips it up, and daubs himself7 with its contents. He puts on
the skin of the goat turned inside out and enters the cavern
in the night. It is a condition with regard to him that neither
his father nor his mother should be still living. When he has
entered the cavern he sees nobody. He then lies down to
sleep, and if he finds in the morning his body cleaned from
what was upon it and washed, this points to his being ad-
mitted. At his entering [the cavern] he must bear in mind
whatsoever he is wishing. If, however, he is in the morning
in the same state, it points to the fact that he has not been
admitted. When he leaves the cavern after his admittance,
he may not speak to anybody for three days ; he must keep

1 The same name Yaqut, o.c., i, 58, 2 (with the addition of 'arid al-
guyuf, i.e. Inspector of the Army), 763, 22, iii, 224, u, iv, 91, 10, 438, 15;
but i, 760, 8, iii, 300, 14: Ibn al-Haggag, and iv, 925, 4: al-Qadi al-
Mufaddal Abu '1-Haggag Yusuf; cf. also iii, 206, n, 275, 17, 740, 10. Al-
Qazwini, I.e., only Abu '1-Haggag.

8 Al-ldrid\ var. al-haris, also in ed. Cairo.

3 The text has D-y-han, but cf. Yaqut, o.c., ii, 279, 14-17 ; according
to this passage, Hisn al-Munif was situated on Mt Quwwir in the district of
ad-Dumluwa, but this is apparently wrong. It must have been in the
neighbourhood of Dubhan, S. of Mt Sabir; cf. Tag al-'Arus, vi, 263, 31.
On Dubhan cf. H. von Maltzan, Reise nach Sudarabien (Brunswick 1873),
p. 395, and map.

* Ed. Cairo ad-Damluwa.

6 It only appears from the following that there was a cavern (gar) in the
ravine (&qg)>

9 According to al-Qazwmi, /.<:., he gives one part to the herdsman
residing on the mountain and puts down six parts in the cavern.

7 Read yattall (var. and ed. Cairo) instead of yutalfi; al-Qazwini :
yantali.

An initiation rite of the Sorcerer in Southern Arabia 3

silent during this time. Then he becomes a sorcerer. — The
same person related to me that he sent for a man of the
Ma'afir, belonging to the people of Wadl Udaim1, named
Sulaiman b. Yahya al-Uhduti2, a man of renown in matters
of sorcery, and that he asked him to swear that he would
tell him the truth about the tale of sorcery. He then took a
solemn oath declaring that they (viz. the sorcerers) have no
power to transfer water from one well to another or milk from
one udder to another, or transform a human figure into a
non-human one, but that they are able to cleave clouds and
possess power in matters of love and soothing of hearts, and
hatred, and that they could bring about pain in the limbs of
men, such as head-ache, ophthalmia, and could make the
heart ache.

The statement of Ahmad b. Yahya b. al-Ward locates
Hawd Quwwir — for this is probably the correct reading —
in the neighbourhood of ad-Dumluwa, and Yaqut gives by
the word " Quwwir"3 the same topographical indication.
Ad-Dumluwa was and perhaps still is a remarkable strong-
hold on Gabal as-Silw4 at a distance of i^ days' journey
S.E.E. from Ta'izz5. Hawd Quwwir combines the names of
two places in al-Ma'afir which al-Hamdam (d. 334 = 945/6)
mentions6 as renowned for being haunted by ginn. The
Himyarl clans of al-Ma'afir dwelt in the valley between
Mts Sabir and Dakhir and its surroundings in the Southern
Yaman ; they are characterised as people of incantations
(ruga, sing, ruqya) and sorcery7. The Sakasik were their
neighbours and partly intermixed with them8; those living
in Wadi Adim especially were reputed to have among them

1 Al-HamdanI, Sifa Gazlrat al-'Arab, ed. D. H. Miiller, p. 78, 5, Adim.

2 The correct reading might perhaps be al-Ahrutl, cf. al-Hamdam, o.c.t
p. 89, 22, 101, 24.

3 o.c., iv, 199, 21 sq.

4 Al-Hamdam, o.c., p. 76, 6 sqq.

5 C. Niebuhr, Beschreibung von Arabien (Copenhagen 1772), p. 243.

6 Al-HamdanI, o.c., p. 128, 9 sq. This statement is not necessarily in
contradiction to the annexion of the two names. " Hawd " might have
the meaning of its variant reading " Haid," a " projecting part " (Lisan al-
iArab, iv, 136 infra sq.\ which, as Professor Dr. Snouck Hurgronje kindly
informs me,, is in Hadramawt the usual word for "mountain" (cf. also
Landberg, Etudes sur les diakctes de V Arabic meridionale, i, 559).

7 Al-Hamdam, o.c., p. 54, 21 sq., 67, 22 sqq., 99, 3 sqq., 125, 5 sq.

8 Ib., p. 74, 2-7, 76, I sq., 77, 9 sqq., 79, 22 sqq., 99, 7 sq., 22 sqq.

I 2

4 C. VAN ARENDONK

sorcerers and persons able to call the rain and to borrow
the milk (ahl sadh al-gait wa-isti'arat al-laban) and to
perform other tricks of sorcery1. Until recently the regions
of Zabid, Abu 'Aris, az-Zaidiyya and Luhayya were famous
as places where witches performed their pernicious spells2.

The first of the above accounts is apparently wrong in
placing Hawd Quwwir somewhere in the tract between
Hadramawt and 'Uman3. Moreover it is probably rather
incomplete, as it hardly can be supposed that the initiation
of the novice would not be accompanied by certain rites. It
seems to relate to an initiation effected by other sorcerers4.
Belief in Muhammad's mission has to be renounced because
it belongs to a religious sphere which is hostile to that of
the demons invoked by the sorcerers5.

The second account gives some interesting details. The
sacrifice is undoubtedly intended for the demon(s) by which
the place is haunted according to al-Hamdam. The victim
is of a kind particularly used in magical rites6 ; its sacrificial
pieces correspond to the magical number seven7. The
contents of the stomach of the victim may have been
regarded as efficacious for magical purposes8. The putting

1 Ib., p. 74, 7-9, cf. 99, 18.

2 Mordtmann, Die Hexen in Jemen in Ausland, Ivi (1883), 975 sq.

3 Tag al-^Arus, ii, 342 supra, gives the same situation of Haid 'Uwwir
(var. Quwwir, Huwwir) according to as-Sagani (probably RadI ad-Din al-
Hasan b. Muhammad, d. 650= 1252/3 ; cf. o.c., i, 4, 4; as-Suyuti, Bugyat
al-Wu^dt, Cairo 1326, p. 227 ; Brockelmann, o.c., i, 360 sq.). Al-Qazwlnl,
I.e., omits the topographical indications given in the beginning of Yaqut's
second account. — 'Uman may of old have been reputed as a country of
sorcerers, cf. W. G. Palgrave, Narrative of a Year's Journey through
Central and East Arabia (London 1865), ii, 267 sqq.

4 Cf. H. Hubert et M. Mauss, Theorie generate de la magic, Annie socio-
logique, vii (1902-3), 38 sq. \ id., Eorigine des pouvoirs magiques dans les
societe's australiennes, in Mtlangts d'histoiredes religions^ Paris 1 909), p. 1 7 2 sqq.

5 Cf. Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddima (Cairo 1327), p. 555; Doutte, o.c.,
P- 335 sqq.

6 Almost the same prescription is given for the victim^ which has to be
slaughtered at a cavern in Wadi Sus (Morocco) by a Sluh Berber who
wishes to be initiated by the ginn as an andam (poet-singer), H. Stumme,
Dichtkunst und Gedichte der Schluh (Leipzig 1895), p. 7, in H. Basset, Le
culte des grottes au Maroc (Alger 1920), p. 68. On black victims, cf. Doutte,
o.c., p. 463 ; H. Basset, o.c., pp. 84, 89, 93, 99, 105.

7 Cf. Doutte', o.c., p. 1845^.

8 On analogous applications cf. J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of
the Soul (Golden Bough, ii), pp. 173, 174, 175.

An initiation rite of the Sorcerer in Southern Arabia 5

on of the victim's skin may be a rite aiming at a com-
munion with the sacrifice1 ; its turning inside out might at
the same time represent a sympathetic rite in order to
provoke the change which the candidate is expecting to
undergo. The mysterious cleaning of the novice's body
during sleep is apparently supposed to be performed by the
ginn. It suggests the purification involving renovation and
communication of extraordinary powers which is a main
feature in the initiation of the magician2. That similar con-
ceptions also occurred in Arabia has been shown by Dr
Schrieke in his interpretation of the legend of the washing
of Muhammad's heart and his journey to heaven3.

ADDITION: The account of al-Qazwlnl, o.c., i, 157,
23 sqq., is reproduced almost exactly in Ibn al-Wardl,
Kharldat al-'Agaib, ed. Tornberg (Upsala, 1835-9), ii,
148 sq. [None of the complete Egyptian editions is
accessible to me.]

C. VAN ARENDONK4.

1 Cf. H. Hubert et M. Mauss, Essai sur la nature et lafonction du sacri-
fice in Melanges tfhistoire des religions, p. 56 infra sq., 64 ; Doutte, o.c.,

P- 473-

2 Cf. H. Hubert et M. Mauss, Theorie generale de la magic, p. 37 sq. ; id.,
Eorigine des pouvoirs magiques, in Melanges etc., p. 150 sqq. ; J. G Frazer,
Balder the Beautiful (Golden Bough, vii), ii, 237 sqq. Cf. also the above-
mentioned initiation of the andam, and on apprentices in Morocco initiated
into their trade by \he ginn, H. Basset, o.c., p. 67 infra sq.

3 B. Schrieke, Die Himmelsreise Muhammeds in Der Islam, vi (1915),
i sqq. (with many ethnological references).

4 I am greatly indebted to Mrs Kuenen-Wicksteed for the revision of
the English.

THE CAESARIAN SECTION IN AN
ARABIC MANUSCRIPT DATED 707 A.M.

As the eminent scholar in whose honour this volume has
been compiled is not only a Professor of Arabic, but also a
Doctor of Medicine and a Fellow of the Royal College
of Physicians, before whom he delivered the FitzPatrick
Lectures on Arabian Medicine in 1920, it has been thought
not unfitting to include in it some reference to medical science
in the Muhammadan world. The picture here reproduced
is believed to be the" earliest representation of the Caesarian
section ; it is found in a MS of al-Berunl's al-Athar
al-Baqiyah, now no. 161 in the Library of the University
of Edinburgh, but previously in the possession of Mr.
R. B. M. Binning, of the Madras Civil Service, who pur-
chased it in Ispahan in the year 1851. The colophon bears
the date 707 A.H. (= 1307-8 A.D.), and the MS is thus con-
siderably older than any of those used by Professor Sachau
in the preparation of his edition of al-Athar al-Baqiyah
(Leipzig, 1878). But — unlike the MS described by Pro-
fessor Salemann in the Bulletin de I" Academic Impe'riale
des Sciences de St Pttersbourg (1912, p. 86 1 sgg.) — this
Edinburgh MS does not supply material for filling up the
numerous gaps that occur in Professor Sachau's edition ;
the arrangement of the text as well as the illustrations would
seem to indicate that the Paris MS (Bibliotheque Nationale,
Supplement Arabe, Nr. 713, probably about the second
half of the I7th century) is ultimately derived from the
Edinburgh MS, or that both are copies of a common
original ; but only a more careful comparison than has been
possible to the present writer can determine this question.

The Edinburgh MS contains 24 pictures, of a style that
has provisionally been grouped under the vague designation
of the Mesopotamian School. Like all pictures in Arabian
and Persian MSS of the period, they exhibit the influence
of those Chinese conventions which the victorious progress
of the Mongol arms impressed upon the art of Western
Asia, but there are characteristics also, which distinctly in-

Caesarian Section in an Arabic Manuscript dated 707 A.H. 7

dicate influences akin to those familiar in Byzantine paintings.
We know practically nothing of the pictorial art of the Nes-
torian Church, which was still flourishing in the East under
Mongol rule up to the beginning of the I4th century, but it
may well be presumed that the art of the Orthodox Eastern
Church, so rich and extensive in its development, made its
influence felt in the neighbouring Christian Churches, even
though these were not in communion with it. This picture,
as well as others in the same manuscript, presents the char-
acteristically Byzantine balance of figures on either side of
the picture, and the central group reproduces a well-known
convention. The particular manner in which the subject-
matter of several of the other illustrations is represented,
makes it exceedingly unlikely that they should be the work
of a Muhammadan artist, but, though there are distinct
indications of Christian influence, there is on the other
hand no certain evidence that they were painted by a
Christian artist.

The surgical operation which forms the subject of the
picture reproduced here, receives only a passing reference in
al-Berunfs chapter on the nature of the various eras of the
world, in the section devoted to the era of Augustus (p. 29
of Sachau's edition). Here he states that the mother of
Caesar Augustus died in labour-pains and that her womb
was cut open and the child was taken out. The only other
instance that al-Berunl mentions of such a Caesarian section
being performed is that of the birth of Ahmad ibn Sahl who
revolted in Khurasan against the Samanid Nasr ibn Ahmad
(9 1 8-9 1 9). Al- Berunlgives no indication that he was actually
aware of any instances of this operation being performed in
his own time, but it is noteworthy that his great contemporary,
Firdawsl, describes the birth of Rustam as occurring after
the performance of such an operation on his mother, Rudaba.
In spite of the vast extent of the literature on the subject of
the Caesarian section, the historians of surgical science have
not yet extended their researches by the collection of examples
from the Muhammadan world.

T. W. ARNOLD.

INFLUENCIAS EVANGELICAS EN LA
LITERATURA RELIGIOSA DEL ISLAM

Con un titulo parecido public6 Goldziher, hace mas de
treinta anos, un estudio breve1, en el cual demostr6 : (a) que
varios milagros evang^licos de Jesus fueron atribuidos a
Mahoma por los bi6grafos del Profeta ; (b) que algunos
versiculos de los evangelios fueron plagiados por los in-
ventores de hadith, desde los primeros tiempos; y (c) que
ciertas palabras y frases cristianas, como mdrtir, en el sen-
tido de testigo que muere en defensa de su fe, se adoptaron
muy pronto en el Islam.

El estudio que aqui ofrecemos es una modesta contri-
buci6n que amplfa bastante los datos reunidos por Goldziher
en el apartado (6) de su articulo : a los ocho versiculos evan-
gelicos que alii senalo, afiado unos cuarenta, encontrados,
sin buscarlos de proposito, en mis lecturas de los libros
musulmanes, especialmente sufls, y sobre todo en los de
Al-Ghazzall. Es seguro que investigaciones metodicas,
hechas ex prof es so, darian una cosecha mas abundante.

Mi trabajo se ha reducido a transcribir los textos, seguidos
de su traducci6n fiel, y a sefialar simplemente los versiculos
de los evangelios cuyo plagio literal son 6 de los cuales con-
servan reminiscencias. El orden en que los publico es
aproximadamente el cronologico, aunque refiri^ndome tan
solo a la fecha del autor del libro en el cual los encontre. Si
alguna vez, me ha sido facil averiguar el nombre y la fecha de
alguno de los tradicionistas que primitivamente lo refirio, lo
consigno. Tampoco me he detenido a rebuscar estos hadlths
en las colecciones autenticas de Buharl y Muslim.

El interns que estos textos evangdicos, atribuidos a
Mahoma 6 aprovechados por musulmanes, tienen, estriba en
que son una evidente prueba de la influencia que la moral y

1 Influences chretieimes dans la litterature religieuse de Fislam. (" Rev.
d'hist. des relig.," t. xvm, pag. 180-199.)— Cfr. Logia et agrapha D. fesu
apud ?noslemlcos scriptores, asaticos praesertim, usitata, que yo he publicado
apud " Patrologia Orientalis," t. xm, 3 (fasc. i°), en cuyo proemio doy la
bibliografia sobre el tema.

Influencias evangdlicas en la Literatures religiosa del Islam 9

la ascetica cristianas ejercieron desde muy temprano en la
evolucion del islam. Goldziher demostrd1 que Mahoma file"
refractario d esta influencia ; pero muy pronto los ascetas y
devotos muslimes prescindieron de aquellas prohibiciones
del Profeta, arrastrados por el ejemplo de los monjes cristia-
nos de la Arabia, Siria y Egipto, y para dar d sus imitaciones
cristianas un caracter musulman, no vacilaron en autorizarlas
con textos evangelicos que pusieron en labios del mismo
Mahoma. Es este un caso bien peregrino de propagacion
de la moral evangelica en el seno del islam, realizada contra
la voluntad de su fundador y por medio de sus mas entusias-
tas discipulos. En su virtud, el islam, que por lo dog-
rnatico coincidia ya con el cristianismo en tantos articulos
aun dentro de su epoca primitiva, es decir, ateniendonos solo
al Alcoran y a las ideas aut^nticas de Mahoma, vino a coin-
cidir tambien con el en la moral, en la ascetica y en la mistica.
Obra de los $ufls fu£ principalmente esta definitiva cristiani-
zacion del islam. Y Al-Ghazzall, el principe de los sufis
ortodoxos, es el que con mas claridad la refleja en sus libros.
Por eso, mas de la mitad de los textos que forman esta pe-
quefia colecci6n, en los libros de Al-Ghazzali se encuentran.
He aquf ahora una lista de las obras aprovechadas, con
las referencias bibliograficas indispensables :

Qut=^^\ ^JU^ ^ v^' ^>j* V^»- Cairo, 1310 hdg.
Tanblh= ^juJj-o-JU ^>JLdlaJt A++3 ^U£». Cairo, 1326 heg.

Cairo, 1318 h<%.

^;U£>. Cairo, 1312 hdg.

'Ayyuha al- Walad= ^jj^U jJ^t 1^1. Kazan, 1905 de J. C.
Tibr=^\js& J^j^Jlj^Jl ^\^s>, Cairo, 1317 heg.
Maqsad = ^J\js& L5^^' j^oioJt ^U^. Cairo, 1322 he'g.
Minhdj= ^'j^AJ ^juUJI ^-U ^)U^. Cairo, 1313 heg.
Mukdshafa = ^tjJUJ ^^JU\ 4*^UU ^U^>. Cairo, 1300 he'g.
lAivarif= L$)j3jv~JJ ^JjU^Jl sJjt^ft ^U^. Al margen de *lhya\
Futuhat— ^jJ^t i>^ *M^' Ol».yyUI *.&'&*. Cairo, 1293 heg.
Tadhkira = ^tj^tJU ^J^jAJI^U^I lj£=> JJ yaZ±~A . Cairo, 1308 heg.

1 Ob. cit. pag. 192-196.

io ASIN PALACIOS

IVuzta = jjj*al\ j**fr «-SJU ij-jjJsUrajsp ^U£». Cairo, 1317 heg.
'Ithaf= ^-ojj-o Ju~JU O**^' oLJ! wJU*3l wA2£>. Cairo, 1311 heg.
&}&\ OUOU»-*1 oU^» ^\^> = Dictionary of technical
terms. Edic. Sprenger. Calcuta, 1854.

Qut, ii, 50, 9 infr. :

"Sentencia de Mahoma: 'For 'Alah ! no sera creyente [verdadero] el
siervo de Dios, hasta que yo sea para el mas amado que su familia y su
tesoro y que las gentes todas.' Y en otro relato [se afiade] y 'que tu
propia alma.' "

Cfr. Luc., xiv, 26 : " Si quis venit ad me, et non odit patrem suum, et
matrem, et uxorem, et filios, et fratres et sorores, adhuc autem et animam
suam, non potest meus esse discipulus."

Mat., x, 37 : " Qui amat patrem aut matrem plus quam me, non est me
dignus. Et qui amat filium aut filiam super me, non est me dignus."

Tanblh, 139, 2 : <UJt ^t JIS

"Refiri6 Al-Sha'bi1, de 'Omar2, que decia que Dios (j ensalzado sea!)
no tiene misericordia de aquel que no la tiene, ni perdona al que no per-
dona, ni tiene compasion del que no se arrepiente."

Cfr. Mat., vi, 12, 14, 15 : " Et dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut et nos
dimittimus debitoribus nostris. Si enim dimiseritis hominibus peccata
eorum, dimittet et vobis Pater vester coelestis delicta vestra. Si autem
non dimiseritis hominibus, nee Pater vester dimittet vobis peccata vestra."

Cfr. Luc., vi, 36 : " Estote ergo misericordes, sicut et Pater vester
misericors est." Cfr.Jac., ii, 13 : " Judicium enim sine misericordia illi qui
non fecit misericordiam."

Tanblh, 202, 5 infr. : ^SLJu I tyj aj& dJUt Aj ^Ua».)l ^ j,«^ J15

"Dijo 'Omar Ibn Al-Hattab3: Pesad vuestras almas, antes de que os
las pesen ; tomaos cuenta a vosotros mismos, antes de que os la tomen ;

1 'Amir ibn Sharahil, tradicionista de Kufa, muerto en 103 heg.

2 El 2° califa, sucesor de Abu Bakr.

3 El 2° califa.

Influencias evange'licas en la Liter atura rehgiosa del Islam 1 1

preparaos para el examen maximo, que sera el dia del juicio. Aquel dia
sereis examinados, sin que nada quede oculto de vuestras faltas."

Cfr. I Cor., xi, 31 : "Quod si nosmetipsos dijudicaremus, non utique
judicaremur."

Tanblh, 204, 3 :

"Refirio Ziyad Al-Nomairl1: Dice Dios (j ensalzado sea!) en cierto
libro : No llora siervo alguno, movido de mi temor, sin que yo le libre de
mi ira ; ni llora siervo alguno, movido de mi temor, sin que yo le convierta
su llanto en risa, en la luz de mi Santidad, es decir, en el parai'so."
Cfr. Mat.) v, 5 : " Beati qui lu'gent, quoniam ipsi consolabuntur."
San Juan Cris6stomo comenta asi este texto : " Qui sua peccata lugent,
consolahuntur indulgentiam consecuti."

Tanblh, 225, 18 :

" Contrate2 a varios operarios para que me trabajasen por dos modios
de trigo cada uno. Me hicieron la obra y les pague sus jornales. Pero
otro hombre habia venido a medio dia y habia trabajado en lo que restaba
de Jornada lo mismo que los demas en el dia entero, y yo estime que no
debia quitarle nada de su jornal. Mas uno de aquellos dijo : Este vino a
medio dia y yo vine al principio del dia ; y nos igualas en el jornal. Yo le
dije : d Acaso te quito algo de tu jornal ? Pero el se encolerizo, dej6 su
jornal y se fue."

Cfr. Mat., xx, i — 15 : " ...... homini patrifamilias, qui exiit primo mane

conducere operarios in vineam suam. Conventione autem facta cum ope-
rariis ex denario diurno, misit eos in vineam suam. Et egressus circa horam
tertiam, vidit alios stantes in foro otiosos et dixit illis : Ite et vos in vineam
meam......Iterum autem exiit circa sextam et nonam horam et fecit simi-

liter ...... Cum sero autem factum esset ...... acceperunt singulos denarios.

1 'Ibn 'Abd 'Alah, tradicionista de Basra, vivi6 en el siglo 2° heg.

2 Este relate forma parte de un cuento devoto, que el autor del Tanblh
atribuye a Sa'd ibn 'Abd 'Alah ibn 'Omar, companero de Mahoma; pero el
protagonista del relato parcial que traducimos es andnimo.

12 ASIN PALACIOS

Venientes autem et primi, arbitrati sunt quod plus essent accepturi : ac-
ceperunt autem et ipsi singulos denarios. Et accipientes murmurabant ad-
versus patremfamilias, dicentes : Hi novissimi una hora fecerunt, et pares
illos nobis fecisti, qui portavimus pondus diei et aestus. At ille respondens
uni eorum, dixit : Amice, non facio tibi injuriam ...... Tolle quod tuum est

et vade."

Qushairl, 119, 14: ^oU-^^l j~~> j^^ A-Os *U\ ^Lo J15

" Dijo [Mahoma] : El senor de las gentes es el que les sirve."
Cfr. Marc.) x, 43 : " Quicumque voluerit fieri major, erit vester minister;
et quicumque voluerit in vobis primus esse, erit omnium servus."

Qushairl, 157, 14: Uob AjU^ot JUs ^U*.! ^1 ^Zo <OJt J^w, J13

^ ^b J>$X ^ *£ L5^ ^U^l^t JU* ^bL^I U-J3t Uotj OJI

" Dijo el Enviado de Dios : <i Cuando encontrare a mis amigos ? Dijeron
sus Compafieros : \ Tan caro eres para nosotros como nuestro padre y nues-
tra madre ! { Acaso no somos tus amigos ? Respondi6 [Mahoma] :
Vosotros sois mis Companeros ; mis amigos son una gente que no me
vieron y creyeron en mi."

Cfr. Joan., xx, 29 : " Dixit ei Jesus : Quia vidisti me, Thoma, credidisti;
beati qui non viderunt et crediderunt."

Qushairl, 197, 4: ^1 ^ JU3 ^ JU»- O-«

5 JU

'* Estaba Al-Fudail1 sobre uno de los montes de Mina y dijo : Si uno de
los amigos de Dios (j ensalzado sea !) mandase a este monte que se moviese,
seguramente se moveria. Dijo y se movi6 el monte. Dijo : j Reposa ! j no
quiero que hagas eso ! Y reposo el monte."

Cfr. Mat.) xvii, 19 : "Dixit illis Jesus ...... Amen quippe dico vobis, si

habueritis fidem sicut granum sinapis, dicetis monti huic, Transi hinc illuc,
et transibit."

Cfr. Mat.) xxi, 21 : "...sed et si monti huic dixeritis, Tolle et jacta te
in mare, fiet."

9
'Ihya, i, 46, IT : til OJC5 l^ ^JJJI ^^ SUJt ^3 ^UJt J15

" Dijo el poeta : El pastor de la oveja la defiende del lobo. Mas <[c6mo,
cuando los pastores son lobos para ella ? "

1 Abu 'All Al-Fudail ibn 'lyad, famoso asceta del Horasan, muri6 en
Makka el ano 187 he'g.

Influencias evangdlicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 1 3

Ch.Joan, x, 1-16, principalmente, IT : "Bonus pastor animam suam
dat pro ovibus suis." Ibid. 8 : " Omnes quotquot venerunt, fures sunt et
latrones."

Cfr. Mat., vii, 15 : " Attendite a falsis prophetis, qui veniunt ad vos in
vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus autem sunt lupi rapaces."

10
*Ihya\ i, 46, 12 : -UJt ^JLxj U jJUt JU b *1>t j^x* b >J J15

" Dijo otro [poeta] : \ Oh turba de los lectores1 ! Oh sal de la tierra ! <J De
que servira la sal, si se corrompe ? "

Cfr. Mat., v, 13 : "Vos estis sal terrae. Quod si sal evanuerit, in quo
salietur? ad nihilum valet ultra, nisi ut mittatur foras et conculcetur ab
hominibus."

>Ihya\ in, 49, 7 : oLo afttf O1-^1 *^1 (JjW ^ C*

"Dijo Yahya ibn Mu'adh Al-Razi2: Los enemigos del hombre son tres
su mundo, su demonio y su concupiscencia."

Este hadlth esta inspirado en la doctrina de San Pablo y de San Agustin
sobre las tres causas de la tentacidn. Cfr. Pourrat, La spiritualise chretienn^
(Paris, Lecoffre, 1918), 32 y 323.

\ in, 224, ninfr. :

" El que omite la obra buena por el temor de ser hip6crita, es semejante
a aquel a quien su amo le entrega trigo mezclado con zizafia dicie'ndole :
Limpialo de la zizafia y separalo con todo esmero. Pero el omite la obra
diciendo : Temo que si me ocupo en ello, no quedara separado el trigo con
toda limpieza. Y solo por eso, abandona el trabajo."

Cfr. Mat., xiii, 30 : "...et in tempore messis dicam messoribus : Colli-
gite primum zizania, et alligate ea in fascicules ad comburendum ; triticum
autem congregate in horreum meum."

\ in, 248, 3 : ^jj^JI j**~, ^J3 i+L* \ &\ JV5 jJi

Los sabios 6 doctores de la religion.

Predicador ascetico de Ray que murio en Naysabur el 258 heg.

14 ASIN PALACIOS

" Dijo 'Ibn Abi Salama : Dije a Abu Sa'Id Al-Hodri1 : e Que piensas acerca
de las novedades introducidas por la gente en ervestir, el beber, el vehiculo
y la comida? Y el me respondio : j Oh hijo de mi hermano ! Come por
Dios y bebe por Dios y viste por Dios, pues cualquiera de estas acciones, si
se hacen por vanagloria u" ostentaci6n, por ser vistas li oidas, son pecado."

Cfr. / Cor., x. 31 : "Sive ergo manducatis, sive bibitis, sive aliud quid
facitis, omnia in gloriam Dei facite."

Col., m, 17 : "Omne quodcumque facitis in verbo aut in opere, omnia
in nomine Domini Jesu Christi, gratias agentes Deo et Patri per ipsum."

*Ihya\ m, 273, 10 :

<( Semejantes son estos [los hipocritas] al pozo de las letrinas, cuyo ex-
terior esta blanqueado de cal, mientras su interior hiede; 6 bien, como
los sepulcros de los muertos, cuyo exterior esta adornado, mientras su in-
terior es podredumbre fetida; 6 bien, como una habitaci6n, obscura en
su interior, sobre cuya azotea se coloca una lampara que alumbra el ex-
terior, mientras que dentro reina la oscuridad."

Cfr. Mat., xxiii, 27 : " Vae vobis. ..hypocritae, quia similes estis sepulcris
dealbatis, quae a foris parent hominibus speciosa, intus vero plena sunt
ossibus mortuorum et omni spurcitia."

15
'Ihytf, iv, 4, 14 infr. : 1 aJU ^JL»3 *Jl* xUt ^ AJUI J^ J15

JIS AjLil ,li U
^U Awl;

jJI»t U? AJLJ13

14 Dijo el Enviado de Dios (j ruegne Dios sobre el y salvele !): Ciertamente,
Dios se alegra de la penitencia del siervo creyente mas que el hombre que
acampa en una tierra esteril y desierta, acompanado de su cabalgadura
sobre la cual lleva su comida y su bebida, y pone su cabeza [sobre el

1 Abu Salama ibn 'Abd-Arrahman ibn 'Awf, tradicionista de Madlna,
muri6 el ano 94 heg.— Abu Sa'Id Al-IJodri fue companero de Mahoma.

Influencias evangtlicas en laLiteratura religiosa del Islam 1 5

suelo] y se duerme un sueno ; mas al despertar, [advierte que] huyo su
cabalgadura, y la busca hasta que, cuando el calor y la sed se le hacen ya
insoportables, se dice : Volvere a mi lugar en el cual estaba y me dormire
hasta morir. Y pone su cabeza sobre su antebrazo para morir. Pero se
despierta y he aqui que su cabalgadura esta junto a el con sus provisiones
de viaje y su bebida. Dios (j ensalzado sea !) se alegra mas vivamente de la
penitencia del siervo creyente, que este hombre de [encontrar] su cabalga-
dura."

Futuhat, n, 441, n infr. : ojuc 2UjZ ^3 AO^J U.^5 jcwi [AJUI]

" Ciertamente, Dios se alegra y enamora de la penitencia de su siervo,
mucho mas que aquel cuya cabalgadura, sobre la cual llevaba su comida y
su bebida, se le extravia en un mal terreno, y luego la encuentra, despues
de haber ya perdido la esperanza de vivir y estar cierto de morir. <? Cual
no sera su alegria al encontrarla?"

Cfr. Luc., xv, 4-7 : " Quis ex vobis homo qui habet centum oves : et
si perdiderit unam ex illis, nonne dimittit nonaginta novem in deserto, et
vadit ad illam quae perierat, donee inveniat earn ? Et cum invenerit earn,
imponit in humeros suos gaudens ...... Dico vobis quod ita gaudium erit in

coelo super uno peccatore poenitentiam agente..."

17
*Ihya\ iv, 10, 19 :

" Dijo un mistico : Ciertamente, Dios posee dos secretes que comunica
& su siervo por modo de inspiraci6n : El primero, cuando sale del vientre
de su madre, diciendole : j Siervo mio ! Te he sacado al mundo, puro y
limpio, y te he encomendado el dep6sito de tu vida, confiandolo a tu
guarda. \ Mira, pues, como conservas el dep6sito que te encomiendo y mira
c6mo me lo has de presentar ! El segundo, al salir su espiritu [de esta vida],
dicie'ndole : \ Siervo mio ! ,1 Que hiciste del dep6sito que te confie ? £ Acaso lo
guardaste a fin de presentarmelo, segiin el compromise [que contrajiste] ?
Entonces, yo te acogere para cumplir mi promesa. £ O por el contrario lo
perdiste? Entonces, yo vengo a tu encuentro para pedirte cuentas y
castigarte."

Cfr. Mat., xxv, 14: "Homo peregre proficiscens, vocavit servos suos
et tradidit illis bona sua."

1 6 ASIN PALACIOS

Ibid.) 19 : " Post multum vero temporis venit dominus servorum illorum
et posuit rationem cum eis."

Ibid.) 21 : " Ait illi dominus ejus : Euge, serve bone et fidelis, quia super
pauca fuisti fidelis, ...... intra in gaudium domini tui."

Ibid.) 26 : " Respondens autem dominus ejus, dixit ei : Serve male et
piger, sciebas etc. Etinutilem servum ejicite in tenebras exteriores..." etc.

jJU

" Y en el Hadith [se refiere] que dos hombres de los hijos de Israel se
amaban como hermanos en Dios. Uno de ellos se dejaba llevar de sus
apetitos. El otro era un devoto, y le exhortaba y reprendia. Mas aquel le
decia : * j Dejame ! £ Acaso, por Dios ! has sido enviado para ser mi espia?'
Hasta que, cierto dia, lo vio cometer un pecado grave ; y encolerizado
exclamo : ' j No te perdonara Dios ! ' Y afiadi6 [Mahoma] : Pero Dios en
el dia del juicio dira : '<? Acaso podra alguien impedir que mi misericordia
[se derrame] sobre mis siervos? Marcha, pues ya te he perdonado.'
Despues dira al devoto : * Y tii, bien merecido tienes el infierno.' Anadi6
[Mahoma] : ' j Juro por Aquel en cuya mano esta mi alma, que ciertamente
[aquel devoto] pronunci6 una frase que destruyd [sus me'ritos] en esta vida
y en la futura ! ' "

Cfr. Luc.) xviii, 9 : " Dixit Jesus ad quosdam, qui in se confidebant
tamquam justi, et aspernabantur ceteros, parabolam istam : Duo homines
ascenderunt in templum : unus Pharisaeus et alter publicanus. Pharisaeus
stans, haec apud se orabat : Deus, gratias ago tibi, quia non sum sicut
ceteri hominum : raptores, injusti, adulteri : velut etiam hie publicanus.
Jejuno bis in sabbato : decimas do omnium quae possideo."

Ibid.) 14 : " Dico vobis descendit hie [publicanus] justificatus in domum
suam ab illo, quia omnis qui se exaltat, humiliabitur : et qui se humiliat,
exaltabitur."

Influencias evangelic as en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 1 7

" Dijo Abu Al-Darda" a Ka'b2: Refiereme el versiculo mas especial de
la Tora. Y le respondio : Dice Dios (j ensalzado sea !) : ' Largo tiempo ha
que desean con ardor los justos encontrarme ; pero es todavia mas ardiente
mi deseo de encontrarlos.' Y anadid: Al lado de ese versiculo esta escrito:
* El que me busca, me encuentra ; pero el que busca a otro que a mi, no
lo encuentra.' Y dijo Abu Al-Darda': 'Ciertamente que yo oi esto al
Enviado de Dios.' "

Cfr. Mat, vii, 8 : " Omnis enim qui petit accipit, et qui quaerit invenit.'*

'Ihya\ iv, 266, 16 inf. :

" Dijo uno de los misticos antiguos : Ciertamente que yo desearia tener
una intenci6n [sobrenatural] en cada una de mis acciones, hasta en mi
comer y en mi beber y en mi dormir y en mi entrar a la letrina."

Cfr. / Cor., x, 31 : "Sive ergo manducatis, sive bibitis, sive aliud quid
facitis, omnia in gloriam Dei facite."
Cfr. Col., iii, 17.

'Ihya\ iv, 291, 12 : A^ 2^ J£>\ fofc

UUj JUJ^D ^5C^5 A^tO^O ^ JU3LO J^.;

tjut

" Conviene que [el siervo de Dios] castigue [su concupiscencia]. Y asi,
cuando, al comer un bocado de pan, sospeche [que lo hace] con apetito

1 Companero de Mahoma.

2 Ka'b 'Al-'Ahbar, judio converse, companero de Mahoma.

B. p. v.

1 8 ASIN PALACIOS

desordenado, convendra que castigue el vientre con el hambre. Y cuando
mire un objeto no prohibido, convendra que castigue el ojo privandole
de mirar. Y asimismo castigara a cada uno de los miembros de su cuerpo
impidiendole [aquello a que le inclinan] sus apetitos. Esa fue la costumbre
de los que ban seguido el camino de la vida futura. Cuentase, como
referido por Mansur 'ibn 'Ibrahim1, que un hombre, de los consagrados a
la vida devota, se puso a conversar con una mujer, y no ces6 [de hablar
con ella] hasta que puso la mano sobre su pierna; pero en seguida se
arrepinti6 y puso su mano sobre el fuego, hasta que se le sec6. Y se refiere
[tambien] que habia un hombre entre los hijos de Israel, que estaba con-
sagrado a la vida devota dentro de su celda, y que asi permanecio durante
largo tiempo ; pero cierto dia, mir6 desde lo alto [de su celda] y he aqui
que [vio] a una mujer; le vino [de repente] la tentacion [de pecar] con
elia y consinti6 ; sac6, pues, su pie [de la celda] para bajar hacia la mujer;
mas [en aquel instante] Dios le previno [con su gracia, y reflexiono]
diciendo : * <J Que es esto que queria yo hacer ? ' Y volvi6 en si y Dios le
Kbr6 del pecado y se arrepinti6. Mas cuando quiso volver [a meter] su pie
en la celda, se dijo : 'j Atras, atras ! £ Pie que sali6 queriendo rebelarse contra
Dios, habia de volver conmigo a mi celda ? ; Por Dios juro que no ha de
ser esto jamas ! ' Y dej6 su pie colgando por fuera de la celda, de modo
que sobre el caian las lluvias y los vientos, y el sol y la nieve, hasta que a
pedazos se deshizo y cayo [al suelo]. Y Dios le alab6 por aquello y con-
signo su relate en uno de sus Libros revelados."

Cfr. Mat., v, 29-30 : " Quod si oculus tuus dexter scandalizat te, erue
eum et projice abs te ...... Et si dextera manus tua scandalizat te, abscide

earn et projice abs te."

Ibid.) xviii, 8: "Si autem manus tua vel pes tuus scandalizat te, abscide
eum et projice abs te."

Mar., ix, 42 : " Et si scandalizaverit te manus tua, abscinde illam."

Ibid., 44 : "Et si pes tuus te scandalizat, amputa ilium."

Cfr. Vitae Patrum (edic. Rosweyde), pag. 440 b.

> iv, 382, 3 infr. : ^ O^JU J>$j> ^Uj <u.U «Ut ^ JU
JA\ Lj

" Dijo Mahoma : Traeran a la muerte, el dia del juicio, [en tal figura]
como si fuese un carnero de color abigarrado y sera degollado entre el cielo
y el infierno. Y se dira : j Oh habitantes del cielo ! Eternidad sin muerte !
Oh habitantes del infierno ! Eternidad sin muerte ! "

En este hadlth se advierte una extrana adaptaci6n del simbolo biblico,
evangelico y apocaliptico del cordero pascual, sacrificado para evitar la
muerte temporal y eterna.

En el Exodo (xii, 1-13) el cordero pascual sacrificado por los hebreos
los preserva, con su sangre, de la muerte fisica 6 temporal que Dios ha
decretado contra los egipcios.

1 Ignoro la epoca en que vivid.

Influencias evange'licas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 1 9

En el Evangelic (Joan., i, 29, 36), Jesiis es denominado "agnus Dei qui
tollit peccata mundi," y en el Apocalipsis (v, 12 et passim), es representado
bajo el simbolo del cordero pascual, sacrificado para preservar, con su san-
gre, a todos los hombres, de la muerte moral y eterna del pecado (v, 12 :
"agnus qui occisus est"; xii, n: "etipsi vicerunt eum propter sanguinem
agni"; vii, 14: "laverunt stolas suas in sanguine agni").

Este doble simbolo se usa por los Santos Padres para explicar la teoria
de la redenci6n. Y de la teologia pasa el simbolo a la liturgia cristiana :
en el prefacio de la misa para el tiempo pascual, se canta : " Pascha nostrum
immolatus est Christus. Ipse enim verus est agnus qui abstulit peccata
mundi ; qui mortem nostram moriendo destruxit"

Esta ultima frase del prefacio, entendida erroneamente en su sentido
literal y no mistico, pudo dar origen al hadith musulman. Efectivamente,
en este hadith se supone que el carnero sacrificado destruye con su muerte
la muerte fisica 6 temporal de los hombres, para significar que despues del
juicio final, comenzara para ellos una vida eterna en el cielo 6 en el infierno.

' Ayyuha Al-Walad, 8, n : O>^ & <>k O-« *vW *&\ j*)£=> ^^U J15

"Dijo 'All1 (j Dios honre su faz !): El que piense que sin esfuerzo ha de
llegar [al cielo], es un credulo ; y el que piense que con un esfuerzo ex-
traordinario llegara, penoso trabajo se impone."

Cfr. Mat., xi, 12 : " Regnum coelorum vim patitur, et violenti rapiunt
illud."

'Ayyuha Al- Walad, 13, 6 : A-JU <xJUI
UJL5 j3 dju o-

Jjb! a^iot 0^*5 JU jux- W^ ^ U A) JJ JUt

'* Refierese que a Al-Hasan Al-BasrI2 (j la misericordia de Dios sea sobre
el !) le dieron un sorbo de agua fria ; pero cuando tomo el vaso, perdio el
conocimiento y se le cayo el vaso de la mano. Cuando recobr6 el sentido,
le dijeron : i Que te ha pasado, oh Abu Sa'id? Y respondid : Me ha venido
a la memoria el deseo de los condenados del infierno cuando dicen a los
bienaventurados del cielo : ; Derramad sobre nosotros algo de agua3 ! "

Cfr. Luc., xvi, 23—24 : " Elevans autem [dives] oculos suos, cum esset
in tormentis, vidit Abraham a longe et Lazarum in sinu ejus. Et ipse
clamans dixit : Pater Abraham, miserere mei et mitte Lazarum ut intingat
extremum digiti sui in aquam ut refrigeret linguam meam, quia crucior in
hac flamma."

1 El 4° califa, yerno de Mahoma.

2 Tradicionista y asceta de Basra, muri6 el 1 1 o heg. Su kunya era Abu
Sa'Id.

3 Quran, vii, 48.

2 — 2

20 ASIN PALACIOS

Tibr, 112, 10 :

" Dijo Wahb ibn Munabbih1: ' En la Tora esta escrito que las madres
de los pecados son tres : la soberbia, la concupiscencia y la envidia.' "

Cfr. I Joan., ii, 16 : " Quoniam omne quod est in mundo, concupiscencia
carnis est, et concupiscentia oculorum, et superbia vitae."

Maqsad, 129, 4 : Uilj ^jUJt $*> ^^9
c,ljJ! yb dJUt U51 cjtjJI >A c^JL* jJuJ!

" Se puede decir que quien allana [el campo] no es el cultivador. Solo
Dios es el cultivador. Y el que esparce la semilla no es el sembrador.
Solo Dios es el sembrador."

Cfr. / Cor., iii, 7 : " Itaque neque qui plantat est aliquid neque qui
rigat ; sed qui incrementum dat, Deus."

Minhaj, 61, 7 : ^I

2L*~, J^ ^U. b j^U b J.CJ.U b j3l^ b *U~,| AXJ;b
b

"Refierese del Profeta,que dijo : En verdad que el hipocrita sera llamado
a gritos, en el dia del juicio, con cuatro nombres : ' \ Oh infiel ! oh em-
bustero ! oh traidor ! oh extraviado ! Erraste el camino y perdiste tu re-
compensa. No tendras hoy parte alguna en el premio. Reclama la recom-

Ensa a aquellos para quienes trabajaste, oh impostor ! ' Y se refiere
tmbien] que un pregonero gritara el dia del juicio con voz que oiran todas
; criaturas : ' Donde estan los que sirvieron a las gentes ? Levantaos y
tomad vuestra recompensa de aquellos para quienes trabajasteis, pues yo
no acepto obra [en cuya intencion] se mezcle algo [distinto de mi gloria].' "
Cfr. Mat., vi, i : "Attendite ne justitiam vestram faciatis coram homini-
bus, ut videamini ab eis : alioquin mercedem non habebitis apud Patrem
vestrum qui in coelis est."

Ibid., 2 y 5 : "...amen dico vobis, receperunt mercedem suam."

1 Tradicionista, judio converse, muri6 el no heg.

Inftucncias cvangtlicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 2 1

Minhaj, 71, 20: jj^j S^ju JU*o >>15 jj Juxjl ^tj lit

" El amo prudente, cuando ve que el siervo ha correspondido a una
gracia, le otorga otra y lo estima digno de ella j y si no, se la quita."

Cfr. Mat., xxv, 14-30 ; principalmente, 21 :" Euge, serve bone et fidelis,
quia super pauca fuisti fidelis, super multa te constituam." Ibid., 28 :
" Tollite itaque ab eo talentum."

Mukashafa, 104, 6 : ju>.l Oj**~* *$ *+* *W ^5-*) (>>JuaJt j.5o $*\ JU

" Dijo 'Abu Bakr Al-Siddlq1 (;Dios este satisfecho de el !): Nadie debe
despreciar a ninguno de los musulmanes, pues el pequeno de los musulmanes
es, a los ojos de Dios, grande."

Cfr. Mat., xviii, 4 : " Quicumque ergo humiliaverit se sicut parvulus
iste, hie est major in regno coelorum."

Luc., ix, 48 : " Nam qui minor est inter vos omnes, hie major est."

Mukashafa, 114, 2 : ^buj JjU AJUt J^i., ^U3 ^JU AJUt ^^JLo J15

" Dijo Mahoma : Dice Dios (i bendito y ensalzado sea !) : Si mi siervo se
acuerda de mi en su interior, yo me acordare de el en mi interior. Si hace
mencidn de mi en medio de una muchedumbre, yo hare mencidn de el en
medio de una muchedumbre mejor que la suya. Si se aproxima a mi un
palmo, yo me aproximare a el un codo ; si se aproxima a mi un codo, yo
me aproximare a el una braza ; si camina hacia mi, yo correre hacia el."

Cfr. Mat., x, 32 : "Omnis ergo qui confitebitur me coram hominibus,
confitebor et ego eum coram Patre meo qui in coelis est."

Luc., xii, 8 : "Omnis quicumque confessus fuerit me coram hominibus,
et Filius hominis confitebitur ilium coram angelis Dei."

Jac., iv, 8 : "Appropinquate Deo, et appropinquabit vobis."

31
Mukashafa, 155, 2 infr. : £-£y J^-l O-* ^° ^^J *^ ^ ^*° J^

AJUI A*5; ^1 AJU

" Dijo Mahoma : Nadie se humilla ante Dios, sin que Dios lo exalte."
1 El ier califa, sucesor de Mahoma.

22 ASIN PALACIOS

Cfr. Mat., xxiii, 12 : " Qui se humiliaverit, exaltabitur."
Luc., iii, 5 y xviii, 14 : "Qui se humiliat, exaltabitur."

Mukashafa, 162, 12 infr. :

11 Dijo Mahoma : Es glorificado el que se humilla y es envilecido el que
ambiciona."

Cfr. Mat., xxiii, 12 : "Qui se humiliaverit, exaltabitur; qui autem se
exaltaverit, humiliabitur."

Luc., i, 51-52 : "Dispersit superbos mente cordis sui. Deposuit potentes
de sede et exaltavit humiles."

'Awarif, n, 12, i : *

ojdk JJU tj*j. . . . UJt jjo

" Cuando el novicio ha llegado ya a la meta de los hombres maduros
[en la perfecci6n] y brota ya de su coraz6n el agua de la vida y se siente
impulsado a circular por otros horizontes, envialo Dios (j ensalzado sea !) a
[recorrer] los paises para utilidad de sus siervos y a sembrar en las tierras
de los corazones la semilla de la salvacion [eterna]. Este [misionero] es
semejante a aquella gente dirigida [por Dios] que en el Evangelio [se la
asemeja] con el campo sembrado de trigo, que brota y echa solidas raices
y da gruesas espigas y se mantienen derechas sobre su tallo. [Asi] la
prosperidad [espiritual] de unos refluye sobre los demas y las virtudes de
los unos se comunican a los otros. [Asi] el camino de los [misioneros,]
herederos [de los profetas] esta poblado, y la ciencia de la catequesis se
divulga."

Cfr. Mat., xiii, 3 : " Ecce exiit qui seminat, seminare."

Ibid., 8 : "Alia autem ceciderunt in terram bonam, et dabant fructum."

Ibid., 23 : " Qui vero in terram bonam seminatus est : hie est qui audit

verbum et intelligit et fructum affert."

Luc., viii, ii : " Est autem haec parabola : Semen est verbum Dei."
Ibid., 13 : " Nam qui supra petram..., et hi radices non habent."
Ibid., 15 : "Quod autem in bonam terram, hi sunt qui in corde bono

et optimo audientes verbum retinent, et fructum arTerunt in patientia."
Joan., iv, 14 : " Sed aqua quam ego dabo ei, net in eo fons aquae salientis

in vitam aeternam."

Ibid., vii, 38 : " Qui credit in me..., flumina de ventre ejus fluent aquae

vivae.

Influencias evangtlicas en la Literatura religiosa de II slam 23

Futuhat, I, 388, 10 :

" Hadith de Muslim1 : Tuve hambre y no me diste de comer ; tuve sed
y no me diste de beber ; estuve enfermo y no me visitaste."

Cfr. Mat, xxv, 42 : " Esurivi enim et non dedistis mihi manducare ;
sitivi et non dedistis mihi potum ; ...... infirmus...et non visitastis me."

Tadhkira, 126, 17: J^AJ AiP ^3 A.Ut
SJJ *3 3 A)

" Decia Mu'adh ibn Jebel2 (jDios le haya sido propicio!): El Quran se
consumira en los pechos de ciertas gentes...que lo leeran sin experimentar
deseo ni deleite : vestiran pieles de ovejas sobre corazones de lobos."

Cfr. Mat., vii, 15 : " Attendite a falsis prophetis, qui veniunt ad vos in
vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus autem sunt lupi rapaces."

Nuzha, 161, 12 infr. : <iJL^ ^JUt JLo ^^~M &£ ^j-aJt ^ ..... &.J)

A5jJt« &

^Jt A^ t^^ufl ^ DJLO tjj^d UjJ! ^

" Refiri6 Al-Hasan Al-Basri del Profeta, que dijo : Trabad conocimiento
con los pobres y procuraos ayuda de su parte, piles ellos tendran su epoca
de prosperidad. Dijeron : j Oh Enviado de Dios ! £ Y cual sera su epoca de
prosperidad ? Respondi6 el Enviado de Dios : Cuando sea el dia del
juicio, se les dira : Buscad quien os di6 de comer un pedazo de pan y os
vistio con un vestido ii os di6 de beber un sorbo de agua en este mundo
y tomadlo de la mano ; despues, marchaos con el al paraiso."

Cfr. Mat,, xxv, 34 : "...Venite, benedicti Patris mei, possidete paratum
vobis regnum... Esurivi enim, et dedistis mihi manducare : sitivi, et dedistis
mihi bibere : ...nudus [eram], et cooperuistis me."

Ibid., 40: "...Amen dico vobis, quamdiu fecistis uni ex his fratribus
meis minimis, mihi fecistis."

Ibid., x, 42 : " Et quicumque potum dederit uni ex minimis istis calicem
aquae frigidae..., non perdet mercedem suam."

1 El autor del Sahlh 6 colecci6n de hadlth autentica. Muri(5 261 heg.

2 Compafiero de Mahoma.

24 ASIN PALACIOS

37
'//**/, i, 358, 6 infr.: Jto

" Refierese de Yahya ibn Abu Kathlr1 que dijo : Los sabios son como la
sal, que todas las cosas conserva en buen estado. Pero si la misma sal se
corrompe, ninguna otra cosa las conservara ya en buen estado. Sera
preciso pisotearla con los pies y arrojarla."

Cfr. supra, no. 10.

ix, 477, 19 :

JL^Jt

" Dijo [Mahoma] : Si pusieseis en Dios toda vuestra confianza, como es
debido, de seguro que os alimentaria como alimenta a los pajaros, que
amanecen con el vientre vacio y anochecen con el vientre lleno, y de
seguro que por vuestras oraciones los montes desaparecerian y caminariais
sobre los mares."

Cfr. Mat., vi, 26 : " Respicite volatilia coeli, quoniam non serunt neque
metunt neque congregant in horrea : et Pater vester coelestis pascit ilia."

Ibid.t xvii, 19 : "Dicetis monti huic, Transi hinc illuc, et transibit."

Ibid., xxi, 21 : "Sed et si monti huic dixeritis, Tolle et jacta te in mare,
net."

Ibid., xiv, 29: " Et descendens Petrus de navicula, ambulabat super
aquam."

Kashshaf, 273, 10 infr. :

"A esto aludi6 Mahoma [cuando dijo] : El que me ve, ya ha visto a la
Verdad [es decir, a Dios]."

dr. Joan., xiv, 9 : "Qui videt me, videt et Patrem."
1 Tradicionista que muri6 en 129 heg.

Influencias ev angelicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 25

APPENDICE
40

Rilaya\ ms. Oxford Hunt 6n, f. 5 : *iX)JJ ^U«

^3 P^ Aio £$^5 U-^ ^

" Un sabio se sirvio de una parabola para todo esto2 y dijo : Sali6 el
sembrador con su semilla y lleno de ella su mano y sembr6. Y cayd de
ella una parte sobre la superficie del camino y no tardo mucho tiempo sin
que se posaran sobre ella los pajaros y la arrebatasen. Y cay6 de ella una
parte sobre las penas, es decir, piedras lisas cubiertas de poca tierra, y
germind hasta que, al llegar sus raices a la pena, no encontraron fondo en
que penetrar y se sec6. Y cayo de ella una parte en tierra buena, pero
llena de espinas, y germin6 la semilla ; pero cuando creci6, la ahogaron las
espinas y la corrompieron y la envoi vieron. Y cayo de ella una parte sobre
tierra buena, que no estaba en la superficie del camino ni sobre penas ni
llena de espinas, y germino y llego al termino de su crecimiento y di6
buen resultado. El sembrador es semejante al sabio. La [parte de semilla]

1 Debo este texto a mi amigo Massignon. Cfr. Margoliouth, Trans-
actions $rd International Congress of Religions (Oxford, 1908) I, 292.
Sobre el Ri'aya y su autor cfr. Brockelmann, Geschichte, I, 198.

2 Refierese, sin duda, a un relate anterior, el cual comienza (segiin
nota que me comunica Massignon) en estos terminos : " Refirionos
Al-'Allayl [f 229 heg.]: Oi a Sufyan ibn 'Oyayna [f 198 heg.] que
decia...."

26 ASIN PALACIOS

que cay 6 sobre la superficie del camino es como el hombre que oye la
palabra [de Dios] sin querer prestarle oidos ; no tarda mucho tiempo sin
que Satanas se la arrebate de su corazon y la olvide. La que cay6 sobre las
penas es como el hombre que oye la palabra y se la traga y la deja penetrar ;
pero luego, llega a un corazon vacuo, en el que no hay proposito decidido
de obrar, y [la palabra] se borra de su corazon. La que cayo en tierra
buena, pero llena de espinas, es como el hombre que da oidos a la palabra
y se propone obrar conforme a ella; pero, cuando se le presentan los
apetitos en los momentos de obrar, ah6ganla y la destruyen ; y asi, deja de
hacer lo que se habia propuesto realizar. La que cayo en tierra buena,
que no estaba en la superficie del camino ni llena de espinas ni sobre
penas, es como el hombre que oye la palabra y se propone obrar conforme
a ella y se preocupa de cumplirla; y luego, soporta paciente el cumpli-
miento [de su proposito] en los momentos de obrar y refrena los apetitos."

Cfr. Luc., viii, 4-8 : " Dixit [Jesus] per similitudinem : Exiit qui seminat,
seminare semen suum : et dum seminat, aliud cecidit secus viam...et
volucres coeli comederunt illud. Et aliud cecidit supra petram : et natum
aruit, quia non habebat humorem. Et aliud cecidit inter spinas, et simul
exortae spinae suffocaverunt illud. Et aliud cecidit in terram bonam et
ortum fecit fructum...."

Ibid., 11-15: "Est autem haec parabola: Semen est verbum Dei. Qui
autem secus viam, hi sunt qui audiunt : deinde venit diabolus, et tollit
verbum de corde eorum.... Nam qui supra petram, qui cum audierint, cum
gaudio suscipiunt verbum : et hi radices non habent : qui ad tempus
credunt, et in tempore tentationis recedunt. Quod autem in spinas cecidit :
hi sunt qui audierunt, et a sollicitudinibus...et voluptatibus vitae euntes
suffocantur, et non referunt fructum. Quod autem in bonam terram, hi sunt
qui in corde bono et optimo audientes verbum retinent, et fructum afferunt
in patientia."

Hilya (apud biografia de Ribah Al-Qaysl)1 :

" Dijo 'Otba a Ribah : El que no esta con nosotros, esta contra nosotros."
Cfr. Mat., xii, 30 : " Qui non est mecum, contra me est."

42
'Ihya', in, 55, 18 : S^^b -.,^1 ^Su SjUkU^ dUJu Sj^l jJbU, ,>«

5 *3>\j\ ^Xj^

"El que con su corazon vea experimentalmente y con certeza intuitiva
la vida futura, aspirara por necesidad a gozarla, deseara llegar a ella y em-
prendera el camino, despreciando los bienes y deleites de la vida presente. En
efecto : el que posee un abalorio y ve una perla preciosa, no le queda ya deseo
alguno del abalorio y aspira con todas sus fuerzas a venderlo por la perla.'

Cfr. Brockelmann
Geschichte, i, 362. (Noticia comunicada por Massignon.)

Influencias evangelicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 27

Cfr. Mat., xiii, 45 : "Iterum simile est regnum coelorum homini
negotiatori quaerenti bonas margaritas. Inventa autem una pretiosa
margarita, abiit, et vendidit omnia quae habuit, et emit earn."

Fatiha\ 17, 9 inf. : aJU oJUt ^^o <*JJt J>^j O^ »bjjJl

J13 A

"Refiri6 Abu Al-Darda, del Enviado de Dios, que dijo este : Revel6
Dios a uno de sus profetas : Di a aquellos que se dedican al estudio de la
ley por un fin distinto de Dios y de su religion... y que se visten con
pieles de carneros para las gentes, mientras que sus corazones son como los
corazones de los lobos " etc.

Cfr. supra, no. 9.

Mo'jam*, 98, 12 : jJt J^t ^>^ J^AJ

" Oi decir a Dhu Al-Nun Al-Misri : El que se avergiienza de hacer en
piiblico alguna obra de piedad, no logra merito alguno por el [a los ojos
de Dios]."

Cfr. Luc., ix, 26 : " Nam qui me erubuerit et meos sermones : hunc
Filius hominis erubescet cum venerit in majestate sua...."

Lawdqih*, I, 61, 17 :

<f Decia Dhu Al-Nun Al-Misri4 : El que para aproximarse a Dios pierde
su alma, Dios se la preserva [de la perdicion]."

Cfr. Joan., xii, 25 : "Qui odit animam suam in hoc mundo, in vitam
aeternam custodit earn."

Lawaqih, I, 60, 5 inf. : ^ jJxi ,>« J^su

" Decia Dhu Al-Nun Al-Misri : El que mira los defectos de los hombres,
ciego esta para ver el defecto suyo propio."

Cfr. Mat., vii, 3 : " Quid autem vides festucam in oculo fratris tui : et
trabem in oculo tuo non vides ? "

Aa*Jb w^U£». Cairo, 1322 heg.

2 Bibliotheca arabico-hispana, iv, edic. Codera (Madrid, 1886).

3 ^lytUUjl^l OUui, ^ jlj^l ^51^ v^=>- Cairo, 1315

4 Famoso mistico de Egipto, que muri6 el 245 heg.

ASIN PALACIOS.

MARINO SANUTO'S TAGEBUCHER

ALS QUELLE ZUR GESCHICHTE

DER $AFAWIJJA

Familiar to us, and unknown.

SHAKESPEARE, King Henry V, in, 7, 40.

Mit zu den sonderbarsten Erscheinungen in der Ge-
schichte der islamischen Studien zahlt wohl die Tatsache,
dass bis zum heutigen Tag eine der wichtigsten religiosen
Bewegungen, die vielleicht nur in der abendlandischen
Reformation ein wirkliches Gegenstlick und im ausseren
Verlauf obendrein sehr auffallende Parallelen hat, noch
keinen Geschichtsschreiber gefunden hat : die Safawijja.
Was dariiber in den landlaufigen Biichern zu lesen ist, darf
keinerlei Anspruch auf quellenkritische Darstellung erheben1.
Von einem Fortschritt in der Untersuchung ist seit mehr als
einem Jahrhundert so gut wie nicht die Rede, nicht einmal
der Versuch einer zusammenfassenden Wertung ist unter-
nommen worden. Die Auffassung Sir John Malcolm's
(t 1833), der sicn ubngens in seiner Schilderung lediglich
auf Kemal b. Dschelal's nicht ungeschicktes, als Quellen-
werk indessen doch nahezu unbrauchbares Zubd ut-tawarzh
stiitzte : " It would be tedious to detail the actions of Ismail "
(History of Persia, 1829, i, 326; Verdeutschung (1830), i,
333), war offenbarer Leitsatz bis auf unsere Tage. Sieht
man von kurzen Ausziigen aus morgenlandischen Werken
ab, so liegen bis jetzt z. B. noch die unschatzbaren Hand-
schriften, die General Paskewitsch 1827 aus der Biicherei
des Schejchs Sefl ed-dm von Erdebll nach Petersburg
verschleppte, ungenutzt, ja kaum untersucht und richtig
verzeichnet an ihrem derzeitigen Standort2. Aber nicht nur

1 Auch was Paul Horn im Grundriss fur iranische Philologie, n. Bd.,
S. 579 ff. 'bietet, ist ganzlich unbrauchbar und wird der Bedeutung der
Safawijja in keinem Punkte gerecht. Das Beste daran ist die Literaturzusam-
menstellung, S. 585-588, die aber auch nur fiir die orientalischen Quellen
auf gewisse Vollstandigkeit Anspruch erheben darf.

2 Vgl die Liste der Manuscripte aus der Moschee des Scheich Sefi zu
Ardebil, die Chr. M. v. Frahn im Peter sburger Journal, 1829, No. 44 gab.
Vgl. dazu Hallische Literatur-Zeitung, 1829, Intelligenzblatt No. 103;

Marino Sanutd s Tagebucher und die Safawijja 29

die orientalischen Quellen1 barren ndch der Erschliessung,
sondern auch die europaische, meist gedruckte Literatur ist
in der Neuzeit so gut wie unbeachtet geblieben. Seit der
treffliche Pietro Bizar(r)o aus Sassoferrato (f um 1585 zu
Antwerpen) seines neugierigen Zeitalters ganzes Wissen
vom Reiche der Perser in einen machtigen Folianten
zwangte und darin allerlei Seltenheiten seiner Mitwelt
bequem erschloss, namlich in der Rerum Persicarum his-
toria, initia gentis, et res gestas ad haec tempora complectens,
accedunt varia opuscula diversorum scriptorum ad historiam
Persicam recentiorem spectantia (Antwerpen, 1583, Neu-
auflage, Frankfurt, 1601, fol., 644 Seiten + index rerum), hat
niemand ausser etwa der unermtidliche Charles Schefer
(1820—1898) sich um diese Dinge beklimmert. Er was es,
der, unablassig um die Erforschung der altren, den Orient
betreffenden Reisewerke bemtiht, im Vorwort seiner Ausgabe
von Raphael Du Mans' Estat de la Perse (Paris, 1890) die
wichtigsten abendlandischen Reisebiicher, aus denen auf
persische Zustande Licht fallt, einer ganzlichen Vergessen-
heit entriss. Der Plan des hochbegabten Franz Teufel
(1848-1884), den erseinem Lehrer H. L. Fleischer in einem
ausfiihrlichen 'Sendschreiben ' im xxxvi. Bande der ZDMG
(1882) entwickelte, hatte wohl auch dann unausgeflihrt
bleiben miissen, wenn dem glanzenden, aber schicksalver-
folgten Gelehrten (vgl. ZDMG, 38. Bd. (1884), S. 377 ff.)
ein schoneres Lebenslos beschieden gewesen ware. Aber
F. Teufel hatte seine Teilnahme lediglich den morgen-
landischen Quellen zugewendet. Sie allein zu Rate zu ziehen,
muss gerade in diesem Fall ein gewichtiger Umstand wider-
raten. Sind die persischen Berichte etwa vom Bestreben
geleitet, die Sache Isma'lls in recht giinstige Beleuchtung
zu riicken, so verfallen die osmanischenSchilderungen begrei-
flicherweise in das gerade Gegenteil. Erwagt man dabei,
von welchen Gesichtspunkten sich die morgenlandischen

ferner La Bibliotheque de la Mosquee du Sheikh-Sefy a Ardebil in Ferrussac's
Bulletin des sciences historiques, 1830, Janvier, so wie Asiatic Journal, New
Series, u. Band, London, 1831, S. 78-82, und die Petersburger Kataloge
Viktor Baron Rosen's.

1 Vgl. etwa E. D. Ross' strassburger Doktorschrift Early years of Shah
Ismail, London, 1896, auch vc&JRAS, 1896, S. 253 ff. sowie E. B. Olliver,*
The Safawi Dynasty of Persia, im JASB, LVI. Band, Kalkutta, 1887,
S. 37 ff-

30 FRANZ BABINGER

Geschichtsschreiber jener Tage leiten liessen, so wird man
nur mit starken Bedenken an die Ausbeutung lediglich dieser
Urkunden gehen. Dieses Misstrauen kann die Kenntnis
eines Vorfalles, wie ihn die Lebensgeschichte des als Ver-
fasser der osmanischen Reichsgeschichte Hescht bihischt
bertihmt gewordenen Persers Idrls aus Bitlis erzahlt, nur
bestarken. Als Schah Isma'll, so heisst es im iv. Buche des
Scherefname, aufgetreten war und die schritische Glaubens-
lehre zur Geltung brachte, ersann Idrls ein persisches tarlh.
J^U wjsj^, ' der Glaube ist nicht wahr ! ' lautete es. Von
Isma'll durch dessen Vertrauten Mewlana Kemal edrdln
Tejjib SchlrazI zur Rede gestellt bekannte er sich ohne
Zogern als Verfasser, vergass aber nicht beizufugen, dass der
Jahrzahlvers ' nach der arabischen Konstruktion ' J*. I-UAJ^,
also ' unser Glaube ist Wahrheit ! ' laute ! Die Qaslde, die
er seiner ' Rechtfertigung ' beifugte, ist zu bezeichnend, als
dass nicht ihr wesentlichster Inhalt hier Platz finden miisste :

Erkenne in mir einen angestammten Sklaven Deines Hauses,

Denn mein Grossvater war der Diener des Deinen auf dem Gotteswege.

Mein Vater gehorte auch zu den Schiilern des Urgrossvaters des

Konigs (d. h. Eurer Majestat),

Dem die ausseren und inneren Wissenschaften den Glanz verdanken.
Auch mein Dienstverhaltnis zu Schah Hajder
Wurde durch meine gute Haltung wie Zuckermilch.
Ein schoner Zufall ist's, dass in des Qor'ans Versen
An jedem Ort mein Name und der Isma'Ils beieinander stehen1.

Werden sich also fiir die Darstellung der Safawijja aus
orientalischen Berichten lediglich fur den geschichtlichen
Verlauf der ganzen Bewegung verwertbare Angaben ent-
nehmen lassen, so treten die abendlandischen Aufzeich-
nungen als hochst erwlinschte Erganzungen hinzu, wo es
sich um die Erfassung und Erklarung etwa der Glaubens-
lehren Isma'Ils und seiner Ahnen handelt. Wenn auch der
ungeheure Eindruck, den das Erscheinen des Sophy* auf
das Abendland machte, zumal auf die Staaten, die mit dem
Orient in naherer Beruhrung standen, leicht zu einer ohne-

1 Vgl. H. A. Barb in den Sitzungsberichten der Kaiserlichen Akademie
der Wissenschaften, phil.-histor. Klasse, Wien, 1859, S. 153-154. Ich
weiche am Schluss von Barb's Verdeutschung ab. Denn nur da, wo im
Qor'an sich der Name Henochs (Idrls) findet, steht der Isma'Ils daneben,
nicht etwa umgekehrt. Vgl. xxi, 85 und xix, 55 und 57.

2 Vgl. Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice, n, i, 25.

Marino Sanuto s Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 3 1

dies im Zuge jener Zeit liegenden Neigung Wahres mit
Falschem zu mengen flihren konnte, wenn man auch gar
mancherlei Meldungen zumal liber die Starke der An-
hangerschaft des neuen Propheten ohne weiteres glaubig
hinnahm, weil hier der Wunsch Vater des Gedankens war—
sah man ja in Isma'll einen gleichsam vom Himmel ge-
sandten Bundesgenossen wider den Tiirken, den 'Anti-
christ ' — so ist dennoch in jenen Nachrichten soviel des
Zutreffenden und Unbedenklichen enthalten, dass sich eine
nahere Beschaftigung mit ihnen reichlich lohnt. Die fol-
genden Seiten haben den Zweck auf eine Quelle die Auf-
merksamkeit zu lenken, die selbst im Zusammenhang mit
der Erforschung der osmanischen Reichsgeschichte nicht
weiter ausgebeutet wurde, auf die Tagebiicher (diariz) des
venezianischen Chronisten Marino Sanuto. 58 gedruckte
(Venedig, 1879-1902) Foliobande flillen diese mit staunens-
wertem Fleiss und echt geschichtlichem Sinn, kommenden
Geschlechtern zu Nutz wie in einem Speicher zusammenge-
tragenen Diarien. Vom Jahre 1496 bis zum September
1533 ist Tag fiir Tag darinnen eingetragen, was in aller
Welt sich ereignete und was aus alien Landen in Venedig,
gleichsam dem Brennpunt der Weltpolitik, sich sammelte
und weit und breit ergoss. Einer der grossten Kenner der
Geschichte Venedigs, der Brite Rawdon Lubbock Brown
(1803-1883), der ein Menschenalter mit M. Sanuto als a
valued friend and companion verkehrt und in drei Banden
Ragguagli sidla vita e sulle opere di M. Sanuto detto il
Juniore, Veneto patrizio e cronista dei secoli XV e XVI
(Venedig, 1832/38) gesammelt hat, schrieb 1871 liber
Sanuto :

When delivering his volumes for safe custody into the chamber of the
Council of the Ten, he wrote to the historian Pietro Bembo, that he did so
" accioche le mie fatiche siano sempiterne" It is satisfactory to think that his
wish has been gratified, for at the present day throughout Italy, as also in
England, France, Germany, Russia, Hungary, and Croatia, the annals of
those countries are daily enlarged by extracts from the Diaries of Marin
Sanuto.

Seit der prachtvolle, von mehreren venezianischen
Gelehrten besorgte Druck des Riesenwerkes seinen Inhalt
bequem zuganglich gemacht hat, ist in der Tat Sanuto's
Chronik ein wahrer Schatz zeitgenossischer Zeugschaft fiir
die Geschichte jener Tage geworden. Aber noch niemand

32 FRANZ BABINGER

hat bis heute sich der Aufgabe unterzogen, die Ueberfulle
der Berichte und Mitteilungen der Diarien fiir die Geschichte
des osmanischen Reiches1, Egyptens, iiberhaupt des Mor-
genlandes nutzbar zu machen, zu sichten und zu einem
lebensvollen Bild zu vereinigen. Die Staatsbriefe der vene-
zianischen Baili am grossherrlichen Hofe, die Privatnach-
richten der Levantekonsuln, Seeleute, Kaufherren, die
zahllosen dispacci und relazioni dieser Gewahrsleute aus alien
Teilen des Orients — nichts vermochte ein eindruckvolleres
und klareres Gemalde der Zeitverhaltnisse zu geben. Georg
Martin Thomas (1817-1887), derausgezeichnete Erforscher
des Levantehandels und venezianischer Geschichte, hat,
ehe der Druck der Diarien vollendet war, aus der iiberaus
schwer lesbaren Urschrift zum erstenmal den Versuch
gewagt, fur das gewaltige Geisteswerk Martin Luthers jene
Tagebiicher als Quellenwerk zu behandeln : Martin Luther
und die Reformationsbewegung in Deutschland vom Jakre
1520-1532 in Auszilgen aus Marino Sanuto s Diarien
(Ansbach, 1883). Auf diese Schrift sei verwiesen, wer sich,
ohne selbst das Riesenwerk zu priifen, eine Vorstellung von
dessen Wert als geschichtliches Zeugnis machen will. Wenn
ich im nachstehenden versuche, die Nachrichten in der
Chronik fur die Friihgeschichte der Safawijja nach gewissen
Gesichtspunkten zusammenzustellen, so mache ich dabei
keineswegs den Anspruch einer erschopfenden Ausbeutung
des gebotenen Stoffes. Es liegt mir vor allem daran, liber
die Glaubenslehre Isma'lls, liber sein erstes Auftreten
und liber seine Anhangerschaft vorab in den osmanischen
Reichsgauen daraus einiges Licht zu verbreiten. Meine
urspriingliche Absicht, auch die ftir die Geschichte der

1 Josef v. Hammer-Purgstall, der unsterbliche Verfasser der zehnban-
digen Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches war wohl der erste, der sich
wenigstens teilweise die damals noch handschriftlichen, miihselig zu lesenden
Tagebiicher Sanuto's nach der seinerzeit in Wien verwahrten Abschrift fiir
seine Zwecke nutzbar machte. Dies soil hier ausdriicklich hervorgehoben
und seinen kleinlichen Tadlern entgegengehalten werden. Deren Namen
werden langst auch den Fachgenossen entschwunden sein, wenn Josef v.
Hammer's Werke trotz ihrer zahlreichen Fehler, Irrtiimer, Versehen,
Wunderlichkeiten, ja Lacherlichkeiten noch lange als unerschopfliche
Fundgruben von kommenden Forschern gepriesen werden. Nikolaus Jorga,
dem bei Abfassung seiner osmanischen Geschichte langst der venezianische
Druck der Diarien zuganglich war, hat diesen leider in viel zu geringem
Umfang herangezogen.

Marino Sanutos Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 33

Kampfe Isma'ils mit Bajazld und Sellm, die in der Schlacht
bei Tschaldiran einen so entsetzlichen Abschluss fanden,
reichlich fliessenden Nachrichten hier in bequemer Form
zuganglich zu machen, habe ich in der festen Hoffnung
zuruckgestellt, dass recht bald ein Geschichtsschreiber er-
stehen werde, der bei tieferer Ausbeutung dieses Schatzes
uns endlich eine griindliche Darstellung jener Glaubens-
bewegung liefert, auf die sie wie wenig andere Ereignisse in
der islamischen Geschichte langst den Anspruch hat.

Die Geschichte der Schl'a, besser vielleicht 'alidischer
Bewegungen, im frtthosmanischen Reich ist noch unge-
schrieben. Der Stoff zu dieser Darstellung ist in einer
Unzahl von meist verborgenen europaischen Quellen vor-
handen. Aber lange bevor etwa Bertrandon de la Brocquiere
oder der Bohme Martin Kabatnik, Johannes Schiltberger
oder der ' Miihlbacher ' und B. Georgiewitsch Kleinasien
durchquerten und Bericht dariiber erstatteten, lassen sich
in jenen Gegenden 'alldische Stromungen nachweisen, die,
wenn nicht alle Anzeichen triigen, bereits unter den letzten
Rumseldschuqen erkennbar sind und zu verdachtigen Em-
porungen in deren Reiche fiihrten. Es sei nur an Baba Ishaq
oder Baba Resul Allah erinnert, von dessen Treibereien
uns Vincent v. Beauvais jene merkwurdige und hochst
wertvolle Darstellung im xxxi. Buche seines beriihmten
Speculum Historiale hinterlassen hat1. Eine Kette von
Derwischemporungen in der vorselimischen Geschichte
beweist aufs klarste, dass die schritische Propaganda auch
nach dem Uebergang der Herrschaft auf das Haus 'Osman
keineswegs erloschen war, vielmehr gerade durch dieses
sonderbare Nahrung fand. Denn die osmanischen Emfre
und Sultane waren es selbst, die den Einwandrern aus

1 Vgl. den Abschnitt De tyrannide Paperoissolae et in Turcos debac-
chatione und De ipsius ac suorum destructione im Jahre 1 240 im Fragmentum
de rebus orientalibus e Specula historiali Vincentij Beluacensis, Helmstadii,
MDLXXXV, S. 155 ff. Fiir die Seldschuqengeschichte wichtig und bisher
unverwertet ist dort der Abschnitt De exaltatione Raconadij in Soldanum
Turquiae auf S. lySb (Rukn ed-din's Thronfolge nach Ghijas ed-dm's im
Oktober 1245 erfolgtem Tode !). — Zur Emporung des Baba Resul Allah
vgl. man die Erzahlung Ibn Bibi's in M. Th. Houtsma's Recueil des textes
relatifs a Vhistoire des Seldjoucides, iv. Band, S. 227-230 (Leiden, 1902)
sowie die Lebensbeschreibung des Baba Iljas und Ebu'l-Wefa's bei Tasch-
kopriizade, Schaqtiiq al-nu'manijja, Stambul, 1869, S. 23.

B. P. v. r 7

34 FRANZ BABINGER

Khorasan und Transoxanien in ihren Gauen eine bleibende
Statte schufen, ihnen Klosterzellen und Tekkes errichteten
und die Stiftungen mit reichen Gaben ausstatteten. Klein-
asien ward damit ein Hauptherd schritischer, idschma'-
feindlicher Hetzereien. Dazu kamen die Derwischorden,
unter denen die Bektaschijje am offenbarsten die Kenn-
zeichen 'alidischer Bestrebungen tragt. Ganz Anatolien
ward von jenen heiligmassigen Manriern iiberflutet, die aus
dem iranischen Hochland zuwanderten und sich gar bald
auf tiirkischer Erde heimisch fiihlten. Und als dann in der
ersten Halfte des 14. Jahrhunderts zu Erdebll der Derwisch
Sefl ed-dm eine zahlreiche Schar um sich sammelte und der
Ruf seiner Heiligkeit bis an den Hof von Brusa drang, trug
der Grossherr kein Bedenken, alljahrlich reiche Gaben und
wohlgefiillte Beutel nach Erdebll zu entsenden, wie der os-
manische Geschichtsschreiber 'Aschiqpaschaza.de, tarlk,
Stambul, 1332, S. 264 ausdriicklich feststellt. Bald zeigte
es sich, dass man eine Schlange am Busen genahrt hatte.
Der gewaltige Aufstand des fruheren Heeresrichters und
Schejchs Bedr ed-dm im Jahr 1416, der einen Teil von
Kleinasien und Rumeli in helle Emporung versetzte, war
nichts weiter als die Auswirkung einer mittlerweile zu be-
drohlichster Macht angewachsenen staatsfeindlichen Gesin-
nung, die in 'alidischen Wlihlereien und schritischer Hetz-
tatigkeit ihre Nahrung fand. Es ist hier nicht der Ort, die
feinen Faden blosszulegen, die von dem Aufruhr Bedr ed-
din's ausgingen und sich mit aller Deutlichkeit bis herauf zu
Schah Ismail als geschlossene Kette erweisen lassen. In
meiner Abhandlung Schejch Bedr ed-dm, der Sohn des
Richters von Simaw. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sekten-
wesens im altosmanischen Reich, die in der Zeitschrift Der
Islam auf S. 1-106 des xi. (1920) und S. 103-109 des xn.
Bandes (1921) enthalten ist, habeich versucht, etwas Licht in
das bisherige Dunkel der ganzen Bewegung zu bringen und
zu zeigen, wie lange vor Isma'il im osmanischem Kleinasien
der 'alldischen Werbetatigkeit ein fruchtbarer Boden bereitet
war, sowie darzulegen, dass bis heute noch in gewissen Sekten-
bildungen (Qizilbaschen, Tachtadschis usw.) betrachtliche
Ueberreste dieser einstigen gewaltigen Glaubensbewegung
innerhalb der osmanischen Grenzen sich nachweisen lassen.
Vier Ftinftel ganz Anatoliens bekannten sich nach einem

Marino Sanutos Tagebucher und die Safawijja 3 5

venezianischen Gesandtschaftsbericht vom Jahr 1514 zur
neuen Lehre. Das mag iiberschatzt sein, aber die von
mehreren Gewahrsmannern iiberlieferte und kaum liber-
triebene Zahl 40,000 (d. h. ' unendlich ') fiir die von Sellm
hingeschlachteten und eingekerkerten Schriten spricht eine
deutliche Sprache.

So stand es um das Jahr 1500, als Schah Isma'll plotz-
lich in die Erscheinung trat. Hier mogen nun die in
Sanuto's Tagebiichern verstreuten Nachrichten liber die
Safawijja in ihrer Bedeutung als wertvolle und ergiebige
Stoffsammlung fur die Geschichte der ganzen Bewegung
etwas naher gewiirdigt werden.

Die betreffenden Stellen gebe ich nach dem Druck in
der Schreibart jener Zeit ; Sanuto's Stil verlangt eigentlich
ein eignes Studium, aber fiir den vorliegenden Zweck
gentigt wohl der Hinweis, dass er nicht syntaktisch, sondern
gleichsam parataktisch ist. Die Ausdrucksformen wechseln
natiirlich : bald sind es die venezianischen Bevollmachtigten
bei der Hohen Pforte, die baili, aus deren Berichten das
hieher Gehorige geschopft wird, bald sind es Konsuln und
Kaufleute auf den griechischen Inseln und in Syrien, bald
sind es Reisende, die da Meldung erstatten, bald Seeleute,
die diese wichtigen Kundschaften ins Herz oder auf den
Markt der Stadt des Heiligen Markus tragen.

Die erste Kunde von demnovoflro/eta erhielt dieSignoria
zu Venedig durch einige im Dezember 1501 aus Persien
eingetroffene Reisende (alcuni venuti di Persia], aus deren
Bericht hervorging, esser aparso certo puto, novo prof eta, di
anni 14 in 15 \ a seguito di assaissima zente. Im Anschluss
daran folgt die Abschrift der depositione liber Isma'll :

zoe zuro,
heisst es darin (iv. Band, Spalte 191 ff.),

per lo eterno Idio che se leva adesso Exeth^ la sua patria e Babilonia, e el
suo padre diceva esser par ente di Mahometh* ; e ptf suo padre e morto ; et
questo puto e de anni 14., et al presente va per 15 anni^. Et lui dice, che mio

1 Isma'il war am 25. redscheb 892, d. h. am 17. Juli 1487 geboren,
mithin 1501 genau im bezeichneten Alter. Vgl. Miineddschimbaschi,
sake? if iil-ahbdr, in. Band, S. | Af, Stambul, 1285, ferner L. Langles in
seiner Ausgabe der Voyages dej. Chardin, Paris, 1811, x. Band, S. 189.

2 Exeth diirfte eine Verunstaltung von Schejch oder Sejjid sein.

3 Isma'Il fiihrte bekanntlich seinen Stammbaum auf 'All's Enkel
Musa'l-Kazim, den Sohn Husejns zuriick.

36 FRANZ BABINGER

padre non era mio padre, ma lui era mio schiavo ; et lui dice esser instesso
Dio ; e lui ha con esso 40 governadori, i quali li fanno chiamar caliphani, i
qualli etiam fano et celebrano /' oficio per suo nome, perche lui dice esser Dio.
Et lui fa andar a la roba di ogniuno, cussi de' christiani como dej infideli ; et
cussi tutti li sassini et homeni de mala sorte vano con ditto Exeth. Et questi
talli che vano con lui, li presentano danari, digando : Spendete questi danari
par nome de Exeth. Et tutti li gran maistri, che se vano a presentar a lui,
ditto Exeth litocha con la man sopra la testa1 et li dice : Va, che tu sei mio ;
et li altri de bassa condition manda uno suo calif a per suo nome, lo qual li tocha
sopra la testa ! con quele medeme parole. Et havea, za fa un anno, persone
piil de 8000 soto de si ; et con quella zente andb soto una terra, chiamata
Arzingani*, e alozb fuor de la terra, perche la terra non lo lasso intrar
dentro. ...E poi se levb de II et andb aduri altra terra, chiamata Chasteldere1 ',
et quella etiam fece sachizar. Et da poi se levb de la, et andb a urf altra terra,
che se chiama Charabazi*, et sachizo quella et molte altre terre et ville ; e tutto
el paese soprascrito era de Uson Cassan de Azimiab. Et poi passo sopra le
terre dJ samachi* et silvani*, dove era do signori, fratelli, che erano a suo
posta ; et uno de Ihoro fu preso et morto dal ditto, et V altro scampi et andb a
uno locho, che se chiama Sidero Porta 7 — Et alhora io intisi, che questo avosto
passa, come lui voleva andar a dosso ad uno paese, se chiama Thaurise* . . . .

1 Ich habe schon in meiner Arbeit iiber Bedr ed-dln die Behauptung
aufgestellt, dass die Safawijja urspriinglich nichts weiter als ein Derwisch-
bund war, der sich von der Umwelt, seit Schejch Hajder, durch ihre rote
zwolfzwicklige Miitze (Hajderkrone) unterschied, ein Merkmal, das bei der
unheimlich anwachsenden Gerneinde natiirlich gar bald in Wegfall kam.
Was hier der venezianische Gewahrsmann andeutet, ist weiter nichts als die
in Derwischorden und islamischen Ziinften herkommliche ^/^^-Zeremonie,
ein 'Ritterschlag.' Vgl. die anschauliche Schilderung in Engelb. Kampfer's
Amoenitates exoticae, Lemgo, 1 7 1 2, S. 241 ff. Ich empfehle dringend einmal,
gewisse Aufstellungen Hans Bliiher's (in seinem grundlegenden Werk Die
Rolle der Erotik in der mdnnlichen Gesellschaft (Leipzig, 1918/19, zwei
Bande)) von der Entstehung des Staates auf die Geschichte des Sefewireiches
anzuwenden. Wenn irgendwann und irgendwo, so hat sich hier aus einem
reinen Mannerbund ein Staatswesen entwickelt.

2 d. i. Ersindschan, das Gebiet des verstorbenen Uzun Hasan, des
Urgrossvaters Schah Ismalls.

3 Wohl Qizil-dere, oder Tuch-tschai, der in den Wan-See miindet. Vgl.
V. Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, n, 667.

4 Dieser Ort wird iv, 488 als Charabade, cita de Usson Cassan aufgefiihrt
und wird wohl mit Kharput einerlei sein.

5 Azimia, d. i. ''adscheml, persisch, eine in europaischen Reiseberichten
seit dem 14. Jahrhundert ungemein haufige Bezeichnung fur Persien.
Falsch gedeutet bei E. J. W. Gibb, History of Ottoman Poetry, i. Bd.,
S. 357, 3 Anm. Vgl. dazu das Ra'tsel adzamisches Land in der Zeitschrift
des Deutschen Paldstinavereins, xix. Bd., 1896, S. 116, 22. Zeile v.o.

6 6tfwar/fo'istScbemacha, silvani ist Schlrwan. Im Kampfgegen Khalil,
den Herrn von Schemacha, war um 860/1456 Isma'ils Grossvater, Schejch
Dschunejd, gefallen.

7 Sidero Porta, d. h. Eisentor, ist natiirlich Demir Qapu in Daghestan
bei'Derbend. 8 Thaurise, d. i. Tabriz.

Marino Sanut os Tagebiicher und die Safawijja 37

Soweit dieser Gewahrsmann. In unmittelbarem Anschluss
daran moge gleich eine relazione des Domino Costantino
Lascari vom 14. Oktober 1502 (iv, 353 ff.) auszugsweise
erwahnt werden. Ihr Verfasser war damals gerade aus
Oaraman nach Venedig zurlickgekehrt. Er habe

bona information, como questo signor Sophi e in ordine de danari, de che de
cadaun m* e sta zertificato haver grandissima richeza, primo per el gran paexe
che possiede, praeterea haver tolto gran faculta di questi signori, che a fatto
morir ; et esser signor di gran justicia, et liberal con tuti, home de anni 20 in 22 ',
molto prosperoso ; a uno suo fradelo di anni XI in 12, lassato a Tauris, et
una sorela, che' I prometeva darla per moier al signor caraman. Questo signor
Sophi e molto aficionato a questa sua seta, eft e una certa religione catholicha
a Ihor modo, in discordantia de la opinion dil suo propheta macometan, et
Omar et Bubach [Abu Bekr], che fa soi discipuli ; et questo Sophi se adsrisse
a la opinion de All, de Esse [Hasan], Ossen [Husejn], che fo anche Ihoro
discipuli dil propheta... (iv, 355).

Ungleich wichtiger, well darin liber die Lehre Isma'lls
bestimmtere Angaben enthalten sind, ist ein in Ragusa
unterm 6. November 1502 ausgefertigtes Schreiben (iv,
500 ff.). Es handelt

di la progenie et origine de AH, lo qual chiamano Amir Syaach^, el qual non
passa 1 8 anni, et I de grande prudentia e mirabel inzegno. Ditto Amir /' e
disceso de la progenie de Mahometho, doe de uno suo fratello, perche Mahometo
non ebbe figlioli maschi ; e tutti soi antecessori furon sayti [sejjid]. El nome
del dito Amir Scyaach se interpreta propheta de Dio ; del qual tutti li ante-
cessori sempre de tutti mahometani sono stati tenuti in grandissima vene-
ratione, persino a questo Amir Scyach. Et sempre tutti, successive, de grado
in grado, hanno tenuto la cathedra della Ihoro religione, come li piu degni de
la secta machometana. La Ihoro abitation e stata in una techya [tekkijje,
tekke2], molto bella e grande, vicina a una terra chiamata Tabris ; nella qual

1 Kann sowohl aus Emir + Schejch wie Emir + Schah entstellt sein.

2 Der vorliegende Bericht ist wohl die klarste und beste Schilderung der
Safawijja als Derwischorden vor dem Auftreten Dschunejds mit herrscher-
lichen Anspriichen. Das Kloster (tekke), in dem etwa 300 Monche come di
7-uissi, d. h. dervisi, Derwische lebten, wird ebenso mit den Tatsachen iiber-
einstimmen, wie die Meldung auch von osmanischen Geschichtssch'reibern
bezeugt ist, dass aus der Tiirkei, vom Sultanshof Geldspenden an die
Schejche von Erdebll abgingen. Vgl. die oben angezogene Stelle aus dem
Geschichtswerk des 'Aschiqpaschaza.de, ferner Johannes Leunclavius, His-
toriae Musulmanae Turcorum, Frankfurt a. M., 1591, dessen Angaben auf
das Werk des osmanischen Chronisten MuhjT ed-dln (starb 1550) zuriick-
gehen ; S. 647 heisst es don : Mittit hie, vel ille Sultanus Osmanides, sancto
viro, Scheichi Tzuneiti, tzirac axiesi (= tschirdgh aqtschesi], hoc est, aspros
sive pecuniam candelabri....Quum vero Sultanus Muhametes secundus apud
Turcos imperio potiretur, visum fuit ei, nullos amplius Scheichi Tzuneiti
nummos, pristino suorum more, mittendos. Daraufhin sandte Dschunejd
nach Brusa und bat um Aufklarung, worauf Mehemmed II. seine Weigerung

38 FRANZ BABINGER

techia con ipsi habitaron sempre da cercha 300 homeni, tutti religiosi, come di
ruissi. Et sempre se hanno monstrato de molto austera e divota vita, de modo
che non solum Persia, ma tuff a Turchia, Suria e Barbaria li tenevan in molto
grande veneratione et divotione ; et erano molto de tute queste nationi visitate ; et
%H facean de molte elemosine, et oblatione de auro et argento et zoie. Et insino
a V avo del ditto Amir Scyaach, successive, in quello luogo hanno passato la loro
vita, senza havere, ne cerchare altro stato ne signoria. Dove prefato avo de
Amir Scyaach, vedutosi in tanta veneratione, extimo et seguito de le gente et
populi, volse temptare la fortuna de farse gran signor. Et congrego grande
numero di gente, instruendoli e mostrandoli novo ordine de la lege, quella di
Mahometo in alcuna parte riprehendendo e corigendo ; confessando, Cristo
esser stato vero propheta, et esser con corpo et anima in cielo andato ; et li sui
quatro evangelisti esser e stati predicatori della verita. Et anche dimostrava a
quelli populi, sui seguaci, Idio haver fatto tutte le cosse comune1. Ita persua-
deva, che la gente, con molto grande effecto et devotione, a lui se acostavan e lo
seguitavan. Dove el ditto avo si messe contra Uxon Cassari*, de lo qual Uson

mit den Worten begriindete : Vallahe Tekesin cozza vlmistur (d. i. wallah,
tekkenin qodschasi olmuschdur), " Bei Gott, der Alte (pir) des Klosters ist
ja (schon) gestorben ! " Von ganz besondrer Bedeutung aber ist die auch
hier bestatigte 'Christenfreundlichkeit' der Lehre Isma'Ils. Um nicht
bereits einmal Gesagtes zu wiederholen, verweise ich auf meine Bedr ed-
<z7;z = Studie, S. 87 und auf die dort gegebenen Ausziige aus der Schrift
Giovanni Rota's, sowie auf die Bemerkungen S. 66. Es ist gar kein Zweifel
moglich, dass die Glaubenslehre der Safawijja etwas Grundverschiednes
von der heutigen, sog. schl'itischen Religionsform der Perser darstellt. Es
wird genauer und eindringlicher Studien bediirfen, um festzustellen, wie
weit hier etwa christliche Bestandteile (wohl aus Trapezunt kommend) mit
altpersischen, zoroastrischen Anschauungen iibernommen wurden. Das
Weintrinken und Schweinefleischessen (vgl. Sanuto, vi, 22i)besonders aber
der Kommunismus (vgl. Bedr ed-dln, S. 87), woriiber mehrfache, unter-
einander unabhangige Gewahrsmanner berichten, mochte ich als besonders
bezeichnendes Merkmal einer islam-feindlichen Bestrebung iiberhaupt
erblicken.

1 Ueber diese kommunistische Richtung vgl. man Schejch Bedr ed-dln,
S. 65, 87, besonders die Anmerkung : was er gewindt, das ist der gantzen
gemayn heisst es bei Giovanni Rota (liber dessen Bericht vgl. unten S. 48).

2 Uzun Hasan war, was hier in Erinnerung gebracht werden moge, den
Venezianern der damaligen Zeit eine durchaus vertraute Personlichkeit.
Der Herr des Schwarzen Hammels hatte an die Lagunenstadt Gesandte
geschickt und um Kriegsmaterial zur Abwehr der gemeinsamen Tiirkenge-
fahr gebeten. Darauf begaben sich die beiden Edlen, Ambrosio Contarini
und Giosafat Barbaro nach Persien. Sie hinterliessen einen wertvollen
Reisebericht, der mehrfach gedruckt und herausgegeben ward (so bei Bizaro,
a. o. O.) und in einer sehr guten Ausgabe der Hakluyt-Society vorliegt :
Travels to Tana and Persia, by Giosafat Barbaro and A. Contarini. Trans-
lated from the Italian by W. Thomas... and by S. [vielmehr : £.] A. Stanley
of Alder ley. A Narrative of Italian travels in Persia in the i$th and i6th
centuries. Translated and edited by C. Gray. London, 1873, zwei Teile.
Sodann sei verwiesen auf Enrico Cornet : Giosafatte Barbaro, ambasciatore
ad Usunhasan. Lettere al Senato Veneto, 1473. Vienna, 1852, ferner auf

Marino Sanutos Tagebiicher und die Safawijja 39

Cassan fu morto. Da ptf de lui successe suo fiol, t padre del ditto Amich(l)
Scyaach, et con simile fantasia del padre suo coadunb multa gente, e se mosse a
far guerra a f imperio di Trabesonda, dove se dice, che de ft a Giami [Dschaniq]
fu roto et morto. De lo qual restaron qiiatro figlioli de piu altri ; de li quali
dicono essere uno captivo, el maggiore, de gran turco^ ; uno altro de Anadoli ;
el terzo non se ne trova, ne de lui e mentione; e /' ultimo $ piu giovene de questo
Amir Scyaach, qual restb ne le fassie picolino, et per una femina salvato et
nutrito, tenendolo fina 12 anni drieto li armenti de le pecore.... El qual gran
turco [d. i. der Sultan] ha convocato multo medirissi [miiderris], literati et
savij de sua secta et ne la Ihoro lege, et comandatoli, che debia studiare et
vedere, per lege de Dio, se gli e cosa concedente, et se 7 se puol, senza peccato,
con arme procedere contra ditto Amir Syaach*.

Soweit der ragusaische Bericht. Isma'll hatte, wie die
beiden nunmehr folgenden Nachrichten zeigen, ohne erst
fetwas einzuholen, seinem sunnitischen Widerpart scharfsten
Kampf angesagt : Sier Domenico Dolfin schreibt am 6. Ok-
tober 1502 aus Rhodes (iv, 417) :

Questi Sophl se interpetrano homeni justi ; hanno, per suo signor e pro-
pfieta et homo santo, uno zovene, di eta de anni 18 in 20, fiolo di una sorela,
che fu de Uson Cassan, de patria et cita nominata Ar devil, il nome suo
Ismael. Questo suo signor cercha di destruzer la fede machometana ; et in

desselben Verf. Le guerre dei Veneti nelF Asia, 1470-1474. Vienna, 1856,
sowie auf die hochst wertvollen Arbeiten Gugl. Crist. Berchet's : La re-
p^^bblica di Venezia e la Persia, Torino, 1865, und Nuovi documenti e
regesti, Venezia, 1866. Leider fehlen bisher noch Untersuchungen liber die
Beziehungen Persiens zum iibrigen Abendland, wie etwa zu Deutschland und
England. Fur Spanien und Frankreich verweise ich bei dieser Gelegenheit
auf : G. J. C. Pilot : Relations diplomatiques de Charles V avec la Perse et
la Turquie im Messager des sciences historiques de Belgique, Gand, 1843,
S. 44-70; Jul. Thieury : La Perse et la Normandie (Evreux), 1866;
Castonnet des Fosses : Sur les relations de la France avec la Perse im
Bulletin de la Societe geographique de Tours, 1889.

1 Nach Muneddschimbaschi, a. a. O., in. Bd., S. \A\, 5 hatte Schejch
Hajder aus seiner Ehe mit der Nichte Uzun Hasan's 'Alemschah Begum,
drei Sohne, namlich Isma'Il, 'All und Ibrahim. Der letzte befand sich in
osmanischer Gefangenschaft. Vgl. J. v. Hammer, Geschichte des osmanischen
Reiches, n. Band, Pest, 1828, S. 346. Es ware dringend zu wiinschen, dass
die wohl auf Husejn Ibn Schejch Abdal ZahidI zuriickgehende (vgl. P. Horn,
im Grundriss fur iran. Phil., li. Bd., S. 587 oben) silsilat an-nasab as-
Safawijja, von der sich aus dem Nachlass Sir A. Houtum-Schindler's eine
Handschrift im Besitze E. G. Browne's befindet, durch Druck oder auszugs-
weise Uebersetzung zuganglich gemacht werde. Vgl. E. G. Browne, History
of Persian Literature under Tartar Dominion, Cambridge, 1920, S. 474
und 484.

2 Das fetwa ist bekannt und u. a. bei J. Malcolm iibermittelt (i, 334).
Darnach war es verdienstvoller einen schi'itischen Perser umzubringen als
70 Christen. Dieser Standpunkt gait auch noch spater, vgl. O. Dapper,
Beschreibung des Konigreichs Persien, Niirnberg, 1681, S. 114, sowie Der
Islam, xi. Bd., S. 90, 2. Anm.

40 FRANZ BABINGER

ogni paese aquistato fa brusar li libri machometani ; et, per disprecio di la
fede, ne le Ihor moschee fa intrar canni e cavali ; vuol si adori sollo Idio, et
luj sij honorato comme propheta e homo santissimo.

Ein am 7. Sept. 1502 zu Levkosia auf Zypern verfasster
Brief (iv, 487 ff.) erganzt und bestatigt in erwiinschter Weise
diese Mitteilungen ; nachdem zuerst von Verhandlungen des
Sophi mit Bajazld die Rede ist, wobei es sich um die
Duldung seiner Glaubensgenossen im osmanischen Reiche
und um Freilassung der Gefangenen handelt (eke dovesse
lassar in liberta i soi subditi ; et ultra questo, ancor lui dovesse
ponersi in testa la bareta rossa, come fano tuti del suo
dominio...1), heisst es weiter :

Dicono, dicto Sophis esser potentissimo de danari et arzento ; qual ha con
si tre sorte de stipendiati : la prima, pedoni, che sono el presidio de la sua
persona ; secunda, homeni armati, su cavalli grossi, ben in ordine ; e de tute
queste armature se hanno forniti de quelle de Usson [Sp. 489} Cassan ; la
terza sono cavalli lizieri ; et tuti questi hanno soldo dal signor Sophis...
seco conduce in campo gran parte de quelli populi, i qualli voluntiera el
segueno a sue spese, solum contenti de veder la faza del suo signor, quel obser-
vano con gran reverentia e devotione, per esser persona saputa, formosa et di
eta de anni XX. Dicono aver con si tre preti armeni, i qualli per anni octo
continui sono sta sui preceptori, in lezerli i evanzelij et la sacra scriptura
nostra ; et usa lingua armena. La fede veramente che V tien non se intende,
ma si puolfar coniectura che 7 sij piu presto christiano che altro [namlich als
der Tiirke], rispeto che V ha facto brusar ne le provintie sue tutti li libri de
Machometo, persuadendo i populi, che lassar debino la vana e falssa leze
machometana, et adorar Dio vivo, che } in cielo, et che V tuto governa. Et e s\
cresuto in pochi giorni el nome de Sophis, che e de grandissimo teror in tuta
la Turchia*....

1 Diese rote Miitze, deren Vorhandensein noch in allerneuester Zeit von
orientalistischer Seite einfach in Abrede gestellt wurde (vgl. Josef v.
Karabacek, Abendlandische Kiinstler am Hufe zu Konstantinopel usw. in den
Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, 62.
Band, 1918, S. 87, 4. Anm.) hat so sicher bestanden wie die ganz ahnlich
geformte Bektaschi-Miitze. Bei der zunehmenden Anzahl der Anhanger
isma'Ils kam sie natiirlich in Wegfall und ward, wie aus spateren Reise-
bericliten hervorgeht (O. Dapper, usw.) nur bestimmten Hofbeamten am
Sefewi-Hof verliehen. Dass iibrigens lange vor dem Auftreten der Sefewls
in Persien eine rote Miitze in Beniitzung war, scheint mir eine von E. G.
Browne mitgeteilte Stelle (vgl. JRAS, 1902, S. 587, S. 21 des Sonderdrucks
der History of the Seljuqs}. Dort wird (um 1200 A.D. !) berichtet, dass des
Seldschuqen Isra'Il Sohn Qutalmisch von Indien nach Slstan iiber die
Rotkuppenwuste (^jU*^^ -^, O^W) entweicht ! Zu surh-gulah vgl. die

zarkula (6*$£=>jj) geheissene Kopfbedeckung bei den Byzantinern. Ducas,

Historia Byzantina, Bonner Ausgabe, S. 134 und Der Islam, xi. Band,

S. 54, i. Anmerkung, sowie R. Dozy, Vetements, Amsterdam, 1845, S. looff.

2 Vgl. dazu Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pil-

Marino Sanutos Tagebucher und die Safawijja 4 1

Ein gewaltiger Schrecken freilich bedeutete das Auf-
treten Isma'lls fiir die osmanische Herrschaft. Stambul war
in grosster Aufregung (iv, 347) :
e de1 sot mo ft tfato gran extimatione in Constantinopoli.

Der neue Prophet, der daddschal, bildete das Tagesgesprach
in der Hauptstadt. Mehrmals ward er totgesagt (v, 17, 25),
bedenkliche Nachrichten iiber die unheimlich anwachsende
Anhangerschaft liefen am Sultanshof aus den kleinasiatischen
Bezirken ein. Schon im September 1502 drang die Kunde
nach Stambul, dass der ' Sophi ' bereits in Anatolien einge-
fallen sei :

el signor Soffl . . .descendendo de Tauris, vene a la via de Trabesonda, e intrato
nelpaexe di /' otoman

(iv, 320), was der capitano generate di mare Sier Benedetto
da Pesaro an Bord vor Santa Maura (Leukos), 18. Sept.
1 502 mit den Worten bestatigt :
e a nova, Sophi e intrato in la Natalia

(iv, 340). Die Bewohner Anatoliens indessen zeigten sich,
wie aus alien Berichten nicht nur bei Marino Sanuto deutlich
hervorgeht, der neuen Lehre keineswegs abgeneigt. Im
Gegenteil, in Scharen schloss man sich Isma'll an. Freilich
war in Kleinasien langst der Boden dafur vorbreitet. Die
Landschaften Tekke-eli1 und Hamld-eli zum mindesten be-

grimages, v. Band, London, 1626, S. 384. Darnach weigerten sich manche
der Krieger Isma'ils, eine Rustling zu tragen, wenn sie unter seinen Fahnen
fochten, und seine Soldaten pflegten mit entblosster Brust unter dem
Schlachtruf Schah, schah! in den Kampf zu ziehen und fiir ihres Abgottes
heilige Sache zu fechten. Vgl. dazu des Kantakuzenen Teodoro Spandugino
gewissenhafte Mitteilungen bei F. Sansovino, DelV Historia universale
dell"1 origine et imperio dJ Turchi, Venezia, 1568, 98 b if., ferner Der Islam,
xi. Band, S. 87, sowie hier weiter unten S. 46.

1 Hans Lowenklau erwahnt in seinem, fiir die tiirkische Kulturge-
schichte iibrigens iiberraschend ergiebigen Onomasticon am Ende seiner
Hist. Musulm. Turcorum, Spalte 867 : Teke, regio Phrygiae maiori,
Armeniae minori, Lydiaeque contermina. Dicta Turcis videtur a solitu-
dinibus, quae sunt in ea frequentes, et olim habebat Calogeros, nunc
Deruislarios. Es ist sicher, dass der Name von den zahlreichen Einsiedeleien
(solitudines) der schi'itischen Derwische herriihrt, die gerade dort mit
Vorliebe ihre tekke's und zdwije's errichtet zu haben scheinen. Ob allerdings
schon in byzantinischer Zeit hier christliche Monche (KaXoyrjpoi) hausten
und ihre Klausen von den Derwischen iibernommen wurden, ist mir un-
bekannt. In Kilikien freilich sind gewisse Hohlen seit uralten Zeiten als
Behausungen von Einsiedlern nachweisbar.

42 FRANZ BABINGER

kannten sich lange zum Ketzerglauben. Auch das Land des
Qaraman-oghlu1 war ihr, wie der Fiirst wohl selbst, keines-
falls abhold. Gerade fiir cine Geschichte des Fiirstentums
der Qaramanen liefert, nebenbei gesagt, die Chronik Sanuto's
die tiberraschendsten Aufschliisse1. Sier Andrea Morosini,
ein in Aleppo ansassiger venezianischer Kaufmann, meldet
von dort unterm 23. Jan. 1503 :

Adhuc dura [namlich Isma'll] con granfama^ in tanta gratia che mat fo

udita la simile, fe zovene di anni 18, bello di aspeto, e fa cosse mirabile.

Tutti quelli paesi di /' Azimia voluntarie se meteno sotto il suo governo. La

fama sua ^ grande, e si el tolesse /' impresa contro il Turco, felice la cristianita,

che invero el ge daria da far.

(v, 25). Ein Eintrag im Tagebuch vom Dezember 1503
besagt weiter :

...et maxime che nel payse di questo signor molti seguitano la secta dil dicto
Softs, et ex consequenti lo desiderano . . .

(v, 466). Am 14. Sept. 1502 berichtet der oratore Sier
Domenico Dolfin aus Rhodos :

De li progressi del qual [d. i. Isma'ils] dice, come i caramani [— die
Qaramanen] e tutti quelli de Sexuar [Schehsuwar] se hanno fati de la sua
setta. A presso, comme a la volta de Charasseri [= (Afiun) Qara-Hisar] /' e
intrato nel paese del turco tre zornate ; et che quel paese li da obedientia ; et
che V se ritrova lontan da Angori [Angora] do zornate. Quale, havendo inteso
che Y turco fa morir quanti el puol haver di soi, ha usato alcuna asperita,
in far morir alcuni machometani, subditi dil turcho...

(iv, 406). Im Marz 1507 vermeldet ein ausfuhrlicher Stim-
mungsbericht liber die stambuler Zustande an den Dogen
Leonardo Loredano (vn, 22) :

. . . De la seta delqual Ardevelli [Erdeblll] significo a vostra celsitudine esserne
assaissimi in Constantinopolli, et tutavia oculti, pero che non e alchuno ardito
parlar moto di lui> per il terror grando et spavento ne e.

1 Eine Geschichte der Qaraman-oghlu, die langst verkappte Schl'iten
gewesen sein diirften, steht leider noch aus. Der Begriinder dieses Fiirsten-
tums war jener Nure (Nur, Nun, Nur ed-dm) sufi, der mit dem oben
(S. 33, Anm.) genannten Baba Iljas im Bunde stand. Wichtige Aufschliisse
ergeben sich vielleicht aus dem meines Wissens nur in einer einzigen
Abschrift in Europa bekannten Geschichtswerk des Ajas Pascha aus dem
1 7. Jahrhundert, das nach E. Blochet, Catalogue de la coll. de mss. orientaux
formee par M. Ch. Schefer, Paris, 1907, S. 157 eine Histoire des princes de
la dynastie ottomane, precedee d'un abregt de fhistoire des Seldjouks et des
souverains du pays de Karaman enthalt und die Standnummer MS 1021 der
Scheferschen Sammlung tragt. Eine griindliche Geschichte der Qaraman-
oghlu liesse sich vielleicht allein mit Hilfe der reichlich fliessenden euro-
paischen Berichte (B. de la Brocquiere usw.) schreiben. Vgl. einstweilen
Khalll Edhem Bej's trefflichen tiirkischen Aufsatz im n. Hefte der Trfrlh-i
losmanl endschiimeni medschmu'asi, S. 697-712, Stambul, 1911.

Marino Sanutos Tagebucher und die Safawijja 43

In dieser Schilderung, die De I* Ardevelli o vero Sophi
handelt, ist librigens ausfuhrlich iiber die Eroberungszlige
Isma'lls und seine Unternehmungen gegen Abdula d. i.
'Ala' ad-dawla, den Herrn von Du'lqadrijje, die Rede.

Gegenliber dem bedrohlichen Ueberhandnehmen der
Irrlehre hatte man schon friihzeitig durchgreifende Mass-
nahmen zu ihrer Unterdriickung getroffen. Bereits im
April 1502 (iv, 255) hatte der Grossherr

fato morir tutti quelli che 'I [dem Schah Isma'll] seguitava che poteva haver
ne le man.

Als diese offenbar nichts oder nur wenig fruchteten, schritt
man zu Zwangsmassregeln, zur gewaltsamen Verschickung
der Schfiten in Kleinasien. Wenn auch die Gefolgsleute
Isma'lls sich auf ganz Anatolien verteilt haben diirften —

et mirifice propensi erga Schechum Ismailem Anatolicorum omnium erant
animt,

heisst es gar in Hans Lowenklau's Historiae Musulmanae
Turcorum (Sp. 691, 37) — so wohnte die Hauptmasse doch
zweifellos in den Landschaften Tekke-eli und Hamld-eli in
Kilikien, In dieser Gegend erstand am Trauertag von Ker-
bela, am 10. Muharrem 916 (Ende April I5IO1) jenerSchejtan-
quli, wie ihn die Tiirken hiessen. Hier war der Hauptherd
schritischer Wiihltatigkeit. Erbarmungslos wtitete nun
Bajazld 1 1. gegen die Irrglaubigen und Feinde seines Hauses.
Alle Gelehrten vor allern, die der neuen Lehre anhingen und
zu ihrer Verbreitung beitrugen, wurden im Jahre 1502 zu
Paaren getrieben, und, so erzahlt Teodoro Spandugino, am
Gesicht mit einer Brandmarke versehen aus Kleinasien nach
den europaischen Provinzen, besonders aber nach den
neueroberten Gebieten des Reiches (Morea, Albanien, Ser-
bien) verschleppt2. Am 25. Juli 1502 (iv, 309) meldet der
venezanische Konsul von Chios (Syo, Scio*) :

1 So nach Sa'd iid-dm, tadsch ut-tewarlh, Stambul, 1279, n. Band,
S^ 162, unten, wo ausdrucklich erwahnt wird, dass das Ereignis auf die
'Aschura fiel.

2 Vgl. dazu die in Der Islam, xi. Bd., S. 90, i. Anm. und S. 92
mitgeteilten Stellen aus Spandugino und Giov. Rota.

3 Interessant ist auch fur die Geschichte des kleinasiatischen Lowen in
islamischer Zeit die nun folgende Stelle (iv, 309) :

Et alguni hanno ditto, che ditto profeta A HI se intende esser quello, lo qual li christiani
lievano per insegna in forma del lion, che non puol esser salvo che San Marcho, e non
deveda el bever vino, e vuol ogni cossa in comun.

Ueber 'All — Hajdar — Schlr, usw. vgl. meine Bemerkungen in Der Ss/am,
xi. Band, S. 83, 4. Anm. sowie S. 91, i. Anm.

44 FRANZ BABINGER

Et questo, perche vede e nel suo paese molti di questa secta, dei qual non
cessa defar passar continuamente de la Natolia su la Greda, e manda quelli
in le parte di Modon, Coron, Nepanto [Lepanto] e Albania. E unsa
compassion veder li strazzi hanno questi tali, con lor moglie e fioli ; non I
mat zorno che non passi de la Natolia su la Grecia 100 e 200 fameie.

Diese Verpflanzung gehb'rt zu den nicht nur religionsge-
schichtlich sondern auch volkerkundlich bemerkenswertesten
Ereignissen in der islamischen Geschichte. Sie 1st nicht
ohne Vorlaufer, wenn auch vorher die Beweggriinde zur
Abwanderung weniger gewaltsamer Art waren wie hier.
In der Abhandlung liber Schejch Bedr ed-dln wurde auf
mehrere hingewiesen ; vgl. S. 24, Anm. Von den auf Morea,
in Albanien, Serbien und Bulgarien damals angesiedelten
Schriten haben sich, wie ich hoffe glaubhaft gemacht zu
haben, bis auf den heutigen Tag jene Qizilbaschen erhalten
(a. a. O. S. 99 ff.). Damit durfte das Ratsel 'Qizilbasch' eine
vielleicht befriedigende Lb'sung gefunden haben. Man muss,
um das geheimnisvolle Dunkel, das alle diese Verbande
kennzeichnet, sich zu erklaren, die klassische Abhandlung
Ignaz Goldziher's iiber die taqijja in der Zeitschnft der
Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, LX. Band, S. 2i3ff.
nachlesen. Dann wird wie mit einem Schlage alles ver-
standlich.

Aber alle Gewaltmittel des Grossherrn niitzten wenig.
Im Gegenteil, mit desto grossrer Zahigkeit schlossen sich
die Anhanger Isma'ils in ihren bedrohten Gemeinden zusam-
men, desto zahlreicher scharten sie sich um diese mit ge-
heimnisvoller Anziehungskraft begabte Personlichkeit des
Schahs. Mit den zu den denkwiirdigsten Zeugnissen fiir die
Werbekraft der Safawijja gehort jener ausflihrliche Brief des
Sier Giovanni Morosini (Zuan Moresini) aus Damaskus vom
5. Marz 1508 (nicht 1507, wie es im Druck vn, 526 irrtlim-
lich heisst). Aus ihm konnen nur die wichtigsten, auf die
Person Isma'lls bezuglichen Stellen hier mitgeteilt werden ;
der Schreiber hatte von einigen frankischen Sklaven, die
sich im Lager des Schahs befunden und ihn aus nachster
Nahe erschaut hatten, die wundersame Kunde erfahren. Er
vergisst nicht zu bemerken (vn, 531) :

Da che dico, questa cossa esser mirabile a li zorni nostri, et non esser
fabula come e stati alcuni, de che, per parer da savij, non voleno creder a chi
vede e sano. Alcuni mori [Mauren, Araber] credeno, questo esser il tempo de
la sua desolation, et ctt e questa sua setta pronosticata et predicta, si dal suo

Marino Sanutos Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 45

Martin (!) come da' astrologi et altri surf propheti, et quasi che per le cosse
antedicte li vedo a la via. Alcuni de sti frati de Jerusalem credeno, per opere
stupende el fa et miraculose, el sia Antecristo.

Aber nicht nur die Franziskaner in der heiligen Stadt
witterten hier den Antichrist und fiihlten sich in einer/^r#,
sondern vor allem die Muslime. Denn der in alien alten
Reiseberichten fur Isma'll wiederkehrende Name Techelles
ist nichts weiter wie daddschal. Horen wir nun, was Morosini
noch berichtet (iv, 530) :

Affirma, costui esser adorato in loco de uno Alt, parente et apostolo di
Martin [so ! siehe oben1] et lui ha visto far a le sue zente d^ arme la oration
ml pavion, et che, velato capite*, Sophl era in mezo de una grande corona et
circulo de li principal per si del campo ; et cossl, come sti mori danno laude a
Mareni, cusst quelli, eodem modo, adora el Sophi. Et e nominato non re, ne
principe, ma sancto et propheta etc. Deinde esser bellissimo zovene, senza barba,
studiosissimo et doctissimo in letere, et non lascivo al so It to de1 per si ; homo de
grande justitia et senza alcuna avidita, et molto piu liberal de Alexandra, and
prodigo de tutto, perche, come li vien el danaro, subito lo distribuisse, in modo
che el par un Dio in terra ; et che, come a li templi se offerisce, cussl tutta la
Persia li offerisce le sue faculta, et hano de gratia che tanto sancto se degni
acceptarle ; et che V restituisse in signoria tutti li schaziati et forausciti inde-
bitamente ; et che, come religioso, vive et se contenta de quanto ha uno minimo
et privato homo, /' ha tamen qualche schiava et non ancor legitima moglier*.
Et che Y non sege beve vino, ne palese, ne occulto ; ma che qual che volt a manza
certa ciba, cK e alquanto aliena, et che alhora commette qualche sceverita. Et
che /' e, tamquam sanctus sanctorum, pien de divination, perche mat se con-
siglia, non se a mat curato, etiam in pueritia, tuor conseglio da alcun ; et che
per questo tutti crede el sij, ad ogni sua operation, divinitus inspirato...

(folgt die bemerkenswerte Schilderung des Katzentiers, gatto
\wo\\[=gattopardo, Leoparden, Lowen (kajdar)~\ in Isma'lls
Nahe und seines j£#z#0ft). Die abgottische Verehrung, die der

1 Dieses zweimal wiederkehrende Martin hat natiirlich mit dem gleich-
namigen Heiligen oder Luther sicher nichts zu tun, wird vielmehr die
Entstellung irgend eines arabischen Wortes mit Angleichung sein.

2 Sehr wichtige Nachricht. Die Verschleierung wird namlich auch von
andren islamischen Herrschern bezeugt. Vgl. z. B. N. Jorga, Geschichte des
osmanischen Retches, i. Band, S. 35 (Gotha, 1908) : Auf einem Throne
sass der Kalif (der Bujide Mu'izz ad-dawla), schwarz verschleiert und
angetan mit dem schwarzen Mantel des Propheten [so !]....

3 Nach G. M. Angiolello (vgl. Travels of Venetians in Persia, Hakluyt
Soc., London, 1873, S. 106) heiratete Schah Isma'Il die Enkelin 'Taslu-
canum' (= ? + khanum), die Tochter Sultan Ja'qub's, Sohnes des Uzun
Hasan, als er erst 15 oder 16 Jahre alt war. Aus dieser Ehe stammte
wohl Tahmasp, der 918 (d. i. 1512/13) geboren sein muss, da er beim
Regierungsantritt erst elf Jahre gezahlt haben soil. Die anderen Sohne
Sam Mlrza, Behram Mlrza, Rustem Mlrza miissen dessen Halbbriider
gewesen sein und von verschiedenen Frauen stammen, da sie nach dem
Hablb-us-Sijar alle im September 1517 zur Welt kamen.

46 FRANZ BABINGER

Schah bei seinen Anhangern genoss, wird durch weitere
Zeugnisse bestatigt. So berichtet1 (vn, 631) der Bailo Sier
Andrea Foscolo unterm 6.713. August 1508 aus Stambul:

El qual Sophi £ potente et a grandissima ubedientia ; adeo li homeni net
suo campo si fa amazar per amor di Sophi, dicendo : Tajame la testa per
Sophi ! E moreno contenti. . . .

Derselbe Gesandte erganzt seine Angaben am 10. August
1508 (vii, 638) mit den Worten :

Una cossa miranda se dice de la obedientia che il dicto Sophi ha dai surf, et
F amor et devotion li portano, inter reliqua, che quando el cavalcha, el piu de
le volte se li butano davanti brigate, le qual, oblato capite, rechiedeno esser
amazati et voler sparzer el sangue per amor suo, et se fano tagliar la testa.

Wohin Ismail auf seinen Heeresziigen drang, uberall
warf man sich ihm zu Fiissen und begriisste ihn als
Herrscher. Zumal in Kleinasien dauerte der Zulauf unver-
mindert an. Priamo Malipiero, der gerade aus Qonja und
Qaraman angelangt war, schildert Ende August 1507 den
Rektoren von Zypern seine Eindriicke de le nove et cosse del
signor Sophis wie folgt (vii, 167) :

...tuta la Caramania et altri luogi et paesi circum circa se reduriano a la
devotion de esso Sophis , per esser inclinatissimi a quello ; tanta he la extima-
tion e fama di quello, per esser signor liber alissimo, et far optima compagnia a
tuto homo. Et he homo valor o so, de gran spirito et animo ; et he zovene de
anni 24 in circa; et tuti li suo' seguazi portano le berete rosse, et he nominato
signor de la testa rossa....

Am 26. September des gleichen Jahres melden die rettori
von Zypern (vn, 182) :

1 Dieser Bericht ist auch deshalb von weitrem Interesse, weil darin vom
Khan der Uezbegen, wohl Schejbek Khan, die Rede ist, der fortan, wegen
seiner und der Seinigen Kopfbedeckung, signor de la bareta (testa) verde
geheissen wird (vn, 631 : El qual signor porta bareta verde, e cussi la sua
seta). Hier liegt wohl der Ursprung des Namens jdschilbasch zum Unter-
schied von qizilbasch. In spateren Berichten wird dann streng geschieden
zwischen dem signor de la bareta (testa] rossa, dem Schah Isma'Il ; dem s. de
la bareta verde, dem Uezbegen oder Tatarkhan (Herrn von Tschagatei, wie
aus xv, 439 (vgl. dazu x, 551, wo Zagilai woh\- Zagatai ; xvn, 516:
dominus biratorum viridium) hervorgeht : Del signor de Chiagatai et la sua
militia che sono chiamati jachipachilie [jaschilbaschlar /]. Zu jdschilbasch
vgl. iibrigens A. von Le Coq im Orientalischen Archiv, HI. Jahrg., 1913,
S. 64 ff.) dem signor de la bareta bianca, dem Grossherrn (vgl. Der Islam,
xi. Bd., S. 70) und schliesslich dem signor de la bareta nera, worunter der
Fiirst von Georgien verstanden wird. Die Farbe der Kopfbedeckung, die
Uezbegen vielleicht ausgenommen, wird wohl lediglich den betreffenden
Fiirsten gekennzeichnet haben. Vgl. auch A. Houtum-Schindler, JRAS,
1897, S. ii4ff.

Marino Sanutds Tagebiicher und die Safawijja 47

Etiam tufa la Caramania £ sotosopra, e tutti aspetarlo con gran
desiderio . . . .

Und am 10. Oktober 1507 schreibt Sier Giacomo Badoer,
consigliere auf Zypern, an seinen Sohn u. a. (vn, 187) :

Tutta la Caramania era sottosopra ; e intendera, spiero avanti mia par-
tita, si 'I prosperera o no.

Am 27. September 1507 berichtet (vn, 263) der dortige
Konsul auf Grund einer ihm durch einen armenischen
Kaufmann ubermittelten Botschaft die folgende Neuigkeit.
Der Gewahrsmann war am i. Sept. erst von Angora auf-
gebrochen. Der Schah lagerte damals

presso una terra grossa de ditto signor turcho, chiamata Chaisagna [d. i.
Caesarea, Qaisarijje]. El sanzacho [sandschaq] di qual terra e andato a
r incontro de ditto signor Sophi con presenti, et honoratolo.

Isma'il erwiderte dem Sandschaqbej, dass er nicht gekom-
men sei, um das Land zu verwiisten, und wies sein Heer
an, keine Lebensmittel ohne Bezahlung von der Bevolke-
rung zu nehmen. Was Wunder, wenn der Grossherr in
Stambul ernstlich fur seinen Besitz zu bangen begann, und
alle Massnahmen traf, der um sich greifenden Pest Einhalt
zu tun. Hersek Ahmed Pascha ward beauftragt, die Dar-
danellenschlosser instand zu setzen, da man einen Angriff
der Perser auf diese befiirchtete. Der padrone di nave, Sier
Girolamo (de) Matio iibermittelte folgende Nachricht aus
der osmanischen Hauptstadt (Oktober 1507, vn, 168) :

...in Constantinopoli si stava con gran terror ; et che le zente de la Natolia
si acordavano con dito Sophis per tal modo, che lo exercito del dito Sophis ogni
zorno piic augmentava, et quello del turcho indebeliva ; et che andavano anche
mal contend et con molto timor, per el seguito grande et felici prosperamenti ha
esso signor Sophis ; et che 'I turcho haveva spazato Carzicho bassa, per forti-
ficar li dardaneli de Mar Mazor, per dubito non siano tolti dal prelibato
Sophis....

So stand es am Ende der Regierung Bajazid's II. um die
schritische Sache im Reiche. Es ware wohl um die Herr-
schaft des Hauses 'Osman geschehen gewesen, wenn nicht
in seinem Sohn und Nachfolger Sellm jener rucksichtslos
durchgreifende Sultan erstanden ware, der mit einem Voll-
mass von Grausamkeit, der er den Beinamen jawuz verdankt,
gegen diese Reichsgefahr einschritt und jenes entsetzliche
Blutbad unter IsmaTl's Anhangern anrichtete, das in der
Schlacht bei Tschaldiran seinen vorlaufigen Abschluss fand.
Es lag nicht im Plan dieser Aufsatzes, alle kriegerischen

48 FRANZ BABINGER

Massnahmen Sellms wider Isma'il und die Seinen auf Grund
tier Tagebuchaufzeichnungen Sanuto's darzustellen. Es
steckt iiberreicher Stoff daftir in den folgenden Folianten
und es wird Aufgabe eines zukiinftigen Geschichtsschreibers
der Safawijja sein, diese kostbaren Ueberlieferungen im
strengen Zusammenhalt mit der sonstigeri Forschung zu
verwerten. Es kann hier auch nicht, so reizvoll es ware, der
Versuch unternommen werden, mit Hilfe der Sanuto'schen
Angaben mehr Klarheit in Zahl und Art der Stamme zu
bringen, die dem Schah Gefolgschaft leisteten und die seine
Leibwache bildeten. Ich denke hier vor allem an die
Tekkelii (aus Tekke !), Schamlu (aus Syrien) genannten
Verbande, von deren Geschichte nicht viel mehr bekannt ist
als uber die der qurtschi, der Kurden (?), die Isma'lls Prae-
torianer waren (vgl. dazu M. Sanuto, ¥,196: Curgi\ vn, 267) :

dicto Sophl haver homeni e cavalli numero 30 milia, coverti loro et Ihor
cavalli, et teribili combatitori, che za mai se renderano, ma ben volevano morir
al nome del so signor.

Ebenso muss der Versuchung widerstanden werden, die
Beziehungen, die Schah Isma'll mit der Signoria von
Venedig ankniipfte (vgl. den Wortlaut seines Briefes, vi, 302
[zu den Inschriften auf den Miinzen vgl. man noch vn, 270],
der aus dem ehrwiirdigen Archiv ai Frari einmal hervorge-
zogen werden miisste !), hier in ihrem Verlauf zu schildern
oder die belangvollen, dort vergrabnen Angaben des Arztes
Giovanni Rota (Brief aus Aleppo vom 26. August 1504, vi,
93 ff.) mit den ubrigen, so wichtigen gedruckten und unge-
druckten Nachrichten dieses Gelehrten tiber den Sophi^ zu
vergleichen. Nur ein paar fltichtige Bemerkungen mogen,
gleichsam als Zusammenfassung und Gesamtbetrachtung,

1 Giovanni Rota aus Venetian, der ebenso wie der aus Rovreit in Siidtirol
stammende Geschichtsschreiber der spateren persisch-tiirkischen Kampfe,
Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi (t 1615) viele Jahre an italienischen Levante-
konsulaten tatig war und eine grundliche Kenntnis des Morgenlandes
besessen haben muss, hinterliess eine mehrfach gedruckte (erstmals 1508
wohl zu Venedig) und iibersetzte (so eine Verdeutschung, Augsburg, 1515)
Schrift Vita, costumi e statura di Soft. Eine handschriftliche Abhandlung
Rota's liber den namlichen Gegenstand und wohl die Vorlage fur den
Druck hat sich als MS X F 50 auf der Biblioteca Nazionale zu Neapel
erhalten. Vgl. dazu meine Angaben in Der Islam, xi. Band, S. 79, Anm.;
S. 85, Anm. ; S. 86, 2. Anm. G. Rota's Schrift bildet mit eine der wich-
tigsten zeitgenossischen europaischen Quellen fiir die Geschichte der
Safawijja.

Marino Sanutos Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 49

im Anschluss an diese Ausziige aus Sanuto's Diarien ge-
stattet sein ! Betrachtet man diese ganzen Geschehnisse
nicht vom trocknen Chronistenstandpunkt aus, versucht
man vielmehr ihren tieferen Ursachen nachzugehen, so wird
man zunachst um eine Erklarung verlegen sein. Wie konnte
es geschehen, dass ein Jiingling, ja ein Knabe mit 15 Jahren
sich plotzlich und im Nu die Herzen von Tausenden ero-
berte, dass er sich an die Spitze eines geordneten Heeres
stellen und binnen kurzem ganze Landerstrecken sich
untertan machen konnte ? Sehe ich recht, so wird man dieser
wundersamen Erscheinung erst gerecht, wenn man den
Begriff der schl'at 'All seines rein dogmatischen Geprages,
gleichsam der arabischen Auffassung entkleidet und ihn vom
psychologischen, letzten Endes aber vom rassenpsycholo-
gischen Gesichtspunkt aus zu werten versucht. Es ist nam-
lich gewiss kein Zufall, dass die Trager schritischer Bewe-
gungen fast immer arische Perser waren, dass andrerseits die
Schl'a im arabisch-semitischen Bereich niemals zu dieser
Auspragung und Bliite gelangen konnte wie in Persien
selbst. Denn was unter den 'Abbasiden etwa im Sinne 'ali-
discher Bestrebungen erkennbar ist, war im Wesen niemals
semitisch, sondern stets persischen Ursprungs (vgl. die
Barmekiden). Es ist weiterhin nicht zufallig, dass das Der-
wischwesen, das seine Urspriinge in Indien und Persien hat,
niemals auf arabischem Boden richtig Wurzel fassen konnte,
sondern stets nur in Iran, spater freilich auch im tlirkischen
Reich und im hamitischen Maghreb gedieh. Die Fatimiden
aber, vielleicht die einzigewirklich 'alidische Herrschaft in den
Landern des Khalifats, sind ebenfalls auf nordafrikanischem
Boden erwachsen und persischer Herkunft. Im arabischen
Sprachgebiet hat es, von kummerlichen Versuchen ab-

fesehen, niemals ein Derwischtum im persisch-tiirkischen
inne gegeben. Hiermtissen notgedrungen rassenpsycholo-
gische Griinde mitsprechen. Schon in meiner Studie iiber
Schejch Bedr ed-dln habe ich die Behauptung aufgestellt,
dass der Zusammenhang der Schl'a mit den ahl tariq
keineswegs etwa zufallig ist, vielmehr seine notwendigen
seelischen Griinde hat (S. 3 ff.). Der 'All- und Husejn-Kult
aber, der mit der Imam-Vergotterung das Wesen der Schra
ausmacht, leitet seinerseits wieder unmittelbar, ja zwanglos
auf den mit dem Derwischtum eng verkniipften Sufismus

B. p. v.

50 FRANZ BABINGER

iiber. Die Verherrlichung der sogenannten mystischen
Schejche, wie wir sie aus Hunderten von wilajetnames
genau kennen lernen konnen, ist kennzeichnend flir diese
Bestrebungen und diese Geistesart. Und es ist unschwer zu
begreifen, warum diese abgottische Verehrung eines lebenden
Meisters leicht an die Imam-Schwarmerei der Schl'a
anknlipfen konnte. Irre ich nicht, so riihrt man hier an die
wichtigsten Fragestellungen der Religions- und Rassenpsy-
chologie. Unter derlei Gesichtspunkten geschaut und in der
Erwagung,dassLehren undVorstellungen inGlaubenssachen
eben nicht das Urspriingliche sind, sondern ein Erleben
ganz andrer Art, erscheint das von Thomas Carlyle so
wundervoll behandelte Thema On heroes and hero-worship
in ganzlich anderer Beleuchtung. Es ist kein Zweifel, dass
die Schl'a, zumal die in der Safawijja verkorperte Gattung, in
der religionspsychologischen Forschung dereinst eine wich-
tige Rolle spielen wird. In ihr liegt ein unendlich reicher
Tatsachen- und Beweis-Stoff vor. Darum ist ernstlich zu
wiinschen, dass sich recht bald jemand diesen so dankbaren
Vorwurf erwahle und eine zusammenfassende Darstellung
der SefewI-Bewegung liefere. Niemand unter den Lebenden
ware hiezu besser geriistet als der Altmeister der Erforschung
persischer Geschichte, Literatur und Kultur, dem diese
wenigen Seiten als bescheidne Gabe—

yet my good will is great , though the gift small

(SHAKESPEARE, Pericles, in, 4, 18) —

zugedacht sein sollen. Wlirde er sich durch sie ermuntert
fiihlen, diesem flir die Islamkunde, ja fur die ganze Re-
ligionsforschung so wichtigen Problem seine nahere Auf-
merksamkeit zu schenken und es erschopfend zu behandeln,
so ware damit eine lang gehegte Hoffnung erfiillt.

FRANZ BABINGER.

WURZBURG, am 21. Sept. 1920,
dem 400. Todestag Sultan Sellm's I.

SOME CONTRIBUTIONS TO ARABIC
LEXICOGRAPHY

That all the Arabic lexicons hitherto published are very
defective and that most of them contain many errors is
generally acknowledged. In the year 1908 the plan of a new
and comprehensive Arabic lexicon was discussed at the
International Congress of Orientalists held at Copenhagen,
and certain provisional arrangements were made for carrying
out the scheme ; but whether any one now living is likely
to see its completion I do not venture to guess. In the
meanwhile it is desirable that those who have made notes
bearing on the subject should give them to the world. Had
this been done by all the Arabists of the nineteenth century,
we should now be much nearer the goal.

The following remarks are intended primarily to supply
fresh information, or fresh evidence for statements in the
existing lexicons. Thus, for instance, many of the ex-
pressions which Dozy, in his Supplement aux dictionnaires
arabes (1881), cites on the authority of late authors, or even
of modern dictionaries, really occur in Arabic literature of
the classical period, and such cases are worth pointing out.
I have also taken the opportunity of rectifying errors which
are likely to mislead future students, in particular some mis-
takes which are to be found in the Glossary to my edition
of the Naqaid. That many of my suggestions have been
anticipated by others is highly probable, but apart from well-
known facts I have not consciously reproduced anything
without acknowledgement.

For the sake of convenience the material is arranged in
the order of the verbal roots. In the spelling of Arabic
names I have followed the system of transliteration which
has lately been recommended by the British Academy.

4—2

52 A. A. BEVAN

ABBREVIATIONS

Abu Dharr: Commentary on Ibn Hisham, ed. Bronnle (1911).

Abu Mihjan : Dlwan, ed. Abel (1887).

Agh. : Kitdb al-Aghdnl.

Akhtal : Dlwan, ed. Salhani (1891).

'Alq. : 'Alqamah, in Ahlwardt's Six Poets (1870).

Asas : Asas al-Balaghah (Bulaq, A.H. 1299).

Azraqi : in Wiistenfeld's Chroniken der Stadt Mekka (vol. i, 1858).

Baid. : Baidawl, ed. Fleischer (1846-1848).

Balidh. : Baladhuri, ed. De Goeje (1866).

Bibl. geogr. : Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum, ed. De Goeje (1870-

1894).

Bukh. : Bukhari, Sahlh, ed. Krehl, completed by Juynboll (1862-

1908).

Bukhala : Jahiz, Kitab al-Bukhald, ed. Van Vloten (1900).

Dlnaw. : Dinawarl, ed. Guirgass (1888). Supplement, ed. Kratch-

kovsky (1912).

Fakhri: Al-Fakhrl, ed. Derenbourg (1895).

Farazd. B. : Farazdaq, ed. Boucher (1870).

Ham. : Hamasah, ed. Freytag (1828-1851).

Hudh. K. : The Hudsailian Poems, ed. Kosegarten (vol. i, 1854).

Hudh. W. : Continuation of the same, in Wellhausen's Skizzen und

Vorarbeiten, Heft i (1884).

Ibn H. : Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld (1858-1860).

Ibn Khali. : Ibn Khallikan, ed. Wustenfeld (1835-1850).

Ibn Qut. Sh. : Ibn Qutaibah, Kitab ash-Shi'r wa-sh-Shulard, ed. De

Goeje (1904).

Ibn Sa'd : Biographien, ed. Sachau and others (1904—1918).

Imr. : Imru'ul-Qais, in Ahlwardt's Six Poets.

Labid Br. : Dlwan, 2nd part, ed. Brockelmann (1891).

Labid Ch. : Dlwan, ist part, ed. Chalidi (1880).

Lamlyah : Ldmlyah of ash-Shanfara.

Maqq. : Maqqari, ed. Dozy and others (1855-1860).

Mubarrad: Kdmil, ed. Wright (1864-1881).

Mufadd. C. : Mufaddallydt, Cairo ed. (1906).

Mufadd. Th. : The same, ed. Thorbecke (1885).

Mufassal: ed. Broch (1859).

Musi. D. : Dlwan of Muslim ibn al-Walid, ed. De Goeje (1875).

Musi. S. : §ahlh of Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj (Cairo, A.H. 1290).

Mutanabbi: ed. Dieterici (i 86 1).

Muwashsha: Kitab al-Muwashsha, ed. Briinnow (1886).

Nab. : Nabighah, in Ahlwardt's Six Poets.

Naq. : Naqtfid, ed. Bevan (1905-1912).

Nold. Beitr. : Noldeke, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alien Araber

(1864).

Qali : Kitab al-Amall (Bulaq, A.H. 1324).

Qazwini : Athdr al-Bilad, ed. Wustenfeld (1848).

Tab. : Tabari, ed. De Goeje and others (1879-1890).

Th. u. M. : Thier und Mensch, ed. Dieterici, 2nd ed., 1881.

Yahya : Yahya ibn Adam, Kitab al-Khardj, ed. Juynboll (1896).

Yaqut : Muljam, ed. Wustenfeld (1866-1873).

Some Contractions to Arabic Lexicography 53

j| means not only to fertilize a date-palm (Mubarrad 137*) but
also to produce something by means of fertilisation, e.g.

>.Jt " dates belong to him who cultivates them,"

Ibn H. i312.

For J*Jbt applied to troops of horses, see Ibn H. 590* (=Tab. i
I42914), 'Amir ibn at-Tufail (ed. Lyall) No. 23 v. 6.

x£ 0 ,£

^y \ to elapse is construed with J in the sense of after, j*\& «2JJJJ ^y t,
Ham. 1 9 118.

^yl to be unsuccessfully an enterprise, Baladh. i8714: to be visited

„ £

by an apparition (— Ol dUM), Ibn H. gi9, cf. gi13.
^yt (3rd conj.) to help, Ham. 4827.
£\ preferable, dearer, Dinaw. 69' [readjJl, not £\\
Jj! to found a kingdom, Maqq. i 2i222.

X.g

^ojt /^> act treacherously (see Wellhausen, Skizzen iv 691 seq.) is con-
strued with ^ of the person injured, Ibn H. 34310.

^St — ^jj ^Xc wiAi^- to commit perjury, Ibn H. 7y89.

°,a is used to confirm not only a statement of some one else
but also a previous statement of the speaker, e.g. Agh. iii 7218.

g x 0

or JA.I (without ,j-o or J) because of..., for which a verse of
'Adi ibn Zaid is cited in the Lexicons, occurs also in another
verse of the same poet, Agh. ii 265 (= 34*).

r, Agh. xix 3321.

o £ o " it

or i>afc.t ^>/y water has a pi. ,>ft-b'> Agh. ii 4I22.

l, from Aram, aggana, usually means a basin for washing
clothes etc., but al-Farazdaq (B. p. 662) uses it for a wine-jar •
that it is not here a " wine-bowl " appears from the fact that it
is " sealed "(ClaLi).

f 3x xxg

1 — ^a*-)) J^a-t ^ seized his right, i.e. ^ /<?^ vengeance, Ham. i866,

2 x wl x 0 J

likewise without J^Jt, e.g. j^^U ^l<^*' J^« ''Avenge 'Uthman
upon me!" Fakhrl i2212 (the parallel passage in Tab. i 32 io4

* »£ x x £

seq. has ^^ O'-o^ **0: ***•!> with ace. and ^^Xt, is to seize
upon something to the injury, or disadvantage, of a person, e.g.

£xOx x£ 0 C

<uXf. J^.U £)\ ~& " Perhaps we may detect him in a

54 A. A. BEVAN

mistake," Ibn Qut. Sh. 42 seq., similarly where it is a question
of obstructing a man's path j>ee Dozy), and hence we may ex-

plain the phrase A^ ^jtot ^f- aXM j**\^ " God prevented

them from seeing him," Ibn H. 3267: oj^U j£-\, it took its
course, is applied to intoxicants and the like, with ^« of the

, ,1, « a - *Z*

person, e.g. Ai« Ujui.U Ojui-l ^Z&- jM»aLJt ^>* <CA~»J " She
gave him wine to drink until it produced its effect upon him,"
Tab. i 76o19, but usually the direct object is omitted, e.g.

<Uxo 4*1^' J^l» Agh. ii 332 (cf. ix ioo2), also with ^ instead

J J t* O J

of i>» (see Lane), cf. ^»£J J^b <jUj^ " A pestilence which

0 J

will attack you," Bukh. ii 298* seq., *£&**»• ^ Jui. "Con-
tinue thy story," Agh. xix 2715.

j;« ,t, * & , ,

Jki»U course may be used for habits, mode of life, e.g. Just »>*5^ ^3

x Ix x o 2 _x a
iJLxJ! J^»W? J^^)t dAoJt ^J-At ^>-o, "Let not any people of

the lower classes seek to adopt the habits of the dominant
classes," Dinaw. 778.

Jli.1 — Instead of the usual^Ajoi.1 ^ to the very last of them, one

x xx

and all, we find^^A^fc.! jU£ ^A, Bukh. i 5518 seq.
;>t calamity is construed as fern., Ham. 25823.

Sjtjt is usually not "a vessel for washing" (Freytag, lavacruni) but
a skin-bottle for drinking-water, Ham. 25314, Tab. ii logi14, pi.
I, Ham. 2337.

to cause a person to enter a house or a chamber, Abu Mihjan
No. 12 v. 2.

harm, damage, is used also for the damaged part of a thing,
Mubarrad 36o13.

>| — S^wt as a preposition is the equivalent of JJt« like, Baladh.
i848.

7 obtain the whole of "a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 76320.
the tribe, the community, Naq. 143°, I448.

anger forms a pi. OU«it , according to the Lisan — cf. Ham.
2 1 S29 [read

j «>«//*/ (round a house or tent) is applied to the trench out of
which the dogs lap water, Agh. iii 3327.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 55

The use of l in adjurations (e.g. cb )J ll!
" I beseech thee to do it ") is well known. It may be noted
that this *5j is sometimes followed by a redundant to, e.g.
U ^t "to tell me," Ibn H. n610 seq.,^IjLi U ^1
"to be honest with yourselves," Mubarrad 559".

*JI In all the recent Hebrew lexicons the Arabic root -U! is cited in
order to explain the obscure word H/frO? Ps. xiv 3, liii 4,
Job xv 1 6. But whether such a root ever existed in Arabic is
extremely doubtful. The only word which the native lexico-
graphers derive from it is the verb 1-&A " to be dense, tangled,

confused," applied to herbage and metaphorically to difficult
affairs. This verb, however, may be formed from «Jj (see
Wright's Grammar 3rd ed. i SIA), a view which appears to

Z s * 5 * » 9 * *

be confirmed by the nominal forms ^Jj, A^Jj and *UL-Jj
(Lisan iv 3416). Moreover under the root ±.±.) we find a verb
•L^l, to which exactly the same meaning is ascribed (Lisan
iv 1 9^ seq.). As for the statement of Freytag that »JU.>t means,

among other things, to become sour (of milk), it is not found in
the Lisan nor, so far as I have been able to ascertain, in any
authority earlier than the Qamus ; to quote it as evidence for
the meaning of a Hebrew word is therefore illegitimate.

* ^,'s"' ^
oUt oi)U is not only a well-known place but also a well-known person,

0 s >,l, * J.

e.g. AA$sA U)U *$**.) j£> ±>\ (J&, Ibn H. i6i14 (cf. Nawawi

659"). '

4Jt 4&I — <tDH (var. *JU!) to express surprise, Mubarrad 5762: ^t iHJt 4JU13

3/3 0 ,

4.ja».a»,~ " Beware of refusing to admit him ! " Agh. xviii 644.

^jJl ^t — ^Jt IJuk "This (is) in addition to...," i.e. "not to mention...,"
'ibn Qut. Sh. 47.

j-ot j*ol, in the phrase o^ol J«A\, is said by al-Akhfash (see the Sihah
and the Lisan s.v.) to be the equivalent of j£wl, which Lane here
translates "became severe, distressful, grievous or afflictive."

But in Bukh. i 820 (= ii 2359) aJU^> ^1 ^1 £\ ^*\ must
mean " he has become a person of great importance."
I, in the saying ^-JklJJt L/**«l^ " like yesterday when it is past "
(Ibn H. 59Q20), is probably to be taken as determined in virtue

56 A. A. BEVAN

of its sense, not as a noun in the construct — cf. the proverb

J>t seems to be used as the equivalent of v>k> tribe in a verse of
al-A'shk al-Hamdani, Agh. v isi29

\ — Whether (jt //is ever followed by the Imperf. Indie, may be
' doubted. Of the three instances given by Reckendorf (Die
syntakt. Verhaltnisse des Arab. p. 691) not one is a case in
point, since the use of jjjp for jJ, in Ham. 803" and Mubarrad
47412, must be regarded as an ordinary poetical license (see
Wright's Grammar ; 3rd ed. ii p. 389), while in the verse of
Abu-l-'Atahiyah (Dzwan, Beyrout ed. p. 62s) it is obvious that

x x « £ x x J 0 Ox»

we should read lyJ cJ**»-» O^ ^*>«A W^ " Cast off thy cares

so as not to be distressed by them ! " — not J^j-tfJ O! "^ tnou
art distressed," as Reckendorf assumes [the Beyrout ed. has

T /^ remains of ashes, Qutami (ed. Barth) No. 14 v. 6.
hence compensation. Ham. 241*.

bodily defect, blemish, Bukh. ii 35 717.
state, condition, see Mubarrad 74o3, Ham. 20213 (?).
t as adverb, Ham. soi23, Lamlyah v. 45, Mufassal 6y4: the
phrase Jl^l v»^ (= Jl^t Colt) last year, which some grammarians
condemn (see Lane s.v.^U), occurs twice in Agh. iii iSS26 seq.
(Persian) ceremonial usage, Dinaw. 47'.

baby, applied both to human beings and to animals, is
evidently the Syriac babhosa " a small child," as Brockelmann
has pointed out (Grundriss der vergleichenden Gramm. i p. 395).
Hence it is quite natural that in a well-known tradition, which
is based upon a Christian legend, this word should be put into
the mouth of a pre-Islamic anchoret (Bukh. i 3046). The view
of Prof. Karabacek, mentioned by De Goeje in Ibn Qut. Sh.
Glossary s.v., that ^^b is from the Persian pabus "foot-kisser"
does not deserve a serious refutation.

one w^° *s beyond the sea, hence Ujjo^o, as collective, " our
brethren beyond the sea," Ibn H. 24914.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 57

£ x x .» J x x w

tju — (^ djjjo ^f "unless they had first brought her to him,"

Dmaw. 1 714, cf. 43", where we should read

o£

to render a thing plausible, or attractive, to a person (with
ace. and J), Ibn Qut. Sh. ii33.

0 x 0 x 0 x x

* (not jju-o as in Freytag), pi. >U*, desert land, Agh. ii 22*.
travellers, either by land or by water, Dinaw. 105* —

see also the Glossary to Tab. and Dozy. According to al-
Jawaliql and other native authorities the word is of Persian
origin, but its etymology is obscure; the modem Persian

<*Jjju an escort, or the act of escorting, seems to have been
borrowed back from the Arabic.

M ^ot~» ^-^ "They have forfeited their right to pro-

X X

tection," Baladh. i834.

nful is used by al-Mutanabbi in the sense of extraordinary,

^o of piety, hence /!^ 5^«^« </ /^^ Annual Pilgrimage, Ibn
H. 9310 [the British Museum MS, Add. 18500, fol. 42% has

V* X X

M-O with bte.

" the inhabitants of the sacred territory," i.e. the
Quraish, Ibn H. 59o8.

things d!^ merchandise (AC leu) in the charge of some
one, with ace. of the things and %* of the person, Ibn H. 469^
also with the direct object understood, ibid. 4yo4.

5 x tie. j x oi ox

»Jaj ^-w,K,»l one who dwells in the valley (*-kj\ or lU^kj) of Mecca,
'ibn H. in1.

contain

# x x J 0 t Oxoi

;, L*as UJU^I C-UJa.»t "Her entrails (seem to)
contain reed-pipes," Hudh. W. No. 139 v. 2.

xx Ox x 5 x x a xx

uj — jo»^JI AA.O v>Jbu3 "He marched along the sea-coast,"
Dinaw. 58".

Cx Ox x 0 £ xOx

y — J>^Jt o-° O>^J O' J1*^ "provided that it comes from the

East," Bibl. geogr. viii i816.
x of. m o x j x og a

jut in a causative sense, ^Xj^-a) joul ^3 O' " This will render

thee more famous," Dinaw. 109'.

58 A. A. BEVAN

.Juiwt to preserve for oneself, hence to retain the affection of a person,
e.g. in Nab. No. 3 v. u

j w

" Thou canst not retain the affection of a kinsman whom thou
dost not help in time of trouble — what man is blameless?"
Derenbourg in his edition of an-Nabighah (p. 126) wrongly
translates " Jamais tu n'as laisse un frere egare sans venir a son
secours" etc. Compare the similar verse (Naq. 22o15 and, with
variants, Ibn Qut. Sh. 2046)

«JU «JU ^ understand with ace. ^ Ujj^». U.5 Oj^a.^.,' C-Jt U
Ili

x x xO

declare oneself innocent,
l /<? be distributed freely (said of food), Ham. 138'.

9 x x «£

t — Sfcb^t 3! is the name given by the grammarians to ^t
when it is a question of " one or both " of two objects, as dis-
tinguished from j\ when it denotes the " offer of a choice "
(j-jjo^j) between alternatives, Mufassal i4i20, Ham. 25520,
Baid. i ip819.

a thing that is wasted, an act performed in vain, Mubarrad 24 f.

*}4 cb (Persian) garden, Dinaw. ii419 — a passage which appears to be
translated from the Pahlawi, see Noldeke's Transl. of Tabarl
p. 375 foot-note.

M cLiwt to seek to obtain one's liberty by purchase (said of slaves),
Th. u. M. i94.
, properly dome, usually means a Christian church ; according

to Fraenkel (Die aramdischen Fremdworter p. 274) the use of
6x
**j for Jewish places of worship (Agh. xix 9721) is incorrect.

But it is worth noticing that in a verse of Jarir a Zoroastrian
sanctuary is called a

Mu'arrab 7412 (= Jarir, Dlwan, Cairo ed. ii 156', Sihah and
Lisan s.r. ^j, with the reading i«*J for l^a*^- in the two
last).

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 59

is not only to forsake, but also to be different in character,
value etc., as in speaking of two classes of teachers, ^yjj^j
, Musi. S. i 318.

0 x

a*3 s-5~*t> one who has a familiar spirit ( *jU or AauU), Agh. iii i8813,
i8917.

to permit, with ace. and <j'> Th. u. M. 3420: to spare a person
some trouble or inconvenience, with ace. of the person and i>«

x x 0 JOx

of the thing, e.g. gU*JI ^>« aJU! J>*j ^if/^^j, Bukh. i 327"
cf. 32913.

6 '0 J J x 6 .» x£ 3*

£« unwilling) ^otJ^o ^AJ ^3t >j "a friendship that comes by
compulsion," Ham. 147".

to move in a straight line, said of a man, Dmaw. i6418, of an
ea'gle, Ibn H. I262.

d£ xx x xO$

to appoint a person to a post, y^

s OWjJit, Agh. ii 2021,
ibid. 2o26.

pl- of -5^)— ^3t^t "Lord of the shining (stars)"
'is a title of God, Ibn'H. iSo1.

9 xlx

^^ short) said of the stature, Imr. No. 4 #. 4, Farazd. B. So1.

5 x 0 x

^o*^. a boy — the verse cited in the Sihah i 48 63 occurs in Hudh.
W. No. 141 v. i.

jjk*. i. to draw a person towards oneself \\\ order to speak to him,
*^5 #\ ^J^o., Ibn Khali. No. 389 p. go2 cf. 9o5.

x o £

to run away, escape. Ham. 24 117.

is usually <z fire-brand (Qur'an 2829), but the dual is applied
to the two ends of a cord, Mubarrad 2449.

0 J

properly a heap, a mass, hence metaphorically a great
community ) ^JJdt ^.otjj*. ^ 1«3^4-, Dinaw. i5321.

— The meaning "book" or "page" (dA-ja^o), which is
assigned to this word in the Lexicons, seems to be due to the
misunderstanding of a well-known verse, Imr. No. 32 v. 4,
where it means clay used for sealing ; it is derived from the
Aram, gargeshta, as Fraenkel points out (Die aramdischen
Fremdworter p. 252).

60 A. A. BEVAN

"whenever he happened to

say the like of this," Fakhrl i389.

cj.fi*. fjc?. — The meaning to traverse belongs not only to the ist con].
but also to the 8th, e.g. U5tj-o)t o^j^b* Mufadd. C. ii 23*
[the reading j^xa^il^ in Yaqut iv g265 is evidently to be
rejected].

— From the meaning to decide is derived that of expecting,

reckoning on a thing (with ^), e.g. ZJ«A+J O^j-^ \j

„ ' , >

L5^» Fakhrl 296^ and in line 4 o*}U. xUt
+ *

is an adj. used as a term of abuse, apparently wretched,
Hudh. W. No. 143 ?. 7.

Jc>., with ace. and ^, to spend money on something, U
d^J^.t, Ham. 262518, ^j^ ^ O***;
JJb [read gt^] " He used to spend two dirhams
on the hire of a mule (to go) to al-Hlrah," Agh. x %$* seq.

j X

coward (masc.), Mubarrad 2476.

*° offer food in a fiowl (^UA».), Ham. io39 — this is probably
what Freytag means by apposuit scutellam, for which he gives
no authority.

4l J«i»- means not only audientiam ei fecit (Freytag) but also he
lay in wait to attack him, Mubarrad 59i6 : ^JUxiJiJ i^X*. " He

sat as judge in the Court of Appeal," Fakhrl 2435.

OJUJt JLu (Aram. NftiS:! ^n) ^ Exilarch, i.e. the

Chief of the Jews in Babylonia, Qazwini 20317 seq.

to turn is intransitive, but in Ibn Sa'd i, part i, 9314 it seems
to be used transitively, f-»jjl l^a» «a> .^ " The wind turned it "

w o 5 ,.

(i.e. the ship). The right reading, however, is l^a..^, as we
learn from Lisan iii yi25, cf. Azraqi 114"

* x x

oneself to be detained, e> u~.;^.'> ^, Ibn H. I375.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 61

Jl.fr»fc» consecrated is applied not only to things but also to persons,

J x J u*

e.g. u***^ ^**lP'i Ibn H. 34915 — the term is doubtless de-
rived from the Syr. hebhlshd, which has the same sense.

jbj^- a lean camel (which is uncomfortable for the rider), hence,
metaphorically, misery, Akhtal 931.

^wt /6> flj/r a person /<? rtf&fe stories, a
Agh/xix 89.

means not only military (Dozy) but also Ma/ ze/^/M belongs

0 * J

to the hostile territory (%-^aJt jb); thus Christian women born

Ml 0 X

in the Byzantine Empire are called Olo/*., Baid. i 2486.

sour milk, in the Qamus, is a mistake which has been
repeated by Freytag and Lane ; the correct form is jj*.
(Lisan v 259^ xvi 2$63 seq.) and this agrees with the reading
of the MS in Naq. 929". Hence the statement in the Glossary
p. 330 should be corrected.

means not only roughness in the abstract but also rough
ground (= O>»-)> Itm H. 418".

. to disappear below the horizon, said of any distant object, e.g.

J J ' J » ' Hi

O^jjJ! <U£ JM~S*J i^jla. " until he could no longer see the

houses," Ibn H. i5i9.

o
(pi. of j~»U.) bare-headed is an epithet of vultures, who are

9* i' 90"

called j*~»» j-J» , Dinaw. 30318.

x 0

>Jt metaphorically, /<? be stopped, to come to an end, Dinaw. 28 72,
Fa'khn 28s14.

« small circular island (Lisan s.v.), see Azraqi 43 [read

i. to feel resentment is construed not only with ^e> of the
person against whom resentment is felt but also with the ace.
of the thing which causes resentment, Tab. i ioi820.

J>».t, in the absolute sense, to do what is right, Dinaw. 20319.

., like AAJL»., is used substantially for that which one is bound
to defend, i.e. one's family, possessions etc., JiJLateJI ,*-ol»-,
Hudh. K. No. 92 v. 44.

62 A. A. BEVAN

is explained in the Lisan by ^J>j*»Jt ^9 £«>IoJ "it
collected in the inside" (Lane), but in Ibn H. 57512 (=Tab. i
1 407") the phrase is applied to a scratch (^j^) on the neck,
so that the meaning must be " the blood ceased to flow."

applied to a man, &\j«aJ3\ ^y ^,&»^\ "He became
firmly attached to Christianity," Ibn H. 143™.

u. metaphorically, to suck, Ham. 257^ [s.v.l.].

(pi. of ^^JU- saddle-cloth) is used in the phrase ^^^.t
"men wh.0 are wont to compose poetry," Ham. I4318,
cf. ^Uflt JoU?, Tab. i 82918.

"He urged them to form an alliance" (w^X»-), Ham. 26i9.

X X

jU»- used for the fern., oUt JU»», Bukh. i 3i7.

is construed not only with ^1 but also with ^
Bukh. iii 403", Ibn H. 46613, or with ^s, ibid. 7 go16.

u. to remove a wounded man from the battle-field, Ibn H. 443".
domain, territory (in the political sense), Dinaw. 41", 330*,
hence share, allotted portion, Agh. v 26*.

LU.t with ace. and , UaSU iu.1 "he who

builds a wall round anything," Yahya 6615.

to reverse the saddle on the back of a camel, Ibn H. 43 o6.
j said of things, to be thrown into confusion, Dinaw. 3246.

00}

». ill-gotten gain, Tab. i IO2318.

umb (used for the fern.), Mubarrad 2367.
pi. of ir*jA»t , Akhtal 1 92.

u. or i. to compute the quantity of dates on a palm-tree, is
construed with ^JLfr of the persons for whom the computation
is made, Ibn H. 7779 seq.

(= J»jjA.t) to last long, jl-Jt Uj i^jj*-^, Agh. xi 252.
the mouth of a wine-jar, Akhtal 98*.
(pi. of 43f».) strips is applied to the swaddling-clothes of an

infant, Ham. 253^ also to banners, which are called
Akhtal i6o9, cf. Agh. xx I379.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 63

jjj^-'* to be dislocated^ Lyall, Ten ancient Arabic Poems p. 144'
(='De Sacy, Chrest. arabe ii i5i3), hence, metaphorically, to be
sorrow-stricken, Tha'alibl, Ghurar (ed. Zotenberg) $76*.

Jj>i. jerky, unsteady, said of a woman's gait, Mufadd. Th. No. 1 6

" v. 8.

*jf, ^o^ (j^^- is rendered by Lane " he guarded himself against them
in an extraordinary degree " etc. — an explanation based upon
a wrong reading (^yul for ^^t, see Lisan xviii 25o10). The
real meaning of the phrase is undoubtedly "He took precautions
for their safety," Ibn H. 795™ [read ^Uj], 79810, cf. Baladh.
Glossary s.r. *3j and Tab. Glossary s.r.

J«<aa- superiority (in parallelism with JwoJ), Mufassal 33.

9 0^0^

(pi. of 2JLtiuk) conditions, stipulations, Dlnaw. 28 118.
^^ i. That this verb may mean simply to moisten, not necessarily

3 Of. i

to stain, is shown by the phrase ^^^ £>*J
Dlnaw. i5o21.

to blacken a man's eye by a blow, Ibn H. 2445, cf.

Ox 0 J

, Tab. i I5825 and Baladh. Glossary s.v.
shrubs or vegetables, Fakhrl 238".

? be absent from some one or something (ace.), -sl.~Skrf- U
jjUI "as long as two things are absent from thee," Bukh.

iv 27.

u. to ask a woman in marriage, is construed with ^Jt> of
the person on whose behalf the request is made, Ibn Sa'd i,
part i, 589 seq.

the nose, Ibn H. 4681.

conceal, with *«> of the thing, Ibn H. i6614, 60 17.
jJ>»» to 5-tor^ ^/ a thing in a place, with two accusatives, <l»> „.>.„>

X X «5 X

"a copy which he stored up in his chancery,"

Dlnaw. 736.

Jt i.e. Paradise and Hell, Shahrastam (ed. Cureton) i 6i5.

fcJ to reach, come to a person, with .Jt, Ham. 2220.

64 A. A. BEVAN

JxU. itU. — The phrase 4x»^> ^y JxU. "He spoke incoherently,"
which Dozy quotes from the Muhit al-Muhlt, occurs in Agh. vii

186*, cf. JxJUJ delirium, Ibn H. i9i13; JxU., in Ibn Khali.
No. 451 p. 2816, evidently means " he became imbecile," but
whether we should read Jal». or JxU. (with Wright, Arabic
Reading-book p. 8816) is doubtful.

«JU. ijU. with two accusatives, wiLjt *5X*JUJ ,jl dU JA " Dost thou
wish me to cancel my agreement with thee?" Naq. 2$7.

u. to marry a widow or a divorced woman, is used with the
ace. of the former husband, ly*U 4JLU., Agh. xiv i6821, cf. i6g7,

or else with S*> Ibn H. 144", 355": aJU^'Ot w^U. "May
peace accompany him!" is a form of blessing, Ibn H. 79212
(=Tab. i i6n13).

' *

(pi. of AAJU.) successors, survivors, Ham. 25o15.

JJLi. JJUJ — JJJaJt tu Ji^5 " Conduct us through the ways," i.e. by
a zigzag route, Dmaw, 29 17 seq.

oneself {&& Dozy) occurs in Agh. v I529, O

rapidly is applied not only to living creatures but also
to such things as the mirage ( jT), Ibn H. 36o6 (= Hassan ibn
Thabit ed. Hirschfeld No. 84 v. 5).

0 ul x Ox ul x 9 Of.

jt^». fertile, 5jl^£. ^jb)\ Mubarrad I3415.

to offer a choice may be construed not only with the ace. of the
person and ^>o of the alternatives but also with two accusatives

Ox J> 0 J x £ fix

offered him the choice of surrendering unconditionally or of
casting himself down," Ham. 3625.

JU. a. to suspect a person (with ^J>\ Ibn H. i3315.
*f*5\* continual, said of rain, Muwashsha 2810.

^i i. metaphorically, to do a thing slowly, with ^3 of the thing,
Dmaw. 445.

^c^b to treat affectionately, applied to the handling of a wine-skin,
Imr. No. 36 v. 2.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 65
»

o or »o smoke — The tradition which is quoted in the Lisan iii

49 117 occurs in Bukh. i 340°, iv 153".

as a prep, within. Tab. i 762^ Qazwlnl 21 4®.
* smoke makes a pi. <U»ot, Akhtal ii22.

j5-0— The phrase ^k &u-o (Ibn H. 342' cf. Lisan ix 439") is
variously interpreted. Wellhausen (Skizzen iv 68) translates "an
act of violence," while Caetani (Annali i 398) explains <uu«>>
as "power" (potere). The proper meaning of the word is
apparently outflow, the outbreak of some desire or passion ;

j$b <bu*o may therefore be rendered "an outbreak of lawless-
i *

ness." Hence also the poetical use of 4ju>o for "gift," the

" outflow " of generosity (see Naq. Glossary).

IP.J u., with ^J\, often means to carry on a propaganda in favour
of someone, the direct object (^Ut or the like) being under-
stood, e.g. Fakhri iSy10.

to ask someone for a thing, with ace. of the person and ^ of
the thing, Hudh. W. No. 141 v. 5.

4* 6s 9+0

jIJ> or j&>, book, register, is admittedly a loan-word from the
Persian. But no one, so far as I know, has pointed out that
the Persian jS&* is borrowed from Gr. St<£0epa parchment, cf. the
/JcuriAiKa! 8i<£0e'pai of Persia, whence Ktesias professes to have
drawn his information (Diodorus ii 32).

»iLo snow is given by Dozy, on the authority of Wright, as occurring
in the Dlwan of al-Akhtal. The reference is apparently to a
verse which we find in Akhtal 25*

Ox»£ J OS. J *»!+

* 01

The glossator explains dU> as = ^JJ, but whether v»kf>> can
be used as an epithet of snow is very doubtful. In the frag-
ments of al-Akhtal published by Griffini from a Yemenite MS
(Beyrout, 1907) p. 90 this verse appears with the reading

" like ash-grey mares."

— From the explanation given in the Lisan it would appear
that this verbal form, when used of literal bleeding, always
B. p. v. * 5

66 A. A. BEVAN

refers to bleeding from the head. But the contrary is proved

X XX

by Dlnaw. io412, since *.*».»..> implies that it is here a question
of a stab in the belly.

J^i— Ui CJ^I "May I eat blood!" is a curse which a man
invokes upon himself in the event of his not fulfilling a promise
or a threat, Ham. 813". For the use of j>* in the sense of life,
of which Dozy cites one example (Tab. iii 36 19), see Ibn H.
69 110 seq., Ham. 262*, Agh. xix 421, pi. |U.> lives, Baladh. ii34.

oub dangerously ill (interitui obnoxius) is mentioned by Freytag
as occurring in the Hamasah. This appears to be a mistake,
as Lane remarks. But the existence of the word is proved by
a verse of al-Farazdaq, ed. Hell, 2te Halfte, No. 468* v. i

U. U

fix

.Jj to fall short, to fail to reach a thing (with jj>*), Ibn H. 6i32 —

*^ 0 fix

Abu Dharr wrongly explains C-o as coming from the root ^>5> .
unimportant, said of a thing, Ham. 5521.

JL* crowded, epithet of a battle-field, Ham. 5627 [read Jua»3 for

xO 5

— Instead of the ordinary jJkjJt always we sometimes find

u, Ibn H. 4683, Mubarrad 248", Agh. v I5026, also

xx »d g

*^, Fakhrl 134*; on the other hand jJbjJI ^t»l ^Jl*
means formerly, Baladh. 225" (see the Glossary s.v. ju).
a. to calumniate, Agh. iv 7914.

^ /r<?£, or collectively /fl/^i? /r^j (see Dozy), seems to

• X X * X fi X

be used as an' adjective in Ibn H. 6i89, 5>J>oJt ***•!> ^»- ^^ ;
here Abu Dharr explains A*. 3* as = jjtai^t 5^£». But it is

0 x x 0 x

much more probable that we should read ?>^>oJt ^*^J "de-
lightful to enter," see Lisan iii 283' seq.

9 0 x x

u- /d7 <ww to a person, ^ come into his mind, ^>aJ ly*5 .J «t>

6 X X ^^

t>~»- " A good tune for them (i.e. for the verses in question)
suggested itself to me," Agh. xxi 419.

|i»x

zeal for religion, Dlnaw. 3i310.

xx a x
u- — ^^ V* "He shook his tail," lit. "he drove away (the

flies) with his tail," said of a horse, Ibn H. 55913.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 67

Ox »V 00 x

ji — Instead of Jl^5 £>* ^3 a« uncompleted portion of a saying

Ox J Ox

(Lane), we also find Jy» jji, Ibn H. 7537.

oi*3 (pi. of ouJi?) rapid in their effect, epithet of swords, Ibn
H. 55310-

it % £ X +

\. of y>53 chin) is applied also to the upper part of the breasts
of birds, Lamlyah v. 38.

\e edge of a sword, Farazd. B. 1 3o12.

J 0 x OuJjOx

^LAi adj. r^<2^ to perish, jjcuJl ^W*3 " a poet whose poetry is

soon forgotten," Agh. iii 3820 — a pi. O-*^* ^s mentioned by
Dozy.

J Ot J x

(= l^U^^t), Ham. 442": lyjlji "the districts adjoining it,"
Baladh. i^27.

^tjS dry, itjJJt i^il, Ibn H. i7o20.

^J^ latter part of a period of time, Fakhrl 2222.

0 Ix O xx Hx

l) ^ of a DOX ('***•"')> Agh. vi I3528: ^tj f- at the end of a

period, Ibn H. 381", 4i513, 648".

t, « Ix «x „, Ox »x

adj.— ,^-j; o^*^ OPP- ^ L5^5 O^V, Th. u. M. 585.

# x «: x # x #

^ ^^ at an object (ace.), properly to compete with one an-

x xO J » xxx 5 x x Ml

/« the attempt to see, ^ A5^JJ1 ^f\j^ A-oJt Jjbt ^>l

o^!P U£» al^ji, Musi. s. H 349s2.

makes a P1' r^« ^b. i 764".

of antelopes, used metaphorically for women, Akhtal 2 78.
^ think of the future, Mubarrad 59516 (masdar),
^ sojourn in a place (with ^J, Yaqut ii 645" [read \j£&\.

«£

jl firmer, more stable, Th. u. M. 5312.

Sx x xx

or **4j—snr&4j ^jte "in their normal condition," i.e. "in
the full enjoyment of their rights," see Ibn H. 34 19 seq., and
the note by Wellhausen, Skizzen iv 68.

A '

£>j — The passive of this verb seems to occur in Dinaw. i889,

* o St Si J

OU ^o. jt^oJU %t>, but there can be little doubt that we

9x0

should read «>.>, see Lisan ii 4.5 223, iJt S^U^a

5—2

68 A. A. BEVAN

*£~o; worn-out makes a pi. fern. w*5tj;, Ibn H. 41 f.

^ T> — ** L5^ " **e condoled with him," is construed with v>« of
the thing for which condolence is expressed, Tab. ii lopy9.

9 0 *

quivering) agitated, is an epithet not only of human beings
but also of the sea, Th. u. M. 415, 6o4.

0 0 X

uH>»^ unclean, Farazd. B. n617.

, regain (with ace.), Baladh. 20 16, Agh. v I5512'

j 3 j o* j *• j j Si

1S often =^0^-0*^ " some of them," e.g. J^-cu J^p

o^»t 4-JLfr "Some of them began to feel uncomfortable,"

* a j j *
Mubarrad 31 f, cf. Ibn H. 4701: ^UjjJt J«^ "the founder of

the dynasty," Fakhri i866.

t° toke a liberty, i.e. to transgress the law, Bukh. i 396.

u. — opsJt ,>j " It repelled the gaze," i.e. no one could bear to
look at it, Ham. si1, cf. 868.

*)\ (pl» °f *^J mantle) is used in the metaphorical phrase

X 0 - Jx *?

jji*JI Ajjjt, which seems to mean beautiful poems, Agh. vii iS;14

x x

— for the comparison of poetry to weaving, see the Lexicons
under the roots ?*~»J, ^^»», etc.

j u. or i. to attack a person (with w>), Hudh. W. No. 140 v. 4,

9 x A x

masd. A*JJ ibid.

X X «>£ i x x: »£

J-O J-t)l — *U~JI J~»jt "(God) loosed the sky," i.e. He sent rain,
Dlnaw. 6 16.

) — Instead of the usual aXwj ^s. "at his ease, in a leisurely
manner," one may say J~»j ,-U , Ibn H. 37020, 5392.

# X ^^

lJLy o^ J Jl "Tell him in our name," Tab. i 1046",
cf. Dinaw. ii29.

XXX 9 X X

oLi^ w^Sy u. or i. /<? w)> has a masd. O^A>> Mubarrad 732.

0 x « x 0 x

O^^J^^^ correct, i.e. classical, speech, Dlnaw. 327*, cf.
Ibn Qut. Sh., Glossary s.v.

»£

;l — For the use of this form in speaking of the foster/oMrr,

X X«£

see Ibn H. 79414, ^JUP;| ^JJt ^1.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 69

0 x 0 x 0 0 x

\*bj (pi. of £<>••£; or ^o-«; according to the Lisan) means not only
stones used for building but also basalt blocks in their natural
condition, e.g. Labld, Mu'allaqah #.15 (see Noldeke's Funf
Mu'allaqat ii 70), Ibn H. 79914.

to frighten is an expression of which some authorities dis-
approve (see Lane), but it occurs in Tab. ii io9213.

a thunder-cloud, Agh. v I5317.

i- or u- t° drive away, banish cares etc., Baid. i 57926, also
with ^, Mubarrad 2272.

a deserted house, Baladh. 131".

^ CX X XX

— L>lj <o A3; is rendered by Freytag "annuit, exaudivit,"
but the real meaning is he paid attention to it — see Lane

# £x 0 xOx

1 121 col. 38 seq. and cf. L»|; jAJJu a3jj ^oJ, Bukh. i 32™ seq.

**' xui xx

(QastallanI i 2097 gives the explanation C-.Al.

to persecute, illtreat, Ibn H. I7215, cf.

419", and C-ulj %x5 U ^^^^ v^J? Tab. ii no318 : to overflow,
submerge the land (ace.), said of a river, Bibl. geogr. viii 664 seq.
# verbal root, Baid. i 570".

.ra^ often means « d5f^r^, e.g. J^; O1-!^*^ "like gazelles of

X X

<JW J «l

the desert," Imr. No. 52 v. 33, J^L>v»*o-3 ioU "the

majority of the Tamlm (who dwell) in the desert," Tab. i I9I96,
similarly the pi. J^, Bakri 5713.

is explained by Freytag as " duae venae in interne armo
anteriorum pedum iumenti," on the alleged authority of the
Qamus and Dj. (i.e. the Sihah). But neither of these states
that the word applies only to "beasts," and, as a matter of
fact, ,jUjblj is repeatedly used in speaking of the veins in the
fore-arm of a human being — see Tab. Glossary s.v., Ibn Qut
Sh. u35.

x £

»-ljt to give rest, hence to slay (with ace.), Ham. 2$os8.

* *• °*

originally a journey in the evening is used also for a journey

in general, j-o ^ ^Ls A^.JJ ^J=> Mubarrad 243".

70 A. A. BEVAN

jjj }\j\, in the sense of wishing to do this or that to a person, may be
construed not only with the ace. of the thing and ^ of the
person (e.g. Qur'an 3317) but also with the ace. of the person
and ^> of the thing, Ham. i3914, Tha'labi, Qisas al-Anbiya

1 9 5s4: for 6>\j\ he urged him, see Tab. Glossary, and cf. jujl
Zj-oA. &ut ^Xfr " He was urged to (marry) the daughter of
Hamzah," Ibn Sa'd i, part i, 6820.

^ J JO * f

^jo\j u. to think out, devise, aJLS A*£\J U " what his mind thinks

, »S. ' , 0 , ,

out," Mubarrad 2996, j-o^J! ^+*~J> \jo\j 15 J, Fakhrl 275®.

^Jtj u. is usually to cause admiration (syn. s.^a» .£•!), but it sometimes
means to regard with admiration, e.g. Akhtal 2 f

x Ofc

Here the glossator takes A$JJ-> in its ordinary sense — compare,
however, the similar passage in Ibn H. no7, O$** ^ O5f*
Ot>kUJt, where the meaning "regard with admiration" is the

x X

only possible one.

fl- ^ 0#dfc£ (with ace.), Ham. I3227, Baladh. 22o9, pass. Ham.
406, masd. ^fttj-o Baladh. I3217.

*x ( x J

(^em* °^ O^Jj) /^ ^ water, epithet of a cloud (3Jj-«), Ham.

2 5 2s4.

^^^<? guesses, Dlnaw. 2 1 111.

x 0x0

jU; (pi- of ^Uj-«j) is explained in the Lexicons as troops of men,
herds of animals, etc. ; but it also means masses of water, Ham.

Jjj JbJ"* ^ o^ of slipping, Ham. 6418.

x6£

disinherit, lit. /0 ^w/ cw/i/<? (with ace.), Qazwlni 246".
(pi. of SjJlj)— j^tjj 35 is said in the Sihah to be an epithet

x x

of the lion, but in Imr. No. 40 v. 1 1 it is used as an epithet of
the male ostrich (JU&).

» Q x J

pi. j^~», « ^/^ of hawk — the half- verse quoted, on the
authority of al-Laith, in Lisan vi 54 occurs in Akhtal icy1.

cheerful, unruffled (applied to the face), liu-I>
Muwashsha 242.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 71

*AW a** (pi. of £>{~>) men wearing long coats ofmail(^\^,\ Ibn H. 14*
[var. UuU in Tab. i 9032].

is used not only of an official sentence but also of an
affirmation in the most general sense, e.g.^^Jl

, Baid. i 26826, cf. 581".

prison — On the origin of this word, see Greek Papyri in the
British Museum, Catalogue with Texts, vol. v (ed. H. I. Bell,
London, 1917) p. 134, footnote, "Mr Crum writes that he has
recently found in Coptic ostraca two instances of o-tyvov as
= * prison,' presumably the origin of the Arabic sijn in the
same sense." Since this note was published I have been
privately informed by Mr Crum that there are now more than
" two instances " of this word in Coptic. How o-fyvov (i.e. Latin
signum) came to mean " prison " is not clear ; the fact, how-
ever, appears certain. That it is impossible to explain v>a^
from any known Arabic root is evident, for the various words
which are given in the Lexicons under vlH*—' are either de-
rivatives from i>a~* or seem to be wholly unconnected with it.
Whether v>a-w occurs anywhere in pre-Islamic poetry I do not

+ o o

know, but it is at least remarkable that in the Qur'an &****
and its denominative &s*~> appear only in passages relating to
Egypt (i225 seq., 2628).

I to compete in magic, \jbf$\ JUbl j£+a-\*cJ tjjA.L> " Challenge
the whole world to a competition in magic with this man of
yours!" Ibn H. 25819.

s 0 s 90*

is explained in the Lisan as " a broad arrow-head " ( J*-cw
, but in the verse of ash-Shanfara which is there quoted

9 ' 0 *•

(— Mufadd. Th. No. 18 v. 22) oia* .*.»> seems to mean "an
arrow " simply, or perhaps some particular kind of arrow.

to sail along the sea-coast (Jy^-lw), Bibl. geogr. vii 35320.

is said to mean "a lamb" or "a kid," but it also means a
young camel, Ibn H. 43317, and the pi. ^JU^* is applied to the

* 90*

foals of mares, Akhtal 2O8; similarly the collective tj^^w, Nab.
No. 20 v. 23.

to approach, draw near (with ^a^), Abu Mihjan No. 17 v. i.
~»t to shine, Ibn H. 2211.

72 A. A. BEVAN

u. to punish (absol.), Ham. 97*, Tab. ii ni216 (opposed to Us).

Jbt; 0«<? z0,fo tfwg&r 0/fc«, said of a man gasping under a burden,
Akhtal i6o3.

a. /<? £n>^ a thing (with ,_>), Mufadd. Th. No. 37 #. 23 : to

bring a thing about, ^UJu SU-Jt "those who were responsible
for this," Ham. 103".

conduct, behaviour, Ham. in27 (in this case applied to evil
conduct).

story of a house, JJLJt .J, Ibn H. 3388 (opposed

jL> u. to be forgotten, fall into oblivion, Ibn Qut. Sh. 47.

lying at full length, said of a slain man, Ibn H. 274**
[read l.«.a. X. ...«].

J,~JL» JLJll (= J-UU) .$•#;<?#, pleasant to drink, said of water, Aus ibn
Hajar (ed. Geyer) No. 32 v. 16.

^JL» to convert to Islam, Fakhrl i43u.

^Xli to behave like a member of the tribe of Sulaim, Ibn H. 8652.
adj. whole, in good condition, Ham. 8o20.

9 spread a report (with ^>t), Agh. xix 42".
traditional, Th. u. M. 318.
i place where one can hear, Dlnaw. 1 863.

hand over, transmit, A-ul ^t ^XJLjt jU**t, Dlnaw. 499: to
urge horses to the attack, Ham. 7621.

*, o'f-

U-rf flash of lightning makes a pi. £Uwl, Hudh. W. No. 139 v. n.

with ^>e, e.g. ^51 v>« J^ "He admitted me without
difficulty," Agh. iii ng13.

smoothness, Imr. No. 52 v. 17.

emaciated makes a pl.>^vw, Farazd. B. I631, Ibn H. 593"
(= Ru'bah, App. No. 86 v. 7).

3 ' Of-

more capable of governing, Ibn H. 298.

' Dlnaw-

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 73

a*£ *~* — <ulsu **-L? "on condition that he should have enough to
' 'eat,"'Bukh. i'42u.

*£*£ adj. //£*V/£, abundant, said of a camel's hair, Mufadd. Th. No. 9
v. 1 6.

£, as well as the more usual ^>a*JI>, means /0 y?// a place with
troops etc., dJUJU^Hj ly.«.ga> ,<t Jg , Ibn al-Athlr xii 4I23 — this con-

firms the reading £>a*J*j in Tab. iii 2342 (see Glossary) and
Fakhri 25312 (see note).

» as an acU- applied to water, is said to mean "intermediate

between sweet (w^Jie) and salt"; but in Bibl. geogr. viii 2714

** ° *

*->2j£t is combined with ^j^c- and must therefore signify

pleasant to drink.
o, 5

or ^5*^ tfaw&aii Bibl. geogr. viii 5o7, 7713.

r . ..

w usually means /0 ^» eastwards, but in Tab. ii 4ii6 [read

according to line 9] it must mean to come from the East, as
appears from 41 23 seq., JijJLoJI J^$ O-« sr*\3\* ', Medina lies
between two harrahs (Yaqut iv 33515), and the harrah where
the battle in question took place is the eastern harrah (ibid, ii
252™ seq.).

4 #

3 C5^ (after a negative) y»^ /<?^<? or money, Agh. vii
i86n seq.

i is not only tumult but also harm, mischief, in the most general
sense, e.g. Agh. xi i6813 (= Harm, Durrah io417).

S
or \J& is reckoned among the addad, inasmuch as it means

either " excess " or " deficiency," but the real meaning is simply
inequality, and hence it is used as the opposite of l\^» in* a
verse of an-Nabighah al-Ja'dl, describing a race between two
horses, or, according to others, between a horse and a wild ass

6 x x OX> x ^ul xx 0£" xO OxxO«0

t^f v^.<tJt

(Lisan xi 8312, Anbarl, ^^^, io816).

, Of- x Ox 0 g

with j^Xc, ^ come close to, hence to endanger, ^f- ^-^t
"They (i.e. the years of famine) endangered the lives
(of men)," Ibn Sa'd i, part i, 5412.

a woman who rends her garments (as a sign of mourning),
Bukh. i 32617.

74 A. A. BEVAN

W to be unfortunate, when construed with ^ sometimes means
to be incapable of dealing with a person or thing, e.g. U^j^u LAW
"They made no good use of their high rank," Ibn H. 41 19.
Similarly the adj. ,«££, as when a poet boasts that he is

5 x "

^ftUJJb J^iw "incapable of consorting with mean persons,"
Ham. into.

«&)ltoJ to pierce one another, Dmaw. 2i317.

^-^w (from Aram, shammesh "to serve") /<? celebrate a cult,
Jj, Ibn H. 34914.

to recite prayers or other religious formulae, is explained in
the Lexicons as referring to the Jews, but in Yaqut ii 67915, and
probably also in Tab. iii 1390^ it refers to Christians.

lwt, with ace. and £>A, is to detect an odour as proceeding from

some object, AdjujJJ Aa*olj <Ux> j&JL» &* " those in whom he
(i.e. the king) detected the odour of heresy," Tha'alibI, Ghurar,
5032 [Zotenberg mistranslates "tous ceux qui avaient subi
1'influence de son atheisme ".

in Commentaries is = Sj^^Jt Sgt^JJt the ordinary reading,
as opposed to some variant, e.g. Baid. i 53614.

t u. to gather honey from bees* nests, is construed with two
accusatives, Labld Br. No. 41 v. 16 [read JoLdl for JoLjJt,
according to Lisan v 35921].

w to disfigure, render ugly, may be construed not only with the
accusative but also with ^, Ham. 253™ seq.

" ° '

2> — For the use of l^£> in speaking of persons, see Ibn Sa'd i,
part i, 8424~O

cause a thing /<? ^ followed by something else,

jb, Agh. ii 2412: /<? become a Shi'tte, Farazd. B. l

[read OO^].

• *
It jus! (pi. of IJLO r^/) is used for rusty armour, Ibn H. I7910.

•» x 0 0 x

-^j^i^o (pi. of «-t ju^ ?) grass-hoppers, Mufadd. Th. No. 22 ^.

9x HI X

5^1 Juo coll. enemies, Akhtal 2i6.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 75

properly, to return together from the water, hence to betake
oneself, Baid. i s8i19.

" He found that the man had just

departed," Agh. i 2425 (in this case the two men did not meet,
as appears from what follows).

*o to manifest is construed with the ace. of the person and ^
of the thing, SjljuJb U^^lo Ibn H. I731.

^ be dead drunk, Tab. i 82912.

as prep, near, Hudh. W. No. 143 v. i.

to ascend, hence, in speaking of a purchaser, to offer a higher
'price, Fakhrl 277*.

0 0 x Ox J x 0 x

»-AO — ^^.Ao^ejau *v) "He will not lack my side," i.e. he will
not lose my friendship, Muwashsha 2o2.

Ox 0 J

« kind of unguent used by women, Bukh. i 3229 seq.

u. — the meaning to belong to, to be in the possession of someone,
of which Dozy quotes a late example, occurs already in Dlnaw.
105", *£JIUJI A) Ui.

«J*0 -*J*o (=9-LaA\ u^jty territory annexed by treaty, Yahya 3615 seq.
JJUs "his best clothes," Agh. xix 2929.

ol treachery, perjury, Agh. v I5710:
heavy blows, metaph. satires, Farazd. B. no1.

5 j I x£

(pi. of^o*««t) solid horse-hoofs, Imr. No. 52 #.46.

« summer residence,
said of the swallow, Th. u. M. 4i7.

to be thin is applied to a coat of mail, Imr. No. 14 z>. 15
(= Lisan xii 32518).

xxx x OC

<su ^M« " He placed it on the ground " (the object being uc^t
understood), Agh. v i8i4 seq.: <U$ V>^ "He was related to
him by blood," Dlnaw. 663 (cf. Tab. i 95 721)— AJ ^>^ is used
in the same sense, see Naq. Glossary s.v.

X X

w^Ub to form a partnership with someone in commerce, is con-
strued with two accusatives, Ibn H. up13: to play music with
someone (ace.), Agh. ix ioo2.

76 A. A. BEVAN

)j»o j3j*o one who injures, Ibn H. 6i919.

5 J 86^ J

£ j-o P«i>o (pi. of cj«0 udder] — l^^j^o £ their milk, Dhu-r-Rummah
(ed. Macartney) No. 64 v. 33.

o Z j f,

*JLo (pi. of aJUs) strong, Ibn H. 6i57.

Jkot /0 <?/«dfc, slip away from a person (ace.), Ibn H. io618 seq.

ftS X-

u. /<? /#/fe a wife (ace.), Ham. I923: /0 be the common parent, or
ancestor, of two or more individuals (syn. *,,e^), Ham. IO23.

-The phrase l&Lo p$>-aJ is rendered by Lane " it diffused
the odour, or fragrance, of musk," but in the verse cited Lisan x
992 (= Mubarrad 53 7 ') <jUij O-W ^*~* £>"^ n1118* mean
"the valley of Na'man is full ^the odour of musk."

and wJlol are both said by Freytag to mean "effecit ut
aliquis tanquam hospes ali quern accederet," which seems to
imply that the subject of the verb and the person whose
hospitality is to be sought are distinct; but the definition in

the Sihah (dJujJ^ l*u<g> <£Jj AljjJt lit A^A.^OJ ^jj^p! oAotj)

XW X

simply asserts that otot and wi»c> mean /<? receive as a guest.
This is, of course, the ordinary usage, e.g. in the Qur'an i876,
where some read U*>*^j and others I^A^A^CU . In Ibn H.

35 55 v3L£l appears to be used intransitively, but the correct
reading is ^Lcul (as given in several MSS), which agrees with
P-35'4-

islo^b in comparison with..., Baid. i I955 seq., 55517.

is not only injustice but also hardship, trouble, e.g. in the
phrase ly*^ \j~&&\ ^f- ^J-o*-, Ham. 501.

iLlL, followed by ^>x>, is usually metaphorical, "he lowered the
reputation of So-and-So" (e.g. Agh. iii 4512), but it is some-
times used in a literal sense, as when it is said that God reduced
the stature of Adam, after his expulsion from Paradise, to sixty
cubits, Utj3 ^>jsiw Jl 4io JU-3J^ AMI Ublks, AzraqI 73 seq.
undergo medical treatment, Fakhri 3o812.

> become dense, said of the darkness, Farazd. B 5612.

j x » i

(pl. of^oaiJat) black-faced is an epithet of vultures, Ibn H. 2322
[read

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 77

«.Ji a. in the phrase A*Ju »-JI> " He exposed himself to danger,"
Ham. 228' (cf. -U|p i^'flN ^SBfy, Judges ix 17).

to journey uninterruptedly r, Ibn H. 26418 [read j>jkD].
liberty, release, Ham. 3621, cf. Agh. xviii 2i54.

0 JO *

— Jiy^^M v-5/»- (in grammar) /<?/&r of prolongation, Mufassal
i5418, Baid. ii 401", cf. J^llLt Jbl, Baid. i 589*.

(from the Aram.) consecrated oil, used by Christians, Yaqut
ii yoi2 — this is one of the very few cases in which the Aram.
termination -utha is represented by £>j instead of Oj .

I.— Instead of alii jib " His reason fled," " he was beside
himself," the simple jib may be used, e.g. Fakhri 28614, cf. lyS1
and Naq. Glossary.

Lt to carry off, v>aJt A^Ualwt, Tab. i 7545, cf. Agh. xiv 72s7 —
the parallel passage in Dmaw. 5613 has <o jlku«*t, which is
probably a scribal error.

to close up the entrance of a furnace with clay, Ibn H. i3510:
to build a hut of clay, Fakhri 21 5" seq.

JJlfc Jj» — ^ll4^Jt Jk tj, as a term of abuse, Tab. ii H2O11: a pi.

' > £ "

shadows occurs in Akhtal i29.

p j.ft.U» to double, hence to reiterate a saying, Ibn H. 74910.

xx» I

l to profess a religion, Ibn H. 39718, Dmaw. 5i8.

volcanic tract (saJt) near Medina, Ibn H. 38611.

claims affinity with the tribe oflAbs, Ham. 2O53.

may govern two accusatives,

* X X

"whoever is proved to have slain a believer without provocation,"
Ibn H. 34213.

xx0£ x xxOg

JU*t, which properly refers to the tending of camels

, Lisan xii io723), is applied also to the governing of
men, Dmaw. 773.

l, followed by &\ with the subjunctive, often means he desired

, , « < * £

that this or that should occur, e.g. ****»> o' **"

78 A. A. BEVAN

„ Ibn H. i4ij
I, Bukh. i i85.

' rear-guard of an army, Ham. 79®.

u. to examine, ^^o-^t IjJ^ lit " when they examine my skin,"
i.e. my character, Ham. 20523: pass. J£> (with ^) to be reckoned
as the equivalent of something else, Dinaw. I269.

i ^ " in the guise of merchants," Dinaw. 33514-
n« distinguished, eminent, said of persons, Ham. 25i13, Agh.

Ht. "The way became straight with
him," i.e. he marched in a straight line, Ibn H. 42 117.

(pi. of j*U) /&? sides of valleys, Ibn H. 75312 — Abu Dharr
explains the word as =4J>>3*$\ wJt^*..
i. or u. to mark a horse 0# the cheek (see Lane), hence used

Ow -> wj j j o ^

metaphorically, JjucJU IjJ ^Ul Ujjouj "and by reason of
which the people will regard us as truthful," Dinaw. I7417.
to persist, to last long, said of a season of drought, Ibn H. 8oo15.

slackness is the opposite of ju*. "energy," Dinaw. 287^
cf. i6221.

to designate, or /r^fl/, horses as Arabian (opp. to O
H. 77410-

— in Ham. 26i23 O^JA)) is used to denote the settled Arabs, as
distinguished from the Bedouins (jJuM).
£-oj£ knowledge of the Arabic language, Ibn Khali. No. 31, p. 3920,
Qazwmi 234s8.

is an epithet applied to an ass, Ibn Sa'd i, part i, n618.

bridegroom is construed with ^jJLft of the bride, Ibn H. 77i15,
whereas ^jj* bride is construed with ^ of the bridegroom,

W *•*• 0 x

e.g. £*JjJt O^ *^^^ cr*^j^ L^*^ " when she was married to
Kinanah," Ibn H. 763™ (=Tab. i I5822).

on purpose, designedly, Ham. 40".

U (=JjU) /^? oppose, resist (with ace.), Ham. 26210.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 79

by all means, Dlnaw. 93*, cf. 93** seq., where
is used in the same sense.

f> a female musician, Agh. vi I092.
ft a relative, Mubarrad 247*.

(pi. of dUtoc) groups of palm-trees, Imr. No. 20 z>. 4

(var. J^ljia.).

frt — The phrase j*su*3 O'*"**^ occurs in a verse of Jarir
(Ibn Qut. Sh. 4298) which De Goeje describes as "difficilis
interpretatu " (Glossary s.r. j-oft). It is partly explained by
some passages to which I have referred in the Glossary to
Naq. s.v. ^cucl, but the clearest indication of the meaning is
supplied by a verse which al-Jahiz cites in his Bayan i i8814
(cf. Yaqut iv 47719 and note in vol. v 425)

From this it appears that it was the practice to test the quality
of wood by pressing it ; if no sap oozed forth, the wood was
condemned.

sprouting, said of the spathe (aJLb) of the palm-tree,
Agh. v 1 47s23 — in the Lexicons this meaning is assigned to the
4th and the loth conjugations, but not to the 5th.

to regard, or treat, as a rebel (with ace.), Ham. 26212.

to oppose, hence, in speaking of things, to be incompatible
with something else (ace.), Musi. D. No. i v. 4.

* a- to bite, applied to a shield (&£>), AJU.>»J c^^ig " It gripped
his sword," i.e. the sword stuck fast in the shield, Ibn H. 563^
cf. 76i8.

Jj»U bare, i.e. uncultivated, JUjsU p;tj.o, Fakhri 2383.

: *t

^5^1 often means & make a present, or presents, to a person (ace.),
the thing being understood, e.g. Ibn H. 27615.

j$as. to make large, ^&\j$a* " Take large mouthfuls," Agh. ii 23";

x x Of. ' '

similarly ^Jist, Qur'an 655, Ham. 109°.

chief is applied not only to a political ruler or a military
leader (see Baladh. Glossary) but also to an archbishop,
Jai, Dlnaw. 967.

8o A. A. BEVAN

to efface (with ^&) is used metaphorically for supplanting,

> Ibn H- 96'-

to bite one another, said of dogs, and metaphorically of satirists,
Agh. vii i73i3.

u. to treat undutifully is applied not only to the conduct of
children towards their parents but also to that of ^parents
towards their children, e.g. [sic leg.] ^yU* \is&\ Oi>
Khali. No. 389, p. 8913.

lightning, Ibn H. 76o15, cf. Lisan xii I2Q11.
a distinguished man, Ibn H. no8.

a rug of variegated cloth (^^it), Mufadd. C. ii 4i10.

,, ot j o j a - , o* oi

jjs>\ to serve as a landmark^ A^J^AJ tj^.^y) ^^j ^t

, Dmaw. 599.

is used in a precative sense, "May ye prosper! " Ibn H. 762*,
cf. ,>! ibid. 58218.

00 J 5 0 J

see under

the inhabited earth, Bibl. geogr. viii 26s seq.,
Blruni, al-Athar al-baqiyah 24s — similarly j^oi^J I (see Dozy).

applied to an intoxicant, ^IjJjt A+S J^fr, Agh. vii i8631 : to
cultivate land (ace.), Ibn H. 7798 seq.

—Ji* Whyl Ibn H. y968.

J J0Jx»x

t origin, hence original condition, normal state, *iXX»Jt *a»*J
^1, Dmaw. 951.

fr calamity is construed as fern., Ibn H. 85 118.

-'0" f*£!

s. (= Sy*]! ^jl) territory annexed by conquest, Yahya 36" seq.,
Baladh. 2i713.

> oppressed, troubled, 2jj& ^U JJ£», Ibn H. ii27.

^ *« x

— In commentaries and lexicons ,<i*W is often used for

**- . .

***-'J ^B5ix«^ in speaking of two or more expressions which

have the same meaning, e.g. Lisan v 2865, xiv 53".

» ' 0 J

5* ^ u I am responsible for it," Fakhrl 293^.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 81

O 5x 0 x 0 x x

1)3* a fau^ defect, ly,u Sj^f- OJLJ lit " when they (i.e. the female
wild-asses) show some sign of flagging," Akhtal i62, cf. Kose-
garten, Chrest. arab. I539.

to cause to howl, Akhtal 561 [read Ol^jjJl].
jf> (pi. of dolfr), epithet of lions (^^J), Ibn H. 41 7*°.
/«/, trial, in a moral sense, Baid. i $8f°.

one who loathes a thing, UaJt lyUs, Akhtal 104* [var.
in Lisan v 2o815, but £&*£> in Agh. x 5"].

& impoverish, Agh. iv I4429 (= Lisan v 79**) — see also Tab.
Glossary.

£ j t

— In Nold. Beitr. i864vOVitaj seems to occur with the meaning
" he used to lend them money on usury," but though the MS

6 j j j J<* ' J

undoubtedly has ^..Lsx-jj we should probably read
according to Lisan xvii i8i18 seq.

, for the use of this word as masc., see above s.v.

0 xx

«>!* *M* m a commercial transaction, opp. to
Mubarrad 23.

t° suffer interruptions, JliuaJt ^jf- ^^.j L« " (a sword) which
is continually being sharpened," Ham. 2592.

XXX XX W^^tS^I^XXXX

j+e- u. /<? remain away, opp. to ^5J " to meet," ^t SJLO ,-ift j-j^j
-ui), Agh. xviii 6415.

' x

j "profit,"
443.

X X «g

u. /<? Asoww (syn. ^-j-ol), Mufadd. C. ii 44°, Mutanabbi 80 2 8.
u. to produce, *^**AA J£« ^tj.9 jJdu ^^li, Dlnaw. 319*.

x x 5 x

* to come from the West, Tab. ii 411" — see above, s.v. J»>£.

ftg

jcl to take away, remove (with ace.), Ibn H. 763*.

Otf x

Jj^— Prof. R. Geyer in Orientalische Studien (Noldeke-Festschrift,
1906, i 60 note i) denies that jj^ can mean stirrup, and asserts
that camels were never ridden with stirrups. See, however,
Ibn H. 33210, A*)t

A3L,

Also Tab. ii

io5815 seq., J^it Ji

iJt — and a verse describing a she-camel (Ham. 55412)

B. P. V.

82 A. A. BEVAN

>iji/£, masd. 5-ejj^, to begin to compose poetry, Agh. vii I7o18.
J»lfc fl thicket, jungle (such as lions inhabit), Hudh. W. No. 140 z>. 4,

0 J

Dmaw. i8518 — see Tab. Glossary s.v. *»^JL«.
JLk£ darkness, Lamlyah #.55.

la£ u. or i. to plunge is usually transitive, but it may also be in-
transitive, e.g. Agh. xix 285 — the context shows that the verb
is not here a passive.

i. in the phrase *Lfr «CUU "He fell asleep," Ibn H. 767*.

* j J + *l ' s J

u* a prince, a sovereign, Bibl. geogr. vii 3543, ^.lal^M the
ruling classes, Baladh. 2ii12.

IxXc. with w>, to take a thing by mistake, \^*j ^»A}Ju Jxli5,
' Bukhala 4710.

jjjlij /<? arrive, said of a letter (with ^t of the recipient),
Farazd. B. i472.

JJLc jJ-J^ adj. ^^5^, tangled, said of a camel's hair, Mufadd. Th. No. 9
z>. 16.

5 0 x

i^ojL« insignificant, applied not only to persons of obscure origin
but also to things of small value, Akhtal 1 1 21.

i. to baptize, said of Christians, Yahya 47", 481.

OxJx •> xOx

(= ^5+*' O*+i) a formal oath, Nold. Beitr.

- deep, said of a wound, Imr. No. 14 #. 4, i*ax>UJI
profound sciences, Th. u. M. 6o16.

Ox xx .».»x.»0x

»g incorrect pronunciation, & Lad A^i^c, Mubarrad 36416.

j^, applied to the rattling of chains, Mubarrad 2437 —
so also ^jifr, see Naq. Glossary.

construed with ^>fc may mean not only "the power of dis-
pensing with something " but also "an advantage from the point
of view of someone," e.g. lUc^^ ly^a». J^OA\ " the fortress
from which they will derive the greatest advantage," Ibn H.
759l^j^^^ O* C*k* &i "a great advantage for Islam,"
Baladh. 3o2~4, Ch^>Ot o^ ^Ufc, Yahya 821.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 83

z
Ut /0 make a raid upon someone, hence to plagiarise from an

author, ^^*$ liJU 4**-^ ^s^ J^t, Tha'alibl, Yatlmat
ad-dahr, \ Q210.

/, said of the stars, 'Umar ibn Abi Rabl'ah, ed. Schwarz,
No. i v. 40 (= Mubarrad 382").

diver (a kind of bird), Th. u. M. 383.

<U5U a sudden, or treacherous ; attack, Baladh. 24317, pi.
Dlnaw. 4.

shower of rain is a scribal error for £++£> ; the mistake seems
to have originated with Engelmann (Al-Hadirae Diwanus,
1858, p. 14 seq.), and it has been copied not only by A. von
Kremer but also by De Goeje (Ibn Qut. Sh. Glossary s.v.).
That **£ in Agh. vii 128' (= Ibn Qut. Sh. 109?) is a mere
misprint appears evident from a comparison with Imr. No. 4
v. 47 and Lisan xix 35o18.

X X 0 X 0

* iZAI.jt is applied to /fe seeking of an omen from a book, especially

^" x x ft J jslx x xOx»

the Qur'an, by opening it at random,
Fakhrl i8i16.

, Dlnaw. Sy5.
"pro intentione sua protulit verba" etc., given by Freytag

on the authority of the Qamus, is a scribal error for JA£»\ —
see Asas ii I2327, aiJUui.! ^t J^» ^aJSI J^^» tJ^ (this
transitive use of ja*&\ is not mentioned in the Lisan nor by
Lane). On the other hand, j-aJist in Ahlwardt's al-Fakhri i6i4
is a mistake forj^J^I , the reading in Derenbourg's edition, i8316.

a x x* x

— The phrase JA£ j-o& is used parenthetically, or added at the
end of a sentence, with a verb understood, " (I say it) without
boasting," Ibn H. 534', Abu Mihjan No. n v. i, Mufadd.
C. ii 537.

to forsake, abandon (with <>*), die ^ij Ud " He was not
forsaken" (impersonal passive), Ham. 24i21.
;U Persian wine, Agh. v I4930.

on the summit of a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 5i613 [read
xosxx

J according to Abu Dharr i769].

6—2

84 A. A. BEVAN

0 Of ft J

a cloud that sheds abundant rain, Akhtal Q2

vl 0

> Bibl- Se°gr- viii I074-

or J|j3, 0 measure of \b pints, makes a pi. JjljJl, Baladh. 581.

ilk-J a place of assembly, hence the most important part of a thing ;
thus the Surat al-Baqarah is called <j\jtt\ ilkU, Baid. i 144".

/z<? whose native language is Arabic (opp. to
foreigner"), Dlnaw. 22813, Qali iii is19.

— dual <U*JI *iLAd, i.e. spring and autumn, Agh. ii 223 [read
Jsui.5 for^JL*].

gLixd <?/^« j/a^} court-yard, is also applied to a balcony round a
tower, Bibl. geogr. viii 481.

3t A? behave, conduct oneself, Lyall, 7>« ancient Arabic Poems
i5o6 (= De Sacy, Chrest. arabe ii i566).

x J

^^/ ^r^«/^ (in which people lose one another), Mutanabbi
' 7S624.
JJ13 JjU5 /<? ^ scattered, said of an army, Farazd. B. 215".

x x^e

^JlJ ^^Jbl /^? be unable to pay a debt (with ^» of the debt), Ibn H. 43o12.
aJL3 iJLi5 to be split open, Ibn H. 6i318 (sic leg.)— Abu Dharr,

coll. <r^z^ of stone, Lamlyah v. 20.

means not only ^ understood what another said but also

he perceived what another intended to do, e.g. Mubarrad 25418.
fju — Instead of the usual £& 2^id ^f> thereupon (e.g. Tab. ii
H231) we also find aL*3t ^ (sic leg.), Agh. iv yS26.

x i,.j OxOx i 2 Wx

..5 /^ occupant of a grave, oW^*^ O*J**4 L5*^^ >°» Bukh. i 342".

Jt in the phrase {£>& C-s«gua.'i " I showed no sign of
affection," Muwashsha ii317.

z? towards an object (ace.), Hudh. W. p. 51 last line but
one, see Abu Zaid, Nawadir 8i13.

<2<r/ 05- midwife (absol.), J^ 3lj-«| ^»« Jjb, Agh. xix 3S29;
according to Lisan xiv 5314 seq. it is used with the ace. of the

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 85

child, but it is also used with the ace. of the mother, Ibn Sa'd
viii i6426, cf. i, part i, 8s24.

Jlldt to set about doing a thing, with following Imperfect, Agh. xix
3914 [read *->$*o\$ juust o*L5ld, according to Naq. 54710]:

^57y<?z/<?/0#2fl-fe himself perfect," see
Baid. i 58320.

as prep, opposite, Dmaw. 4610.

is often applied to the killing of wild animals, reptiles etc.,
but very rarely to the slaughter of domestic animals, as in
Yaqut ii 83613.

"homines pugnae apti" (Freytag) is a mistake for iUU-o.

x x

Ol$ coll. sparks, Lamfyah v. 20.

lose, to be bereft of a child (ace.), Bukh. i 3815.
to go beyond a place (ace.), Ibn H. 43910.

be pushed forward, said of a saddle, Ham. 2423.

those who believe that the world existed from
att'eternity, i.e. those who deny the doctrine of Creation, Bibl.
geogr. viii 77", cf. i33 seq.

"I cannot oppose him," Ibn H.
2QI7 seq. (= Tab. i I2I417).

Ox 0

/<? <?^r oneself as a target to those who pelt with stones

(opp. to vJjL^iwt "to offer oneself as a target for arrows"),
Muwashsha 45.

mountain-tops, Ibn H. 3919 [possibly we should read OlajJjl].

*-j>j£2 to receive the Eucharist, Agh. ii 32* seq.

Ox 0 J

3^3^,5 £<ff£, hence a procession of horsemen, Ham. I6826.

« dealer in glass bottles is mentioned by Wright (Grammar,
3rd ed. i 163 B) as post-classical, but the word must have been
in use at least as early as the beginning of the 3rd century of the
Hijrah, since \J>jJ)\$&\ is the ordinary appellation of the well-
known traditionalist 'Ubaidallah ibn 'Umar, who died in
A.H. 235 (see Tab. Index, Ibn al-Athlr vii 3515 seq.). The
passage from which Dozy cites the word refers to al-Junaid the
Sufi, who died in A.H. 297.

86 A. A. BEVAN

°j£> to pass over a place one after another (with ^ of the place),
Mufadd. C. i 3i8 [read j*r*\, accusative of time].

9* Ox J 9*6*

jbjAA dad in a short jacket ( jU»j,5), Yaqut ii yoo2.
cj.5 2&j3 adv. by lot, Bukh. i 3i416.
»A5 JUJ wretched, wiAiM J&M, Dmaw. 12 717.
juo5 JJaJ3 to ztt/0u/ & <& a thing (ace.), Fakhrl 234*.
Ja.5 ^ki£i/^w«^, Akhtal 78* (= Ibn Qut. Sh. 3i22).

jJa.5 IjIkS adv.— IjIkS ^^jf " It hurt me a little," Agh. xiv i665.

ul — The meaning "duplicates fuit," given by Freytag on the
authority of the Qamus, is due to a confusion with

see Lisan s.r.

oiS high ground, hence retreat, refuge, Hudh. W. No. 142 z/. 8.
^ JJll a a#// (metaphorically), Ibn Qut. Sh. 49615.

»X5 lio (pi. of ) w/««, C^JCJt jJli, Abu-1-Fida, Taqwlm al-

" buldan (ed. Reinaud) 23620. '

JiJLS o^iXS adj. active, agile, Ibn Qut. Sh. 25310.

j^.3 J^.3 a. to be high, said of a mountain, Ibn H. 799", cf. jJbl^S JW
•Uat^, Asas s.r.j^.5.

x5x »£ x ^rtx

j2$ jj$ to cut out, excise, dXol ^ 4JLJ ^3, Bukhala 5410.

$ 0 * 6 SO *

J-j3 Himyarite prince forms a fern. £JLJ, Dmaw. 429.

— Uj L^u5 "instead of us," "in exchange for us," Ibn H. I7518.

x o o £

^ — The pi. ij*\j£a\, of which Dozy gives several instances
from late authors, occurs in 'Abld ibn al-Abras (ed. Lyall)
No. 24 v. 5, and in Musi. D. No. 22 v. 23, No. 26 v. 67, No. 37
v. 25 ; in the first, third and fourth of these passages the more

J 0 t

usual form u-J^bt would suit the metre equally well, but in
the second passage it would be impossible.

used absolutely, to show respect for old age, Ibn H. 7784, cf.
Bukh. ii 2976.

" behind thine army," Tab. ii 41 18.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 87

— Instead of v..t^ £>* ^*j " He aimed from a near spot,"

£ X

we also find U^* L«-*J> Mufadd. C. i 231.

he fought with his teeth (like a wild beast),
Dlnaw. 27920 seq.

A? & a miser, see Bukhala 476 seq.

beggary was supposed by Wright (Travels of Ibn Jubair,

i '»

Glossary) to be derived from the Persian ^\ j& or <ol j^ ;

but it would seem that De Goeje doubted this etymology, for
in his new edition of Wright's work (1907) the remark is omitted.
It is certainly much more probable that the meaning "beggary"
is derived from that of " barren land."

to divide (intrans.) into separate bands,

s 9 0 J

Agh. xx 1 36s9 (the Singular of u-j.>l^ is ^^j^, not
as given by Freytag).

to be dear to a person (with ^^Xfr), Ham. 2i815.
the power of working miracles, Baid. i 5846.

is applied not only to the hiring of things but also to the
hiring of persons, Dlnaw. 292".

i. — y>L-J! j— ^ " He escaped from prison," Dlnaw. i6715.

///^ fringes, or yfo/Xf (j^,.u,£r> ), that rest
on the ground, Ham. 265".

*«»£» /<? augment a word by adding a letter at the end (with ^ of
' the letter), Mufassal s618.

(absol.), Tab. ii n 24", /6» abandon a person (with ,j^),
Ibn H. 7447.

hidden, covered, said of mountain-tops hidden in the clouds,
Nab. No. 8 v. 15.

to be surrounded by something (with *^), Imr. No. 52 ». n.

3, Nold, Beitr. 185 last line but one.

mountain-slopes, Akhtal IO21 (with variants, Lisan xi 2i72).
rich (opp. to,n>ii), Ibn H. n42 (= Qall i 24612, AzraqI 68").

A. A. BEVAN

to watch a thing (ace.) during the night, Ibn Qut. Sh. if

to rush, hasten (intrans.), Tab. i 761".

l\s&£a reddish-brown is said in the Lisan xi 2i87 to be an epithet
of wine, but in Akhtal 98* it is an epithet of a wine-jar.

JJL£» J& is rarely prefixed to an indefinite Plural, e.g. i^jf J£D " every
set of gods" (=<£( J4 ajjl), Bukh. iv 4638,

"every family born of a noble mother," Labld Ch. 19*; but
^Ul J^» (Ham. 34612, Qur'an 257) is not an instance of this,

since ^Ut (^tS) is often construed as sing. masc. (see Tab.
Glossary s.r. ^5$).

8s*

is given in the Lexicons as a pi. of i^X^, but in Ibn H. 657*
it is treated as Singular — see also Dozy.

to store up, 4-JU oj^£s\, Ibn H. i385 (= Ibn Sa'd iv, part i,
/410).

brightness, radiance, Abu Nuwas (Weinlieder, ed. Ahlwardt)
No. 4 z;. 4.

I to attach oneself to a person (with ,Jt), Dlnaw. 2i815.

/<? bring & thing /«/(? contact with something else (with ace. and
)i Ham. 8913, Naq. 319*.

milch-camel is also used as a Collective, Ham. 7 1 27, Naq. 9o17
(see line 14).

is a name given to certain apocryphal books, or poems,
containing predictions — see Van Vloten, Recherches sur la
domination arabe etc., Amsterdam, 1894, p. 56 seq., also Dlnaw.
30 12, ^^Jt o>^ U&\ fa o-i ^XJJu ^yjllt.

J tongue of land, promontory , Bibl. geogr. viii 489.

JI, in grammar, is a sudden transition from one of the three
persons to another, or from addressing one person to addressing
another, Baid. i 3227, 54426.

t »*t

a crowd of combatants, \JA*$\ ^9, Ibn H. 5i717.

to reach, come to a place (ace.), 'Alq. No. 13 v. 25 [the var.
is to be rejected].

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 89

xO&

to set up in a conspicuous position, Fakhrl i6612, i82l.

to spread itself over the ground, said of a plant, Mubarrad 616.

attempt to do a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 5i15.
1x5^ (= * Jbj?) makes a pi. J&^ (cf. 1*15 from JbtS), Th. u. M.

912 (see the Corrigenda).

/<? A? addressed, JoHCM dJ j!^3, Baid. i 58312.

burn may be either transitive or intransitive, according

to the Lisan — the reading lj ,«?>&> Z«\ (Lisan viii 23624) is found
in Bukh iv. 462*, 464™.

J|lah-oJI or Jjla^iJt is usually a substantive, the period during which
the moon is invisible (e.g. Bibl. geogr. viii yi19), but in Akhtal $i4
it is employed as an adj., J>U*4-)1 j^JUbj.

x x

SjU provisions, necessaries, Baladh. I2;5, Fakhrl 2741 — in Tab. ii
1 06 110 it appears to include other things besides food (^bJs).

J£6x i J J i5 x J J i

au, Bukh. i 37° — see above s.v. J^jJI.

(sic) Species vini (Freytag from Golius) is probably a scribal
error for ltj,«Jl, see Lisan vii 276™ seq.

<3J"* <3j"*t> Mubarrad 241', is described by Dozy as "VIII " instead of
"VII," and translated "dechirer" instead of "etre dechire""
[in this verse t^LH ^^ evidently means " in spite of their
claws "].

90 0 J

». .»>.o *-~~* coarse cloth, Agh. ii 3313, pi. *-$*** applied to mourning
raiment, Tab. iii 525^ also to the garb of religious devotees or

o of-

ascetics, Ibn H. 34815, Agh. ii 3330, 3431, similarly «-U-«t Agh. ii
369, and the dual in the phrase ^a* „>.><,.) i £ an ascetic, Ibn H.

skin is used not only in referring to beasts but also in re-
ferring to men, e.g. ,jUJ! 4JLLt .J UUkJi O^*? Dmaw. 32 520.

f ^ X ^^

x x d x

« short slumber, Dmaw. i777.

I. to continue to do a thing, may be construed not only with
a preposition (see Dozy) but also with the Imperfect,

J ul X J

Bukh. i 248 seq.

90 A. A. BEVAN

t*fl" to journey far ) prolong a march, Farazd. B. I449.
»^-Xo u., construed with ^>fc, is /0 refrain from attacking, Ibn H.

4i85.

is said of chains when they are used for binding

captives, b^-oJ ^t &* iVS, Farazd. B. 97*.
* * * '

JlU to £*w in marriage, with two accusatives, Bukh. iii 4°317-

* * * •

«~L« «~U a. to forgive a person for a thing, with two accusatives,
Mufassal i;12.

for;?, Ibn H. 274" (Abu Dharr,

impersonal passive, lyi* C^o "She was left a widow,"
Mubarrad 2575.

Jb ykj "when he was at the point of death," Ibn H.
35910 (^>«T! >*3 in Tab. i 1423")-

j£> adj., SJJUt iloUl^ "like a spreading rain-storm," Tab. i 903*
(corruptly Ibn H. i412).

:A^ according to..., which Freytag quotes from an Arabic trans-
lation of the New Testament, is found also in Azraqi f.

0, sOSt s ' '

j^J j-j^jip dice (see Dozy) occurs in Musi. S. ii i9914,j-Jt»j^Jb

cjJ i. used absolutely, /tf change one's mind, Ham. 20218, 244^.
frivolous, silly (in parallelism with ^JjbUk.), Muwashsha i206
[for ^**} read c

J UJ /tf intercalate — for the construction of this verb, see Ibn H. .2918

of intercalator, the right of fixing the intercalation,

I**
Azraqi I2518 [in Ibn H. 2912 seq. S*L*Jt is a mistake for

3 o

or SUoJt, pi. of ^~»U intercalator, see Tab. Glossary].

X XX

~J -U~J a. is not only to copy in writing but also to put in writing for
the first time, as when it is said of the Apostle John ^yJ

Ibn H. i4917.
human race, Bibl. geogr. viii 77".

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 91

0 with two accusatives, to join with someone in forgetting samz-
, Ham. ii214.

«5-l2o lit. sobbing is used by Imru'u-1-Qais (No. 36 v. 2) as an
epithet of a wine-skin ; there is a var. U^UJ exuding moisture,
but U.UJ is in accordance with Lisan iii 20 112, Jjpt »JLS

r, o x x A J wi xx Jft i-» *"

^ A.5 U ^ lit

wU with two accusatives, & «j£ a person for a thing, A

-aJt i>* ojij U "imploring his Lord (to send) the help
which He had promised," Ibn H. 44413.

J declaration, jk5Ux)l jifrtj3 ^^Xfr ^^a-j-fluJU "by declaring

the fundamental dogmas," Baid. i 2475.
, * &
».^u f*~**j\ to scorch, metaph. to afflict, distress, Ibn H. 6 1 8s, Muwashsha

I201

*4x* U to be near to a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 2619 (= Tab. i 92819) —

see Dozy.

au jJsuU — t^ ^f- jJaUc ^ C^O^ j^5 "Thou hast been where thou
couldest see all this," Dlnaw. i863.

0 X» X

9-A3 «JU« /^ quarter from which a wind blows, Dlnaw. 3616.

xxd£

J^> J^Jt to complete a verse, Tab. ii ni310.

^ avert an evil (ace.), Ham. I424: for the construction of
wJG with two accusatives, see Aus ibn Hajar (ed. Geyer)
No. 12 v. 29.

, in Ibn H. 3i618, seems to mean "misfortune," but the true
reading is l\J& — see Lisan i 32y24.

JJb u. to bend the head down (object understood), Bukh. i 34220
(var. v~&* mentioned in Qastallanl) — see also Tab. Glossary.

0 x »x

dUtyj mouthful, Ibn H. 79515.

Ox ft Ox 6

^/^-A in the phrase S^^jb <0 C-JUb " He was one of the Emigrants,"

o'x'o ^
Dmaw. i4921, cf. ^.;.a>.o <*J " He was one of the Companions of

the Prophet," Baladh. iy99 and often elsewhere.

* X * Of

tjuk a. ^ <mri, said of a feud, Ham. 252^ of rumours (Ot^ot),
Ibn H. 46 710 seq., /<? cease to trouble a person (with
Ham. 26616.

92 A. A. BEVAN

^ C5 x Jx - *• * .» _

JjcA — In Abu Mihjan No. 14 v. 3 the phrase Ji;>Jt JJ^A to is
rendered by Abel " quamdiu folia (de ramis) dependebunt," see
also the note on p. 32. But it seems to me much more probable
that we should read JijjJt JjcA U " as long as the doves coo "
' ), cf.

For the use of J*XA in speaking of a large number of individuals,
cf. jj!j, OjU etc. (Wright's Grammar, 3rd ed. i 31 B).

in Naq. 3863 must mean defeats, disasters, not "fugitives," as
stated in the Glossary.

UA u. & w<2&? <z mistake, Jj&j UA, Dlnaw. 33 32, &> fail to under-
stand a. thing (with o*)> Nold. Beitr. i8610.

A* — That this word may denote the chancel m a Christian church
is well known (see Dozy), but it is also applied to the shrine in

a heathen temple >»U-dS)t C~o JX*i, Fihrist 3283; since the
passage in question is derived from an ancient Manichaean
source this use of haikal probably goes back to the heathen
Aramaeans.

r-JUL* or -sJUUbl myrobalanum — both forms are given in the Lisan,

but Freytag omits the former, which occurs in Bibl. geogr.
viii 2 115.

is said to mean aloes-wood (ijit), Ibn Qut. Sh. nf
'(= Lisan iv 45o8, xv 38824).

i. to provoke a blood-feud with someone (ace.), Dlnaw. 40",
Tab. i 7595.

i. to feel sure that a person will obtain something, j-oJU <*J C^AJJ
" I was sure that he would gain the victory," Nab. No. i v. 8,
similarly No. 20 v. 23, and also where it is a question of two
persons, <u ^ Jpl ^ "I am not sure that he will support thee,"
Mubarrad 5997.

# trustworthy authority may be used in speaking of several
persons, SLA^ t>~J, Musi. S. i i226.

trustworthy occurs Farazd. B. 413.

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 93

(= J^j) soft clay, mud, is said in the Lisan to be an incorrect
form (AJ>J **J), but it occurs in a verse, Agh. vii iSy16.

> foliage is used metaphorically for bounty, generosity
Ham. 1 6<j*.

to help one another, Ibn H. 5i715.

ttt
to confer an office, a dignity etc. — the tradition j^l

•U! dJUbt j*& ,Jt, cited Lisan iv 47512, occurs in Bukh. i 24".

V. xx

rank, Ibn H. 120°, cf. &Jau*tyt "eminent persons," Tab.
Glossary.

*ju> prose, Mufassal $67, 7712.

to do a thing quickly or immediately, ^U*Jjl <a-U cJ&gla,
Agh. v is619.

«^ example (Germ. Strafexempel], *&£• aJiaLj, Dmaw. 3310.

# i= X 5 X

situated in the interior of a country, ,^3 ^l£tj Ul^« ^y) J^a^J

a
I, Dmaw. 599seq., JU-^Jt ^3 ^>Jliiy! ^>o " of those that

dwell in the far North," Bibl. geogr. viii 2313.

Jul x
1&3 a parasite, hence, apparently, a very poor man, Akhtal i6i8

[footnote g seems to be erroneous, since the poet is referring to
the buyer, not to the seller].

i|^ a. — i£>t£*)t j**~2* ^ ^UM *£j9 "They began to suggest
various kinds of desert trees," Bukh. i 25** (= 4614).

a demon that causes madness, applied metaphorically to a swift
camel, Yaqut i 5727.

j may mean to direct one's course towards a person
or a place (ace.), /"LJJ! ^+~* [riot ,-jJt as printed by Krehl],

Bukh. i 3i46, «Ju ^-«>* V>^->*lj ^' ^^*P "Umm Ayyub
and I sought out the place which his hand had touched,"
Ibn H. 33815.

A. A. BEVAN.

THE CHARACTER OF VOHU MANAH AND
ITS EVOLUTION IN ZOROASTRIANISM

As is well known, according to Zoroaster's teaching,
Ahura Mazda, the " Wise god," god of Heaven and of every-
thing good, is surrounded by a host of ministering angels.
These are called Amesha Spent as t " Immortal Holy ones,"
the later Persian Amshaspands. They are six in number.
Their names are personifications of abstractions or virtues,
a combination which suggests the probability of an inten-
tional, artificial creation, while, on the other hand, they also
are worshipped as guardians of several portions of the con-
crete creation : flocks, fire, plants, metals, water, and the
like. In this function, which is very prominent in later
times, they play the part of the genii in other religions and
exhibit various features which have a more or less primitive
character.

For this reason, some persons and notably L. H. Gray
(Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, vii, 345 ff.) have held the
view that the material aspect is the older and that the names
as well as the mystical meaning of those beings are a product
of religious speculation. This opinion has been rejected by
the majority of the scholars in Iranian philology. They do
not seem however to have explained to full satisfaction in
what way the material attributes have attached themselves
to the moral hypostases. Moreover, the personality of
several of the Amesha Spentas has a rather complicated
character, and here again one has not completely elucidated
what the relations are between the various aspects of those
deities.

The object of this note therefore is to attempt to make
a synthetic study of the character of Vohu Manah, the first
in rank of the Amesha Spentas.

These are the descriptions given of his character by the
most recent authors.

A. V. Williams Jackson (Grund. Iran. Phil., ii, p. 637)
translates the name by " Guter Gedanke." The archangel is,

The Character of Vohu Manah 95

according to him, the personification of Ahura Mazda's good
mind and divine wisdom. He is working both in God and in
men. He is Mazda's counsellor and the supporter of his
kingdom. Vohu Manah also presides over the assembly of
the righteous in Paradise and welcomes there the souls of
the elect.

Bartholomae (Gathas des Awesta, p. 130) prefers to use
" Guter Sinn" as a translation. His description applies
more especially to the part played by Vohu Manah in the
gat has. He is there not only the "good mind " but also the
man "whose mind is good and right." Moreover the good
mind gives the expectation of the reward. Vohu Manah
therefore is also " remuneration, inheritance, gain, blessing,
life."

Moulton (Early Zoroastrianism, pp. in, 171) conceives
otherwise the relation between Vohu Manah and Paradise.
This Amesha Spenta is the " thought of God and of every
good man" and consequently also "Paradise" where "the
Best Thought dwells." The writer even thinks it fair to
claim that Zoroaster anticipated Marlowe and Milton in the
great doctrine that

The mind is its own place, and in itself
Can make a heaven of hell, a hell of heaven.

Lawrence H. Mills (Avesta Eschatology, p. 73) gives a
very exalted and poetical description of Vohu Manah's
character :

"It was a deep yearning in the universe toward all the good, making
what was best in their sentient longings real.... It was a warm breath of
active sympathy, a passion pervading conscious nature everywhere like a
befriending instinct... the quiet force in the love of man for his brother...."
Moreover, "it is an attribute and emotion of a Supreme Person ; it meant the
deep love of Almighty God for all the righteous living under His holy eye."

More recent writers who, however, are no specialists
cling to the translation : "Gute Gesinnung."

One finds it in von Schroder's Arische Religion, i, 282
and in Orelli's Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte, ii, 156. The
latter admits that this "Gute Gesinnung" can also apply to
man's mind. He adds that being wise, Vohu Manah brings
peace.

The most ancient translator of Vohu Manah's name,
viz. Plutarch, renders it by 0eos eu

96 A. J. CARNOY

None of these descriptions is complete. The effort to
show the relation between the various meanings is very
superficial. It is not surprising therefore that the writers
do not agree with one another.

Prior to any enquiry one should point out that the
various meanings of Vohu Manah may be divided into four
groups :

(1) The expression refers to forms of the religious spirit
and to religion in general.

(2) It is an equivalent of the religious man and the
religious community.

(3) It is a designation of Paradise.

(4) It is the name of the tutelary genius of cattle.
Which is the most primitive of those meanings ? Are

they all derived from a more ancient, or in what relation do
they stand to one another ? These are the questions which
should be answered in the present note.

As to the primitive meaning, it is no doubt advisable to
take into special account the use of the term in the gathas,
these being the most ancient Iranian text and the purest
representative of the Zoroastrian doctrine in its prime. Some
caution however is necessary here. The prophet in his
preaching was the advocate of a reform. He wanted to
substitute for the traditional beliefs of his fellow-countrymen
a coherent system with a peculiar kind of classification of
the religious feelings. It has often happened that reformers
in the domain of religion or ethics borrowed their vocabulary
from the current language of the time or from the termino-
logy of some pre-existing creed and gave to those expressions
a technical meaning, appreciably different from their previous
one.

Now, it is a fact that most of the Zoroastrian terms had
already an ethical or religious meaning prior to Zoroaster:
asha is the fta of the Vedas, drmatay is the Vedic aramati,
haurvatdt is Skr. sarvatati, and so on.

Vohu manah does not seem to have been an exception,
since we find that Vasumanaswas the name of one of the rishis
or priests of the Vedic period (the writer of RV. 10, 179, 3,
according to Bohtlingk and Roth, Worterbuch, iii, 851).
A prince of the Mahabharata was named in the same way
(Mbh. 2, 323 ; 3, 8504 — 12, 2536 sqq.\ It seems therefore

The Character of Vohu Manah 97

that we have to do with a ready-made expression in India.
Now, this compound may safely be brought back to Aryan
times if one accepts the very probable conjecture of Weiss-
bach, who reads in the inscription on the grave of Darius :
[ V\aumani$a. This name is in perfect parallelism to Haxa-
manis, name of the ancestor of the great Achaemenian
dynasty. Haxamanis means "with friendly mind," while
Vaumanis is "with a good mind."

The use of manah in the compound Haxamanis, which
is obviously more moral than intellectual, induces us to in-
terpret it in the same manner in Vaumanis and in Vohu
manah.

The meaning therefore cannot have been very different
from that of the parallel Greek adjective: ev/ie^s, "well-
disposed, favourable, gracious1."

The word manas in Sanskrit also has the meaning of
"mood, disposition of mind" besides that of "mind."

We therefore shall not considerably diverge from the
truth if we assume that Skr. vasumanas, A. Pers. vaumanis,
had the meaning of " well-disposed, favourable." Av. Vohu
manah consequently expressed a favourable disposition of
mind, which according to the case may have come fairly
near to our concepts of "good will, benevolence, honesty,
solicitude, kindness," and perhaps even "good cheer."

That meaning is not only general but sentimental. It
refers to the kind of disposition one likes to meet in a person.
For a moral adviser or a preacher it will therefore be the
state of mind which prepares a man for the acceptance of
the teaching, for the practice of the doctrine, for the
development of spiritual life.

It is not difficult to explain how a term of that kind when
it is adopted by the language of a religion may come to
designate a very important element in the conversion and
the virtuous life of a believer. And therefore much in the
same way as, in Christian language, the "sons of grace"
are the righteous and the believers, the Zoroastrians are the
men of Vohu manah and Vohu manah comes very near to
the concept of spirituality and "religion."

This explains that through a metonymy, Vohu manah

1 The parallel holds true whether the first element is esus as Boisacq
contends (Diet. Et. Gr., 298) or vesus as most etymologists take it.

B. p. v. 7

98 A. J. CARNOY

in the Avesta is found for asavan "faithful" or for the
" community of the faithful." So in the gathds (Y. 45. 4),
Ahura Mazda is called the father of the "industrious Vohu
manah"

As Bartholomae (Gathas, p. 74) points out, industrious-
ness normally applies in \hegdtkas to the husbandmen who
practise the religion preached by Zoroaster. So he trans-
lates "des feldantreibenden frommen Volks." The "pious
people " are thus symbolised here by the abstract expression :
Vohu manak, "religion, piety."

We should not hesitate therefore to translate, in some
curious passages of the Vendidad, Vohu manah simply by
"the faithful." So in Vd. xix, 20: "Ahura Mazda, thou
art never asleep, never intoxicated ; Vohu manah is being
directly defiled, Vohu manah is being indirectly defiled ; the
daevas (daemons) defile him through the bodies smitten by
them, let Vohu manah be made clean."

In Vd. xix, 23 the description of the purification is given:

Thus Vohu manah shall be made clean, and clean shall be the man.
Then he shall take up Vohu manah with his left arm and his right... and
thou shalt lay down Vohu manah under the light made by the mighty gods,
by the light of the stars made by the gods, until nine nights have passed
away."

Vd. xix, 25 :

Thus can Vohu manah be cleansed. Thus can the man be cleansed.
He shall take up Vohu manah with the right arm and the left, with the left
arm and the right, Vohu Manah shall say aloud: Glory be to Ahura Mazda,
Glory be to the Amesha Spentas, Glory be to all the faithful.

Various commentators, as Darmesteter and Gray, think
that in one or two instances Vohu manah should be under-
stood here as meaning "cloth," i.e. "cloth made out of the
skin of oxen." I cannot convince myself that it is possible
to give two so very different meanings to Vohu manah in
one and the same passage. Now, it cannot be doubted that
in more than one place, it refers to a man. So, Wolf is quite
right to render here Vohu manah by "der Gut(ge)sinn(te)1,"
but, of course, one should understand that it is the man
imbued with what is called Vohu manah, "Guter Sinn" in
the Zoroastrian religion, i.e. "a good religious disposition,"
and consequently "a faithful, a religious man," and more
especially in this passage "a penitent."

1 Auesta, p. 430.

The Character of Vohu Manah 99

There is a striking proof of the broadness of this concept
when applied to a man with religious or simply honest and
good feelings. The indefinite pronoun in Pahlavi (vahman)
and Persian (oW»), as Salemann very sensibly points out

(Grund. Iran. Phil, i, i, p. 294), is nothing but the word
Vohu manah, which has undergone the degradation of
meaning inflicted upon bonhomme and brave homme in
French ("un bonhomme quelconque," "quelque brave
homme du pays," etc.) and upon " Christian" in Russ.
KpecTLHHHH'L " peasant." Vohu manah has even gone
further, since it has come to mean "the first comer, some
one."

A very different branching in the semasiological evolu-
tion of Vohu manah is that which brought it to designate
the greatest good of man, the possession of Paradise.

A passage of the Dlnkart (ix, 32, IT) shows that even
in Sasanian times the clue to that surprising development
was not entirely lost. It is said there that Vahman ( = Vohu
manah) is the person's formation of the righteous and laud-
able desire for wealth and other temporal blessings.

Now this connection between an honest or religious
disposition and the securing of a great reward is in com-
plete agreement with the doctrine and the spirit of the
gathas. Even there, there is a constant and intentional
ambiguity about the nature of the reward. A spiritual or
moral blessing, a joy of the soul was no doubt meant, and
the wise and the mystic understood it so, but the obvious
and prima facie meaning is more material, and the prophet
did not object to the majority of his followers understanding
that an honest and pious life was the surest means of securing
wealth.

The happiness of the blest is designated by :

xsaQrzm istois, "kingdom of wealth" (Y. 51, 2);

xsaOwm savahho, " kingdom of the useful " (ib.) ;

xsaOrzm haurvatato, " kingdom of prosperity" (Y. 34, i);

rayo asls, " reward of wealth " (Y. 43, i).

One also finds: xsaQrzm magahya (Y. 51, 15) which
Bartholomae rather awkwardly translates by "was Zara-
0ustra den Biindlern als Lohn in Aussicht gestellt." I have
endeavoured in Muse1 on 1908, p. 132, to demonstrate by a
comparison of passages that maga also means " wealth " so

7—2

ioo A. J. CARNOY

that " xsaQrzm magahya" is a synonym of the other ex-
pressions.

Now, one also finds those expressions of wealth and joy
associated with Vohu Manah'.

vanhdus gaem mananho, "the life of V. M." (Y. 43, i);

m. v. xvl>nvat hahhuS, "the great gain of V. M." (Y. 53, 4);

v. m. a&s, "the reward of V. M." (Y. 33, 13);

v. m. vyam, " the share of V. M." (Y. 48, 7) ;

v. m. ayapta, "the delights of V. M." (Y. 28,

v. m. maya, "the blessings of V. M." (Y. 43, 2

And again: v. m. magai(\. 51, 1 1) which means "wealth
of V. M.," if our interpretation is right.

Moreover the great kingdom of happiness of wealth,
which the faithful strive and long for, the xsaQra vairya
"desirable kingdom," is often called "kingdom of Vohu
Manah" (Y. 46, 80, Y. 34, n) or "the house of Vohu
Manah" (Y. 30, 10), or "the pasture of V. M." (Y. 33, 3).

An indication as to the reason why this great reward is
called in that way is provided by Y. 33, 13 : "Mayest Thou,
O Ahura, grant me as the reward of Vohu Manah (i.e. ' of
my religious, honest disposition' or 'of my good conscience')
the incomparable blessings of Thy Kingdom."

This Vohu Manah of hereafter is simply the perpetua-
tion of the Vohu Manah of this world. One wishes both
together: "Ahura Mazdah shall grant to her soul the
glorious heritage of Vohu Manah for all times " is the wish
of Jamaspa for his bride Pourulista, the younger daughter
of Zoroaster (Y. 53, 4). One is told very definitely in Y. 34,
13 that the way to that felicity is on "the road of V. M.
(good thought, piety, honesty) built by Asha (right) on
which the souls of the future prophets shall go to the
reward."

Now the heavenly happiness is also designated by the
superlative Vahista Manah "the best mind, best disposition,"
and notably in the very important passage of the gat has
where the prophet makes a definite statement of a dualistic
character about the part played by the good and the wicked
Spirit at the beginning and at the end of things : "And when
both those Spirits came together, they established for the
first time Life and Destruction and it was decided that at
the end of things the tenants of the Drug (Spirit of Deceit)

The Character of Vohu Manah 101

shall receive the worst existence, while the followers of
Asha (right) will secure Vahista Manah (best mind, best
disposition) " (Y. 30, 4).

Bartholomae ventures to propose for this passage a
rendering of manah by "Aufenthalt, Wohnstatt," which is
quite unjustifiable. One could only accept that signification
if it were attested by other passages or if the well-established
meaning "mind, disposition" could not possibly fit in the
text. Now, in the only other passage where manah is re-
ported by Bartholomae as meaning " dwelling" (Y. 34, 8),
the good reward of the righteous is also meant. On the
other hand, in Y. 30, 4, manah is in parallelism with anhu
"existence," a circumstance which induces us to regard
manah as meaning " mind " rather than " dwelling."

Vahista Manah and Vohu Manah refer to the same
Heavenly felicity and there is no reason why we should
consider them as two different words. Besides, in the verse
following the famous statement Zoroaster himself gives an
interpretation of the expression Vahista Manah'. " Of both
those spirits," says he, " the deceitful one made choice of
the deeds of the worst spirit, while the best spirit clung to
Justice, he whose dress is the firmament, and like him did
all those who are prone to please Ahura Mazda by righteous
actions" (Y. 30, 5). Although "best spirit" in this text is
a rendering of spdnisto mainyus and not of Vahistdm mano,
it is clear that one has to do with the same kind of ideas,
i.e. a contrast between the best inspiration (in the latter
case it is the spirit of God) and the worst which has as a
counterpart the opposition between the best existence and
the worst, i.e. the reward of Vohu Manah, "best mind" or
the punishment of Aka Manah, "evil mind."

This word Vahistdm, abbreviation of VahiStrm mano or
Vahisto ankus, introduced by the Zoroastrians, substituted
itself gradually for other more ancient names, such as garon-
mana "house of praise," "house of hymns " ^(Gathic^rJ
tbmana), which still survives in Persian : O^J>^.

Vahistdm also penetrated into the vernacular. It is the
source of Pers. ^^. In this word the first i is due to an

assimilation. In Kurdish one has the normal form : c
(Horn. N. Pers. Etym. 246).

IO2 A. J. CARNOY

While we thus have accounted for three of the meanings
of VokuManah, "religion," "faithful," " Paradise," we have
not attempted to discover how this moral entity has come to
be regarded as the tutelary genius of cattle.

Two circumstances have eventually contributed to that
surprising development.

First, it is a well-known fact that in Central Asia, wrealth
consisted almost entirely in cattle. One was confronted there
with a situation similar to that which is revealed for ancient
Europe by the fact that Lat. pecunia, Engl. fee, referring to
money, are akin to Lat. pecus, Germ. Vieh. Since the pos-
session of wealth — at least by the majority of the faithful-
was regarded as the corollary and the reward of a good
conscience, of an honest disposition of mind and of the con-
version to Zoroastrian principles, it was unavoidable that
such possession in the imagination of those simple faithful
should take the form of large flocks of cattle. A passage
like Y. 44, 6 is very characteristic of such a state of mind :
" Is it through Thee, that the kingdom (of wealth) will be
granted ? O Vohu Manah, for whom hast thou created
cattle, the profitable one ? "

The prophet who knew the minds of his men constantly
uses metaphors in which salvation and felicity is symbolised
by oxen : " To anyone who deserves the reward of the life
hereafter let it be granted, beside the fulfilment of all his
desires, to possess the ox (or cow?) Azi!" (Y. 46, 19).
Paradise is compared by the Iranians, not to a field of
asphodels, but to a pasture. In that pasture felicity dwells
in the form of an ox. In the language of Zoroaster such
expressions have a mystical meaning, as, for instance, in
Y. 47, 3 : "Thou art the Holy Father of the Spirit that
has created for us the Ox, bringerAof blessings. Armatay
is his pasture giving him peace." Armatay is the spirit of
peace, order and moderation. For the people it is also "the
great passive one," i.e. "the earth." The initiated will there-
fore understand that the felicity of the elect will be enjoyed
in a well-harmonized conscience and in a pacified soul. The
majority of the faithful will consider the same words as a
promise of much wealth and notably of cattle in a better
world.

The paradise of Vohu Manah is also the paradise of

The Character of Vohu Manah 103

Wealth, i.e. the paradise of Cattle. Vohu Manah brings
wealth, i.e. he brings cattle. Beside this reason of a general
character why Vohu Manah was predestined to become the
genius of cattle, there was another, more special to Zoro-
astrianism and which, no doubt, was the more important.

By his preaching, the prophet aimed not only at convert-
ing his fellow-countrymen to religious conceptions superior
to the polytheistic beliefs of the I ndo- Iranians. He not only
endeavoured to eradicate from the worship the use of the
intoxicating drink haoma ( = Skr. somd), the slaughtering of
cattle, and various superstitious practices related to the cult
of the daevas. He also made an effort to induce his people
to give up nomadic existence and form settled communities.

The Aryans on their way to Central Asia and to India
had to cross wide stretches of steppes and deserts which
have always been occupied by nomads. No doubt, they
themselves lived that kind of existence during some time.

When they penetrated into the most fertile grounds of
Iran and Punjab they gradually took to agriculture. It is
clear that, whether it was in Bactria or elsewhere, the pro-
phet found himself in a community living in a stage of tran-
sition. In his mind, ethics and religion cannot be associated
with the adventurous, irregular life of the nomadic tribes,
living only too often at the expense of more sedentary people,
who are the victims of their predatory spirit. Morality and
religion for a Zoroastrian is a question of good sense and
sound intelligence. The same soundness of mind should
bring a man to understand his own interests and exchange
a precarious existence for a well-organised life. It should
especially bring him to take good care of his cattle, his main
source of income. He should not slaughter them wantonly
or for gorgeous sacrifices as were doing the superstitious
cowboys of the steppes.

The respect for cattle associated the more naturally with
religion, since for the I ndo- Iranians, the cow was conceived
as a gift of the gods, as a divine being. Good care of cattle
can therefore easily be regarded as an act of piety. At any
rate, in the eyes of Zoroaster the sound mentality which
leads to a religious conversion also brings a man to be
careful in his daily life and kind to all the creatures of Ahura
Mazda.

104 A. J. CARNOY

So in Y. 31, i o the industrious toiler in the fields is said
to be the " practiser of Vohu Manah " (good sense).

In Y. 43, 6 we read that thanks to the influence of Vohu
Manah, the house and the fields of the Zoroastrian will
receive the blessings due to the Righteous.

In Y. 34, 3 the prophet declares that he offers a sacrifice
to Ahura Mazda and to Asha (Justice) in order that they,
through Vohu Manah (good mind), may bring to perfection
all beings in the kingdom (or the district of the faithful).

The " Good Mind " is thus favourable to all beings,
men and cattle. It will deter from any maltreatment of the
animals, and thus in Vend. 4, 48, the question is asked :
"And who of two men has best understood the ' Good Mind ' ?
He who fills up his stomach with meat or he who doth
not so ? "

This text, of course, belongs to the later Avesta, i.e. to
a time when the relation of Vohu Manah to cattle was quite
established. The following passage of fa&gdthds is, how-
ever, hardly less explicit : " He who has friendly feelings
for the Righteous or... who is full of solicitude for cattle,
will have his place in the pastures of Righteousness (Asha]
and of the Good Mind (Vohu Manah)" (Y. 33, 3). Justice
for men and "good mind" (solicitude, honesty, kindness)
for the animals are therefore represented there as the two
cardinal virtues of the Zoroastrians.

These quotations will suffice to show that a definite con-
nection existed between Vohu Manah and cattle from the
earliest period of Zoroastrianism. There is, however, some
distance between a connection of that kind and the functions
of a genius of cattle.

Now, there is a gap of the same kind between the
material attributes of all the Amesha Spentas and their moral
characteristics, viz. between Asha (justice) and Fire, XsaOra
(kingdom) and metals, Armatay (devotion, harmony) and
Earth, Harvatdt (prosperity) and waters, Ameretatdt (im-
mortality) and plants. For all of them, there are circum-
stances which prepared the attribution, but in all cases there
is an element of artificiality which shows that the apportion-
ment of the elements of the good creation under the Amesha
Spentas has been to a certain extent systematic and inten-
tional. It is probably a result of the tendency betrayed by

The Character of Vohu Manah 105

Zoroaster in his teachings, to cover ancient, naturalistic
ideas or deities by conceptions of his own of a moral and
spiritual character. The Amesha Spentas constitute a group
of hypostases which has its full value in Zoroastrian mysticism,
independently of their relation to fire, metals and the like.
But there was some connection between those elements and
those abstract deities. It was therefore easy and advisable
to introduce them instead of various nature daemons which
the people could not do without.

This is probably the element of truth contained in the
thesis of L. H. Gray, which has been rejected because it
was impossible to admit that Asha, Vohu Manah and the
like should be regarded as mere spiritualisations of genii.
The conclusion of this study is rather that the various mean-
ings and functions of Vohu Manah can best be accounted
for, if one starts from the meaning of this conception in its
moral aspect. It is an abstract notion which has degraded
itself to very concrete realities through a process which it

is possible to follow in its various directions.

A. J. CARNOY.

Lou VAIN, May 1920.

NOTICE SUR UN CALENDRIER TURC

Lors de ma premiere visite a Constantinople, il y a pas
mal d'annees, je re^us en present de deux jeunes savants
turcs1 quelques livres, parmi lesquels se trouvait un char-
mant calendrier, ecrit en noir, carmin, orange et or, a
encadrements d'or. Ce calendrier etait tout moderne : il est
de 1'an 1293 de 1'hegire, 1876 du Christ; mais malgre sa
date recente, il est compose selon 1'ancien systeme, et il
faut pour le commenter avoir recours aux vieux auteurs
comme Birouni, Tousi ou Kazwini. L'etude en est du reste,
on peut le dire, assez amusante, car la langue ou s'amalga-
ment etroitement des mots arabes, turcs et persans, presente
des difficultes varie"es, que je ne me flatte meme pas d'avoir
toutes resolues. Je vais dans une premiere section m'occuper
de la partie proprement astronomique ; dans la seconde
j'etudierai les donnees relatives aux fetes, a 1'agriculture et a
la me'teorologie.

Le titre g^n^ral du Calendrier est : Djadwal-i-maSrifat
i tahwtli sdli ldlemi u tawdrikh i mechhoureh ; table pour la
connaissance du cours de Tan du monde, avec les dates
populaires. Les deux premieres pages renferment un court
preambule sur les concordances de dates, 1'eloge du sultan,
etc., et deux tableaux. Ce calendrier, est-il dit dans le
preambule, est celui de 1'annee 1293 de 1'hegire (regne
d' Abdul- Aziz) ; il commence au Naurouz le 24 de Safar le
bon, le lundi a i heure 47 minutes 42 secondes, moment ou
le Soleil eclaireur et soutien du monde (j*&v** j*^ >*-«) passe
au point equinoxial du printemps. C'est le naurouz Soultdni

1 Ces savants etaient : Salih Zeky Bey, directeur de 1'Observatoire
Imperial de Pera, qui collabora avec moi a 1'edition des Pneumatiques de
Philon de Byzance; il devint recteur du Galata Serai'; et Riza Tewftk
surnomme "le philosophe, el-fdilasouf qui joua un role important dans la
re'volution turque, fut depute d'Andrinople, devint plus tard ministre de
Plnstruction publique et fit partie a la fin de la derniere guerre, de la
delegation turque pour la paix. II a public deux importants traite's de
philosophic moderne en turc : le Kamous falsa/ah, Stamboul, 1330 et le
Falsafah dersleri^ Stamboul, 1335.

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 107

dans 1'annee naturelle, et le jour y est £gal a la nuit pour
tous les pays. Cette date correspond a 1'an 2187 d' Alexandre,
a 1876 de la naissance du Christ, 8 du mois d'Azdr (le 8
Mars Julien), a Tan copte de Diocle'tien1 1592, le 12 du
mois de Bermehdt, a 1'an 798 de Djelal ed-Din le Seldjou-
kide2, ier du mois de Ferverdin, et c'est 1'annee 1254 de 1'ere
solaire de I'he'gire, 1293 etant la date lunaire3.

Suivent deux tableaux accoles de 1 2 cases chacun, deux
Carre's divises par les diagonales et des quarts de cercles
dans les angles. Celui de gauche est un theme astrono-
mique, ou figurent les signes du Zodiaque avec leurs noms
arabes ordinaires, et les noms des planetes et de quelques
etoiles, accompagnes de chiffres. Le titre de ce tableau est :
" Table de 1'horoscope (tdli'Y de 1'annee du monde pour
Fhorizon de Constantinople."

A droite, le titre est: " Table de 1'annee turque, *»-5!j
<j\£=>jj JL» " ; ce second tableau indique les douze anne"es
du cycle de 12 ans employe par les Turcs et les Mongols.
Les annees sont ici appele"es dans leur ordre : u->«> rat ;
jl£», bceuf ; ^0, leopard ; cAj^j^ lievre ; *iUyj, crocodile ;
jU, serpent ; v— '» cheval ; ^*&, mouton ; O>«*«> singe ; £>«,
oiseau ; <£Xw, chien ; ^5*-, pore. Tous ces noms sont persans
a 1'exception de ghanem, mouton, qui est arabe, et de
maimoun, singe, qui est turc. L'anne"e en question est la
premiere du cycle ou l'anne"e souris6.

1 Le ms.

2 C'est 1'ere Djtlali du grand sultan seldjoukide Malek Shah, men-
tionnee p. ex. dans le Tarikhe Gozide de Mustaufi, ed. et trad. Gantin, i,

P- 233-

3 1254 est le nombre d'annees solaires ecpulees depuis Thegire. Sur les
concordances de calendriers on peut voir Emile Lacoine, Tables de con-
cordance des dates des calendriers •, etc. Paris, 1891.

4 Horoscope est le mot qui correspond a Tar. /#//"*, ascendens, deja dans
les anciens traducteurs. V. p. ex. Die Astron. Tafeln des Muh. ibn Mdsd
al-Khwdrizmt, texte latin d'Athelard de Bath, trad, et comm. en allemand
de H. Suter, Copenhague, 1914, p. 100. L'ascendant est le point de
1'ecliptique qui se leve a 1'horizon en un moment determine.

5 On connait ce cycle turco-mongol des animaux. Birouni le donne en
1'appliquant, non aux annees, mais aux mois ; le mois pars, panthere, est
Kanoun Ier '• 1'ordre est d'ailleurs le meme. Le ms. arabe 2570 de la
bibliotheque nationale, qui est un calendrier de 1'an 983 H.(i575), aun
tableau a 12 cases analogue au notre ou les noms des animaux sont ecrits
en triple: turc, arabe et persan. Ces donne'es sont interessantes pour la

io8 CARRA DE VAUX

Le calendrier lui-meme se compose de 1 3 pages divisees
en 6 colonnes. La premiere contient les donnees sur la
situation et la marche des planetes (Soleil et Lune compris),
et les autres donnees dont nous nous occupons dans la sec-
tion II. La seconde colonne renferme le nom des jours en
turc ; la troisieme et la quatrieme, les quantiemes des mpis
arabes et roumis. La derniere est la colonne des ikhtiydrdt,
dont nous dirons seulement un mot a la fin.

Les etoiles ou asterisques cites, soit dans le pre"ambule et
rhoroscope, soit dans la premiere colonne du calendrier,
sont la Tete et la Queue [du Dragon], les Cha'ari du Sud1,
les Pleiades, les Etoiles sahm es-se'ddeh et sahm el-ghaib, et
deux astres de"signe"s par les noms de o^ et J^>*. Ne

philologie turque, et on a deja etudie la liste d'al-Birouni (Chronology ', trad.
Sachau, p. 83, et v. la note). Nous dressons ici la liste des 12 animaux
en mongol, d'apres Birouni, et d'apres le ms. 2570 (B), en comparant les
noms aux formes du turc oriental et du turc osmanli. Les formes mongoles
sont tirees du Dictionnaire de T. J. Schmidt, Mongolisch-Deutsch-Russisches
Worterbuch, St Petersburg et Leipzig, 1835:

(1) Mong. Cholokane, la souris ; Bir. Sijkan\ ms. B. stdjdn; T. osm.
setchdn.

(2) Mong. Ukar, le boeuf; Bir. Od\ B.jJco; T. osm. eukm.

(3) Mong. Pars, letigre; ¥>\i.pdrs\ B. pars. Ce nom est place ici dans
la liste des mots turcs, bien que les dictionnaires donnent pars comme
persan, avec le sens de panthere. Le. ms. B a pour correspondant persan
debars, youz, panthere ; et en effet au mot youz, Viillers dit que pars en est
le correspondant turc.

(4) Mong. Tavola'i, le lievre gris ; Bir. tafshikhdn; B. taouchdn, ^lij^ ;
T. or. tdvouchkdn (Pavet de Courteille) avec le td a deux points; T. osm.
tdvchdn, avec le td emphatique.

(5) Mong. Lov, le crocodile, le dragon ; Bir. lu ; B. lov, £ ; T. or. lov,

y> L^-

(6) Mong.

6) Mong. Moka'i, le serpent; Bir. yyldn\ B. yildn ; id. en T. osm.,
serpent.

(7) Mong. Morin, le cheval; Bir.jjwz/; 'R.yound; T. Qsm.yonda, jument.

(8) Mong. Chonin, la brebis; Bir. kuy\ 'B.kouyon; id. T., mouton. Au

persan B a jUa.££> ; Viillers : juUw^Js, JUA-»>^^, brebis.

(9) Mong. Metsin, le babouin ; Bir. pitching T. or. et mong. bitchin, singe
(Pavet de Courteille). B et notre ms. ont, au lieu de ce mot, maymoun,
singe. Au persan B a hamdoun pour singe. Viillers dit que hamdounah,
singe, est arabe d'apres S H L.

(10) Mong. Takiy, la poule; Bir. taghuk', B. ddkouk; T. or. tdvoug,
avec le td a deux points ; T. osm. tdvouk, avec le td emphatique.

(n) Mong. Nogay, le chien ; Bir. it\ id. B et Turc.
(12) Mong. Gagay,\e pore; Bir. tunguz\ B. toghouz; T.osm.donouz, pore.
1 D'apres Freytag ^U-Jt ^jjtuJl est Sirius ou Canis Major. Id.
Birouni, Chron. p. 261.

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 109

voyant pas a quoi peuvent correspondre ces noms dans
1'ancienne astronomic, je ne doute pas que 1'auteur de
1'almanach n'ait voulu designer par la les 2 planetes de
Fastronomie moderne, Neptune et Uranus. II a appele*
cette derniere Herschel, du nom de 1'astronome qui Fa
decouverte.

L'almanach se sert des termes ordinaires pour dire :
marche directe (d'une planete), marche retrograde, arret
istikdmah, conjonction, opposition, trine, sextile, quadrature.
II parle aussi des deux planetes heureuses, Jupiter et Ve"nus,
sald£m, et des deux planetes neTastes nahstin, Saturne et
Mars; ex. CH***~' u-^J^ Ve"nus et Jupiter sont en sextile;
O*-0*-* £*^p> Saturne et Mars sont en quadrature. Le mot
charaf op\ revient souvent, indique certaines situations des
planetes, dans lesquelles leur influence est la plus grande.
Les astrologues le traduisent par " dignite " ou " exaltation."
II est oppose a hobout, descente. On trouvera ces positions
indiquees pour chaque planete dans le traite des Trente
Chapitres, le si fail de Nasir ed-Din Tousi (chap. iS)1.

Ex. dans notre calendrier: ™ > ^& j+s ^jp, exaltation de la
Lune a i heure 28' de la nuit. Le mot ihtirdk qui revient
plusieurs fois, suivi d'un nom d'astre, ex. : 0^3 >j&& J>i».t,
signifie que Fastre entre dans le rayonnement solaire qui le
brule en quelque sorte2. V. aussi le si fast, meme chapitre.
Un terme remarquable est ^^^ A^Xlo, muthellethehi
khaki \ c'est le " triangle terrestre," Fun des 4 triangles zodia-
caux, qui sont connus en astrologie. II est forme des trois
signes du Zodiaque : le Taureau, la Vierge et le Capricorne.
On lit dans le pre"ambule de notre almanach : " mutelleiehi

1 Cf. aussi le traite d'astronomie de Muhammed ibn Mousa, cite plus
haut (ed. Suter), pp. 103-4.

Les heures dans notre calendrier sont des heures de jour ou de nuit,
rouz, cheb. Probablement il s'agit d'une division du jour et de la nuit en 12
heures de longueur variable avec les saisons. Le chiffre designant les heures
est surmonte de Afr, et celui des minutes, de A3, sans doute les finales de
Aclw et AA-jS^. Dans 1'astrologie contemporaine on compte les heures de
midi a midi, les 1 2 premieres, de midi a minuit etant dites heures du soir,
et les 1 2 autres heures du matin ; mais cela ne parait pas etre le systeme de
notre calendrier.

2 Dans le ms. B (2570 de la Bibl. Nat.) au f° 10 v°, je releve 1'ex-
pression : Jb^JI ^3 ^.^^uJt J>j2s*~o jjlLc, qu'on peut traduire : " Mercure
dans sa descente brule par les rayons du Soleil."

1 10 CARRA DE VAUX

khdkiden bordji sonbolehdeh, dans le signe de la Vierge qui
fait partie du triangle terrestre," c'est-a-dire du groupe des
trois signes en relation avec 1'el^ment terre1.

Remarquons pour finir la prevision de 2 Eclipses: Une
partielle le 15 Cha'b&n de 3, 36' a 5, 50', et une totale le 13
(ou le 14) Safar de i, 31' a 5, 3'.

Je vais maintenant traduire la premiere colonne du
calendrier, en en otant toutes les indications astronomiques.
II reste la mention de fetes musulmanes, chretiennes, juives,
persanes, melees a des indications concernant la culture et
a celles des changements climateriques. Je me bornerai a
une seule remarque avant de commencer : On voit souvent
paraitre dans ce calendrier le mot fourtenah, *£&, vent,
orage, tempete. Ce sont des petites tempetes qui sont
censees se reproduire a des dates determiners ; il s'agit ici
de pronostics. Exemples : Tempete des hirondelles ; tempete
de la fleur ; ce sont des vents qui coincident avec 1'arrivde
des hirondelles, qui dispersent les petales des fleurs, etc.

Traduction.

Mois de Safar 1'heureux. — Lundi 24. — Naurouz sultdni.
Commencement de la saison du printemps. Orage. Les
humeurs sanguines sont en mouvement. Les reptiles
s'agitent.

Mois de Rebi* Ier.— Arrivee des milans (<3%*- v>^0- Les
arbres deviennent touffus. Vent du commencement des
voyages en mer. Apparition des fleurs. Chant du ros-
signol. II est annonce" a Marie qu'elle sera enceinte du
Messie. Nuit de la naissance du Prophete. Naurouz du
Shah du Kharezm2. Orage des hirondelles (^AJ^y £*^>5).
Azymes (j^^^i.)3. Accouplement des beliers et des brebis.
Mois grec de Nisdn (Avril syrien). Saison des tulipes.

1 Les 12 signes du Zodiaque sont repartis par groupes de 3, dont
chacun est en relation avec Fun des quatre elements: terre, eau, air et feu.
Cf. le Sifasl de Nasir ed-Din Tousi, chap. 19.

2 Sur une reforme du calendrier du Kharezm, cf. Birouni, Chron. p. 229.

3 La fete juive; le 15 Nisan en est le premier jour, Birouni, p. 275.

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 1 1 r

CEufs rouges. Tempete du Cygne (\^*3)^ ****). Eclosion
des vers a sole (^<^ ^f-^i ^0*

Mois de Rebi' II. — Les tulipes atteignent leur per-
fection. Naissance des abeilles. On seme le sesame et le
coton. Les passereaux se reunissent. Crue de 1'Euphrate.
Jour de Khidr. Orage de la fleur (^5-* *£& ^^)- La force
du printemps se termine (^ 5^3 A^). La vent d'est
souffle. Fin des jours de pluie. Le Nil stationnaire. Mois
de Mai (Mai's) roumi. Orage qui brise les jeunes rameaux1.
Apparition des roses et des grenades2. Vent des faukoulieh
(petites fleurs). Temps d'attacher (?) la vigne3. Orage des
Pleiades4. L'eau manque a la terre. Fin des vents du
printemps.

Djoumadi Ier. — Ascension de Je"sus. Temps de tondre
les agneaux. Commencement des chaleurs. Le bei'ram

des roses. Vent d'est dit de la courge5. Commencement
des vents chauds d'ete («-;t>Jl)6. Rarete des eaux. Frisure
des rameaux. Le vent du nord souffle. Fete de la Pente-
cote chez les Chretiens7. Saison de la rose a Damas.
Changement de 1'eau du Nil. Saison de la moisson. Orage
du lever des Pleiades8. Commencement de la r^colte du riz
en Egypte. Le 21, on de'conseille les purgations. Hazirdn
roumi (Juin). Le bei'ram des roses chez les Latins (J^» \J+F$
i^tj-o). Le vent du nord souffle. Le Nil baisse d'une
marque9.

Un peu plus loin, au mois suivant:
brisure. Plusieurs indications dans ce calendrier sont ainsi en double.

2 jUJL^j Jj£» O***~> Gulnar est la fleur du grenadier, flos mail
punicae, mais aussi une variete de grande rose a cent feuilles (Viillers).

l, repete ci-apres :

Melteni) vents du nord-est qui soufflent jusqu'au coucher
du soleil, pendant une certaine epoque, dans le Canal de Constantinople,
et portent les noms des fruits de la saison (N. Mallouf, Diction!).

6 Les bawarih, cf. Kazwini, el-Cazwin?s Kosmographie^ ed. Wiistenfeld,
t. i, p. 78.

? % Khamsin, cf. Dimichqui, Cosmographie, ed. Mehren, p. 281.

8 Les Pleiades, T. or.jjXJjt, avec u long (Pavet de Courteille); notre

ne marque au Nilometre noktah : ^j^J <UaiJ b^sui. Le ms. porte
ensuite, au 29 de ce mois : commencement de la saison de Kharif,
1'automne ; mention inadmissible et assurement deplacee.

1 1 2 CARRA DE VAUX

Djoumadi II. — Vent du retour du jour1. Avenement
fortune2 de Fan 1277. Temps de greffer la feuille3. Com-
mencement de la crue du Nil. Tempete de la feuille. Mort
de Djirdjis (S. Georges). Commencement du vent pesti-
lentiel, 53 [jours]4. Naissance de Jean-Baptiste ; nuit du feu5.
Fin des vents chauds d'ete (bawdritt). Fete des Apotres.
Hippocrate defend de prendre medecine6. Tammouz roumi

Redjeb le noble. — Le raisin rougit. Nuit des presents
(le'iletu raghaifrf. Fin du temps pour greffer la feuille.
Vent de la prune rouge (^^y ^t J-jp). Le beiram
noir des Juifs8 (^*\j*4 *j>* ^>^)> Commencement des jours
de la Canicule (bdkhour). Jour d'Elie (^f\ jjj). Les
dattes sont mures dans le Hedjaz. Jour de 1'ouverture
(^.U&L,! jt>jj). Fin des jours de la Canicule. Terme de la
force de la chaleur. Re'colte du coton en Egypte. Aout
roumi (Agkostous). Commencement du jeune de Marie.
Recolte du lin et du pavot (cAa> .£*.). Nuit de 1'Ascension
du Prophete (mi'rddj). Fete de la Transfiguration de Jesus
aux yeux des Apotres (tadjalld). Saison de la recolte du
coton9 dans le Roum.

Cha'ban 1'honore. — Changement des feuillages. Fin des
vents pestilentiels. Recolte du navet et legumes analogues.
Mort de Marie. Ascension de Marie. Les cigognes s'en
vont (JW o^*)). La chaleur commence a faiblir. Tempete
du Mihrdjan10 (j^^^jy oW->^). Les fruits sont murs. Nais-
sance fortune"e en 1'an 1245. Nuit de 1'immunite (le'tla-

1 i^Jj> O^- Ceci est deplace aussi et se retrouve au 25 Decembre,
ail Solstice d'hiver, ou le sens est clair. Le redacteur du calendrier a du se
servir maladroitement d'anciens textes, et ne parait pas avoir toujours
compris ce qu'il ecrivait.

2 Avenement du Sultan 'Abdul-'Aziz le 27 juin 1861 ; djolous humayoun.

3 L5^J \j~6*>\ &S*£) plus l°in il est question de ^^>\ ^5; en Safar.
4>>y«MM) ^b. V. les Dictionnaires.

5 Le feu de la Saint-Jean. Le ms. emploie un mot persan et un mot
turc : atesh guedjtsi.

6 Cette de'fense est longuement commentee par Birouni, Chron. p. 261.

7 C'est la nuit de la Conception du Prophete. Cf. M. d'Ohsson,
Tableau gtntral de T Empire Othoman, n, 374.

8 Probablement les trois jours tenebreux mentionnes par Birouni, du 5
au 8 Tebeth, mais qui ne doivent pas etre ici a leur place (Chron. p. 272).

9 Coton ; ici le turc J>o^, plus haut 1'arabe oJaS. La forme turque est
ordinairement Jj^-ob ; on trouve aussi J>^.

10 Sur cette celebre fete persane, v. Birouni, Chron.^ etc.

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 1 1 3

tu bdraaf}. Vent du passage des cailles
^AJ^y). Temps de chatrer les beliefs1. Martyre de Jean
Baptiste. Tempete du milan (^AJyjy (3%*-)- Septembre
roumi (eyloul). Fin de la prohibition des saign^es et des
purgations. Commencement de 1'ann^e mosai'que 5637. Le
Nil stable.

Ramadhan le be"ni. — Naissance de Marie. Commence-
ment de la saison d'automne. Les chataignes sont noires.
Commencement de l'anne"e solaire 1255 de l'he"gire. Fete
de la Croix. Beiram du Jjourdb*. La seve diminue dans
les arbres. Orage du passage des grues et autres oiseaux
(^AjjJj^d ^j**& ^*h ^j***)' Fete des Tabernacles3 (cA^lS
^tj-o). Visite de la robe bienheureuse4. Les feuilles com-
mencent a tomber. Fete de la Vierge Marie (miriam ana).
Premier jour de l'anne"e syrienne 2188. Octobre roumi
(teckrtn ewel\ Debut des jours de pluie. Nuit de la
decision (Le'ilet kadar). On rentre le foin et le trefle5.
Fete des hirondelles6. Commencement des plantations.
Fete de la rupture du jeune. Priere i, 39.

Chewal 1'honore. — Fraicheur des eaux. Tempete de la
vendange. Jour de Timprecation (mobdhalati). L'eau du Nil
est en defaut. Re"colte des feves. Temps de couper les
arbres. Saison des vents violents. Vent des poissons.
Terme de la force de Tautomne. Jour de Kasim7. Descente
de la ros^e (nozoul shebnewi). Novembre roumi (techrin //).
Le vent du Sud souffle. Les reptiles se cachent8.

Mois de Dzou'l-Ka'deh. Tempete de la castration des
beliers9. La seve des arbres descend. Commencement du
jeune de la Nativite", 40 [jours]10. Vent du retour des

1 L5*^ 4"^ £"-*** ^a ^orme ordinaire pour holier est ^5.

2 Djourab) chaussure, bas.

3 Celebre fete juive qui dure 7 jours. Cf. Birouni, Chron. p. 270.

4 Khirke i se'adet, ou Khirka i chtrif, la robe du prophete, veneree le 15
Ramadhan. II y a deux de ces robes. V. a ce sujet un long article de
d'Ohsson, Tableau general de T Empire Othoman, n, p. 389.

5 j>A*£>t AsfJpjj O-c^- *S* '•> akilour, cf. probablement ^J^jt, etre
rassemble, entasse, T. oriental (Pavet de Courteille).

6 Le meme en Rebi' Ier.

7 Le commencement de 1'hiver, la Saint-Demetrius, 26 Octobre
(Mallouf).

8 Id. Kazwini, Kosmographie, i, 75.

9 j^<u3)^s ^^313 ?*j3- Cf. ci-dessus les beliers chatres en Cha'ban.

10 L'ancien jeune de 1'Avent; id. Kazwini, i, 75.

B. p. v. 8

ii4 CARRA DE VAUX

Pleiades. Vents et tempetes. Marie entre dans le Mikrdb1.
Les vents du Nord se font sentir. Fin de la chute des
feuilles. Orage de 1'hiver rigoureux (1'hiver noir, karah kick).
Decembre roumi (Kdnoun Ier). Les jours connus2, 10 [jours].

Dzou'l-hiddjeh le noble. Commencement des longues
nuits (cheb yelda). Commencement des quarante3. Hanne
devient enceinte de Marie. Tempete du retour du jour4 et
saison de 1'hiver. Derniere des longues nuits. Jour de
terwiyah*. Jour ^'Arafah. Fete des Sacrifices; priere
3, 28. Jours de techrik, 3 [jours]. On commence a defendre
les saign^es et les ventouses. Janvier des Francs de 1'annee
1877 (Kdnoun II). Fete. Tempete du grand froid de 1'hiver
(zemhtrir\ 3 [jours]. Nuit de la Nativite de Je*sus. Le
froid est rigoureux. Le 27, premier jour de Tan de la
Nativite" 1877. Janvier roumi (Kdnoun II). Les reptiles
se cachent. Les jours comptes, 10 [jours]6.

Moharrem le Sacre. — Fete du Bapteme de Jesus dans
1'eau du fleuve. Jour de tdsou'd. Jour d' 'Achoura*. Force
de 1'hiver (chiddet sermd). Fin des quarante [jours]8. F£te
des Indowan. Premier des cinquante9. FeVrier a la franque
(Chabdt). Accouplement des betes (izdivddj kaivandf).
Recolte du hinne (henna]. FeVrier roumi (Cftabdi). Fete

1 Coran, in, 32.

2 Le Coran parle de jours connus, mtfloumat, chap, xxn, 29: " Qu'ils
repetent a des jours fixes le nom de Dieu sur la nourriture qu'il leur a
accorde dans leurs troupeaux."

3 Le jeune de la Nativite pour le calendrier chretien. Cf. Kazwini,

i, ysrOU-oujN)! jjl.

4 ^*A£j}9 ^_5^j> O>^' Cf. le Festum coronae anni du Calendrier
syrien dans Birouni, Chron. p. 297. Kazwini, i, 75 : Us disent que ce jour-
la, la lumierc passe de la limite du defaut a celle de 1'exces. C'est le 17
Kdnoun /dans Kazwini, le n Kdnoun /dans notre calendrier; exactement
ce devrait etre au solstice d'hiver.

5 Les jours de terwiyah, 'arafah, des victimes et de techrik, qui ont tous
rapport aux pratiques du pelerinage, sont explique's dans Birouni, Chron.

PP- 332-3-

1 V. Coran, u, 199, verset cite dans Birouni, p. 333: " Rappelez le
nom de Dieu pendant ces jours comptes."

7 Tdsou'a et lAchoura sont deux fetes chiites, cette derniere bien
connue. Cf. Birouni, p. 326.

8 Id. Kazwini, i, 76. On est au 17 Janvier; le premier des 40 etait le
9 Decembre.

9 Le 15 Moharrem. Ces 50 jours vont jusqu'a la fin de Tanne'e solaire,
jusqu'au Naurouz Sultani.

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 1 1 5

des chandelles au Saint-S^pulcre (*uU3j* £*w jut). Temps
de planter les arbres.

Safar 1'heureux. — Accouplement des oiseaux. Grand
jeune des Chretiens1. Premier brasier2, froid. R^colte des
oignons. Second brasier, tiede. On seme les graines de

poireaux (\^jj ^+**3 ^j^9)- Arrived des cigognes (o***1
JM). L'hiver commence -a ceder (inkisdr serma). Chtkier
Bey ram (fete de la rupture du jeune) pour les Juifs. La
seve des arbres recommence a couler. Troisieme brasier,
chaud. Temps de tailler la vigne. Temps de greffer le
roseau. Orage des jours malheureux (hosoum). Commence-
ment du froid de la vieille3. Mars roumi (mart}.

Mois de Rebi' Ier. Fin du froid de la vieille. [Le
calendrier s'arrete au 5 Re"bi' Ier correspondant au 8 Mars
roumi. II comprend une anne"e solaire.]

La sixieme colonne donnant les Ikhtiydrdt est moins
interessante philologiquement que la premiere que nous
venons de traduire. Elle est aussi moins difficile. Les
ikhtiydrdt ce sont les " choix4," c'est-a-dire les choses qu'il
est preferable de faire chaque jour, selon le sentiment des
astrologues. Us sont exprime's en petits vers rim£s tres
courts. II y a un distique en face de chaque journee.
Exemple:

28 R6bi{ I

29 „

i Rebic II

1 Le Careme. II est denomme en persan et en arabe : j^*

2 Djamrah. II y a trois djamrah dans les rites du pelerinage, pendant
lesquelles on lapide Satan par le jet des pierres dans la vallee de Mina. V.
dans Kazwini une explication bizarre de ces trois brasiers, au mois de
Chabat (Cosmographie, i, 76). Birouni a sur le meme sujet un long
commentaire, Chron. pp. 242-4.

3 Bard 'adjouz ; expression connue. V. Birouni, p. 265. C'est un froid
qui se fait sentir pendant une semaine environ, du 7 au 14 Mars de chaque
annee (Mallouf, Diction, turc). Cf. Kazwini, i, 77 ; pour lui c'est 3 jours de
Chabat et 4 d'Azar. Ces 7 jours ont des noms.

4 On traduit aussi les "elections" ou les "selections." Cf. Birouni,
p. 217. L'usage de ces "choix" ou occupations recommandees pour
chaque jour, a subsist^ dans Pastrologie moderne.

8—2

1 1 6 CARRA DE VAUX

Traduction: Apprendre la musique; e"couter les chan-
sons.— Travaux d'or et d'argent1 ; dorer la ceinture.—
Vendre les betes (quadrupedes) ; ne pas saigner ni purger.—
Cultiver les jardins ; fabriquer l'epe"e ou la lance.

1 Cf. en Safar: "CEuvre de 1'Alchimiste; travaux d'or et d'argent."

CARRA DE VAUX.

LES ISPEHBEDS DE FIRIM

En 1897, alors que j'etais bibliothecaire au Cabinet des
Medailles de la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, je notai
un dirhem frappe a Firim en Tan 367 de I'He'gire au nom
de Roustam ibn Charwin. M. Tiesenhausen a qui j'e'crivis
pour le signaler voulut bien me repondre par une lettre pleine
de renseignements prdcieux et 1'envoi de feuilles detachees
d'un ouvrage de Dorn ou il e*tait fait allusion a ce Roustam
et a ses monnaies1. Je me proposal de publier ce dirhem en
utilisant les donn£es que me fournissait si liberalement le
grand numismate russe. Mais des circonstances particulieres
me firent abandonner la numismatique arabe et le cours de
mes nouvelles etudes sembla ne devoir jamais m'y ramener.
Comme a ce Roustam se rattachaient certaines particularity
interessantes de 1'histoire de la Perse musulmane, je proposai,
il y a quelques annees, a mon excellent eleve et ami, M.
Henri Masse* , aujourd'hui professeur a la Faculte des Lettres
d'Alger, de reprendre mes notes et de les completer par sa
connaissance spe"ciale des choses persanes. II avait accepte;
mais c'etait la guerre, il ne s'appartenait pas. II quitta Paris,
et, plus tard d'autres travaux, d'autres preoccupations Tem-
pecherent d'y donner suite. Avec son consentement, je vais
essayer de traiter seul les questions que souleve cette petite
monnaie.

Firlm est aujourd'hui inconnu. Mr Guy Le Strange,
dans sa traduction du Nuzhat-al-qulub, dit : " position
unknown2." De 1'examen auquel je me suis livre' resulte
pour moi la conviction qu'il faut 1'identifier a la ville de
Firouzkouh situee dans le Mazanderan sur la route de

1 Lettre du 2/14 Novembre. L'ouvrage de Dorn est intitule : Bemer-
kungen auf Anlass einer wissenschaftlichen Reise in dem Kaukasus und de?i
siidlichen Kilstenldndern des Kaspischen Meeres in den Jahren 1860-1861....
Reise nach Mazanderan — St Petersburg — 1895. (Pages 193 a 253: Ge-
schichtliche Abtheilung.}

2 The geographical part of the Nuzhat-al-qulub composed by Hamd-
Allah Mustaivfi, 1919 (Gibb Memorial XXIII, n), p. 158. L Encyclopedic
musulmane 1'ignore.

n8 PAUL CASANOVA

Te'he'ran a Sari1. II serait trop long d'enume'rer ici toutes
les raisons qui m'ont paru militer en faveur de cette identi-
fication. Je me contenterai d'en exposer les principales.

i°. Le nom de Firim est connu d'Istakhri2; mais les
geographies poste"rieurs ne le connaissent que par lui3.
Firouzkouh au contraire est inconnue a Istakhri et men-
tionne"e par Yakout qui 1'a vue4. Les historiens persans et
arabes jusqu'aux environs de 1'annee 500 mentionnent Firim,
mais non Firouzkouh. Apres cette periode c'est 1'inverse5.

2°. Firim est situe" sur la route de Sari a Samnan comme
Tindique un passage d'Ibn Isfandiyar6 et tel est le cas pour
Firouzkouh qui est au point de rencontre de cette route et
de celle qui va de Teheran a Astrabad. Istakhri semble
dire que le premier est a une etape, *X»-j-<>, de Sariyat
(*= Sari) et Firouzkouh est vraiment bien eloigne de Sari
pour une seule etape, mais on sait combien ce mot arabe

1 Sur cette ville, voir Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire geographique de
la Perse s.v. et, outre les auteurs qu'il cite, Napier dans Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society, vol. xi, Session 1875-6. London 1876, p. 166
(carte, p. 62) ; Melgunof, Das sudliche Uferdes Kaspischen Meeres. Leipzig
1868, index et carte, et la carte de 1'Etat-Major russe : Karta Persii se

pogranitchnymi tchastiami aziiatsko'i Tourtsu....T\^.\.s 1886, feuille A viii,
Astrabad. 1} Encyclopedia musulmane ignore egalement cette ville, ne
parlant que de celle qui porte le meme nom en Afghanistan.

2 Ed. de Goeje (Bibliotheca geographorum arab. i, Leyde 1870), 205 et
207 b.

3 Yakout mou'djam al bouldan, ed. Wiistenfeld m, Leipzig 1868, p. 890.

L'editeur ecrit^j^, mais le redoublement du j n'est pas indique dans le
texte, ni dans les notes du tome v. Je maintiens done, jusqu'a preuve con-
traire, 1'orthographe Firim. Les geographies qui, comme Idrisi, ne citent
pas Istakhri, le copient cependant. Ibn al-Athir, contemporain de Yakout,
le nomme jusqu'en 407, evidemment d'apres des sources anciennes (ed.
Tornberg, Leyde 1863, ix, 187, 1. 17).

4 Op. cit. ibid. 930, 1. 7 ; Vytj peut se rapporter a Wai'mat qu'il situe
au bas de Firouzkouh.

6 Je dois cependant noter deux exceptions. D'une part Ibn Isfandiyar
parle de Firouzkouh vers Tannee 250 (trad. Browne dans Gibb Memorial
II, p. 165); d'autre part Melgunof (op. cit. p. 59) mentionne Firim en 607,
mais sans aucune reference. Ibn al-Athir ne connait que le Firouzkouh
d' Afghanistan.

6 Op. cit. p. 142. 'Ala ad-daulat 'Ali est envoye par son pere a Isfahan
et celui-ci 1'accompagne de Sari jusqu'a Firim et lui fait prendre la route
par Asran et Samnan. Ce detail s'applique fort bien a Firouzkouh.

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 1 19

est dastique ; d'ailleurs le texte est ambigu et semble plutot
se rapporter a la ville e"nigmatique de Samhar(?)1.

3°. Firim est situee entre Sari et Te'he'ran, comme on
peut le conclure d'un episode de 1'histoire des Samanides
qui nous est cont£ diversement par trois auteurs ; ce qui nous
permet plusieurs identifications interessantes. Rappelons
d'abord que Firim e"tait, a ce que nous dit Istakhri, dans les
montagnes de Karin et qu'elle etait la capitale de la famille
de Karin2. Ibn al-Athir, en 1'annee 314, nous dit que 1'emir
Samanide Nasr ibn Ahmad est appele par le khalife al-
Mouktadir au gouvernement de Ray et passe par les
montagnes. II arrive a la montagne de Karin, et la, Abou
Nasr at-Tabari lui barre la route ; il lui faut negocier et ce
n'est que moyennant 30,000 dinars qu'il peut passer3. Yikout
est plus detaille : "Saniz, dit-il, est un village de la montagne
de Chahriyar dans le Deilem, d'ou vient le nom de Sanizi
donne a Abou Nasr un des partisans de Charwin fils de

Roustam, fils de Karin, roi du Deilem Quand Nasr ibn

Ahmad le Samanide se dirigea sur Ray, il passa par la

montagne de Chahriyar4 Abou Nasr 1'assiegea dans un

endroit appel£ Hazar Guiri pendant quatre mois sans qu'il
put ni avancer ni reculer jusqu'au jour ou il lui paya trente
mille dinars ; alors il eut le passage libre5." De la com-
paraison de ces deux textes, il resulte que la montagne de
Karin s'appelait aussi montagne de Chahriyar. L'un et
1'autre nom, mais surtout le second, sont mentionnes par
Ibn Isfandiyar (voir 1'index). Charwin fils de Roustam, fils
de Karin etait maitre de cette montagne, done de Firim,
en 314. C'est en effet, d'apres les listes dressees par Dorn6

1 Op. cit. 205, 1. ii et note i. Sur les variantes de ce second nom cf.
aussi 207 note b.

2 Ibid. ibid. 1. 10 a 12 ^*~« j> £-«>oJ Oj^
^^yCX-e o^voApl^^o^-Ao- £O}A 5*5 *>j* (var.

3 Ed. Tornberg, vm, 121.

4 Le texte est altere ; cf. la note de Wiistenfeld, v, p. 236 ; Barbier de
Meynard, diet, gtogr. § Sanir a supprime trois mots embarrassants. La
correction de Wiistenfeld n'ameliore rien ; mais je n'ai pas mieux &
proposer. 5 Op. cit. in, 23, §J-JL> .

6 Op. cit. p. 231. Cf. Melgunof, op. cit. p. 49; Ibn Isfandiyar (trad.
Browne), index. Ajouter p. 209 ou il faut ainsi corriger "Rustam b.
Sharwin" du texte, et retrancher p. 237 ou il n'est question que de
" Sharwin b. Surkhab."

1 20 PAUL CASANOVA

un des rois de la premiere dynastie des Bawendides qui dut
re"gner entre 302 et 337* et qui est precise"ment le pere de
notre Roustam. Hazar Guiri, par la comparaison de deux
passages d'Ibn Isfandiyar2 s'identifie a Hazar Djarib, nom
donne aux montagnes qui ferment la route de Sari a
Firouzkouh3. II suit de la que le Samanide, venant d' Astra-
bad, avait long£ la Caspienne jusqu'a Siri et pris de la la
route des montagnes vers Ray, dont le site est proche de
Te'he'ran moderne. Les montagnes de Chahriyar ou de
Karin sont done celles qui, au Nord de Firouzkouh, forment
une chaine assez escarpee orientee du Sud-Est au Nord-
Ouest.

Enfin Ibn Isfandiyar nous dit que le Samanide marche
de Boukhara avec 30,000 hommes pour conquerir le Taba-
ristan et 1'Irak et entre dans les montagnes du Tabaristan.
Abou Nasr etait gouverneur des montagnes de Chahriyar ;
il bloque les routes. Le Samanide est oblige d'implorer le
Sayyid (alide) Hasan qui lui envoie deux ambassadeurs.
Ceux-ci moyennant 20,000 dinars le liberent a la condition
qu'il retourne dans le Khorasan4. La route de Boukhara a
Ray passe par Astrabad et cela confirme ce que nous venons
de dire plus haut. Toutefois il est possible que le Samanide
soit alle directement sur Firouzkouh par les montagnes sans
longer la Caspienne. Dans ce cas il ne rencontrerait pas
sur son chemin Hazar Djarib, ou bien il faudrait supposer
qu'a cette epoque ce dernier nom s'etendait plus au Sud
jusqu'au centre des montagnes par ou passe la route
directe: Astrabad — Firouzkouh — Teheran. Les montagnes
de Chahriyar seraient alors non plus au Nord, mais a 1'Est
de Firouzkouh. On peut hesiter entre les deux trajets. Le
premier me parait mieux repondre a la carte moderne.

^4°. Dans plusieurs passages d'Ibn Isfandiyar, Chahriyar-
kouh (montagne de Chahriyar) parait designer une ville
qui ne saurait etre que Firim ; par exemple il ^numere

1 Schefer, Ch restomathie persane (Public, de Vticole des Langues Orientales
vivantes, 2e serie, vm), tome n, p. 194, note i.
Pp. 185 et 238.

3 II me semble que les cartes les placent beaucoup trop a 1'est.
Melgunof (op. cit. p. 150) dit que le district de ce nom comprend 'Aliabad,
qui est precisement le point ou la route de Sari commence a penetrer dans
les gorges du Talar.

4 Op. cit. p. 213.

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 1 2 1

(p. 240) : Damghan, Chahriyarkouh, Damawand et Kazwin.
Ce sont a n'en pas douter des noms de ville. Or il dit
(p. 95) que Firim est appel£ " Kuh-i-Karin" ce qui 1'iden-
tifie, comme nous Taverns vu, a Chahriyarkouh. L'echange
de ces noms de Chahriyar et de Karin rend vraisemblable
la substitution a 1'un et a 1'autre de Firouz dans la com-
position du nom moderne de la ville. Peut-etre aussi y a-
t-il eu un Firimkouh1. Chahriyar, Karin, Firouz sont des
noms d'hommes bien connus et on comprend fort bien leur
substitution reciproque. J 'ignore a quoi repond Firim ou,
comme Ibn Isfandiyar l'e"crit deux fois, Pirim (Parim ?)2.

Roustam ibn Charwin etait done maitre de Firim en
367 comme en 355 3. Ibn Isfandiyar parait 1'ignorer et
considere comme le vrai successeur de Charwin, son autre
fils Chahriyar. II le mentionne seulement en passant, dans
deux passages que nous utiliserons bientot4. Mais j'ai
retrouve dans le manuscrit de Paris une autre mention de
Roustam qui ne figure pas dans 1'excellente traduction de
Mr Browne parce qu'elle est une remarque ajoute"e par Ibn
Isfandiyar (ou son continuateur) a une citation de Nidhami.
Cette citation a ete supprimee par le traducteur qui renvoie
a 1'original ou la remarque susdite ne figure pas. Elle est
ainsi conc^ue : " Et Roustam aussi etait fils de Chahriyar et,
au temps de Kabous, il e"tait lieutenant de son pere dans la
region montagneuse de Firim et de Chahriyarkouh5." Nous
savons deja par la monnaie que Roustam etait fils de
Charwin et non de Chahriyar et les textes que nous allons
citer nous en apporteront d'amples confirmations. II faut
done rectifier et dire qu'il etait le lieutenant de son frere a
Firim et ajouter qu'il se rendit independant, puisqu'il frappa

dans Tabari, Chronique, ed. de Goeje, in, 1529.

2 Op. cit. 99, 128.

3 Date de la monnaie publiee par Fraehn ; voir plus loin.

4 Op. cit. 92 et 225. Une autre mention (p. 209) est fautive, et il
convient de lire " Sharwin b. Rustam " au lieu de " Rustam b. Sharwin "
comme le prouve la date de 311. Nous avons note cette erreur plus haut
(p. 119, note 6).

5 Bibliotheque Nationale^ Supplement persan 1436 (Catalogue Blochet,
No. 500) 153 r°, 1. ult. j$\9 ^*#\S j^ ps & jb^ j,~J ^A ^tf
d^jbj^j ^.jjj jjU-^A^ ^3 *jj jj^voU*. Mirza Mouhammad a ete
induit en erreur par ce texte auquel il se refere dans la preface de son
edition du Marzuban-nameh (Gibb Memorial VIII), p. 6, note 2.

122 PAUL CASANOVA

une monnaie ou ne figure pas le nom de son frere, marque
evidente qu'a ce moment il ne reconnaissait pas son autorite.
Dans les oeuvres manuscrites de Fraehn, Dorn a releve
une pre"cieuse indication ; c'est que ce Roustam est le pere
de la fameuse Chirin, femme du Bouweihide Fakhr ad-
daulat et mere de Madjd ad-daulat souvent nommee simple-
ment " la Dame, Sayyidat " d'ou le nom de Sayyidabadh
donne" a deux localites au voisinage de Ray1. C'est Yakout
qui nous donne ce renseignement dans son dictionnaire
ge*ographique2 et il donne au pere de Chirin le titre
d'ispehbed. Dorn se demande si Roustam est le frere de
Chahriyar3. Cela n'est pas douteux, car Ibn al-Athir men-
tionne ce Roustam comme oncle maternel de Kabous4
ce que confirme al-Birouni qui mentionne dans la ligne
ascendante feminine de Kabous " les rois des montagnes
surnommes les Ispehbeds du Tabaristan...car son oncle
maternel est 1'ispehbed Roustam ibn Charwin ibn Roustam
ibn Karm ibn Chahriyar ibn Charwin ibn Sourkhab ibn
Baw etc.6" C'est done bien le Bawendite Roustam, con-
temporain de Kabous. Or, comme Dorn le remarque,
Chahriyar etait e"galement 1'oncle maternel de Kabous6 et,
par suite, le propre frere de Roustam. II est meme bien

1 Op. dt. 232. 2 Op. tit HI, 211, 1. 3 et 4.

8 Fraehn avait d'abord lu sur la monnaie: Roustam fils de Chirouyeh,
puis: fils de Charwin. La monnaie de Paris porte Charwin sans Fombre
d'un doute : il faut done repondre affirmativement a la question de Dorn
(ibid, ibid.) : " 1st Scherwin und Schirujeh ein und derselbe Name ? "

4 Op. cit. vin, 506, 1. 5. L'index porte tout a fait par inadvertance :
Roustam frere de Wachmaguir. Le texte ne peut preter a aucun doute :
&rr> J*»~>^~>j *)U. t^lj [c'est-a-dire : O>^^ **•*] d>^! cr»>>^ J£>j.
Cf. Ibn Isfandiyar, 92 et 225. Dans le texte du manuscrit de Paris
correspondant a ce second passage on lit: Roustam ibn Chahriyar ibn
Charwin (Supp. persan 1436, 140 r°), erreur que nous avons deja relevee,

p. 121.

5 The Chronology of ancient nations, trad. Sachau, Londres 1879, p. 47;
texte, ed. Sachau, Leipzig 1876, p. 39, 1. 8 a n.

8 Op. cit. 232. II renvoie a son edition de Zahir ad-din, preface p. 29,
note i, ou ila rapporte d'apres Mouhammad ibn al-Hasan [ibn Isfandiyar]
1'episode de Firdausi. C'est celui que Mr Browne a supprim£ dans sa
traduction, pp. 238-9, en renvoyant k sa traduction du Chahdr Maqdla.
C'est la qu'en devrait trouver (p. 81) la phrase citee par Dorn; mais elle
n'y est pas. C'est done encore une remarque ajoutee par Ibn Isfandiyar
(ou son continuateur). Cf. ms. de Paris; Supplement persan 1436, 152 r°,
1. 12 et 13; Eth£ dans ZDMG. XLVIII (1894), pp. 91-2, d'apres les mss.
de Londres et d'Oxford.

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 123

remarquable qu'al-Birouni, dans son eloge gene"alogique
n'ait pas nomm<£ plutot le suzerain Chahriyar (probablement
Faine") que le vassal et lieutenant.

Roustam e*tait egalement le pere d'un personnage non
moins fameux que Chirin : Marzuban, Fauteur du Marzubdn-
ndmeh, comme Fattestent Ibn Isfandiyar qui lui donne le
titre d'ispehbed1 et al-Birouni qui lui confere le titre encore
plus pompeux d'ispehbed Djilidjilan en lui dediant un de
ses livres2. Frere de Chirin, il etait done 1'oncle maternel
de Madjd ad-daulat. C'est done lui qu'Ibn al-Athir de"signe
en Fanne"e 388, comme a la tete des armies de Ray3. Mais
quelques lignes auparavant, Fhistorien a parle de Roustam
ibn Marzuban, oncle maternel de Madjd ad-daulat, qui
gouvernait la montagne de Chahriyar4, et je suis convaincu
qu'il y a une me"prise et qu'il faut lire : Marzuban ibn
Roustam. Cette meprise se retrouve doublement dans Ibn
Isfandiyar qui, racontant les memes evenements, nomme ce
meme Roustam comme Ispehbed de Chahriyar[kouh] puis
le fait partir de Ray contre Fispehbed Chahriyar5. Cette
interversion ge"nealogique est passee chez les autres auteurs
persans sous Finfluence meme de ces textes errones d'lbn
Isfandiyar6. fitant donne le titre pompeux que lui de"cerne

1 Op. cit. p. 86, " The Ispahbad Marzuban b. Rustam b. Shirwin Partm
(>o^)-" Je crois qu'il faut entendre que Marzuban e'tait ispehbed de Firim.
Sur cette filiation cf. Schefer, Chrest. per sane u, 194 et la pre'face de Mr
Browne a 1'edition du Marzuban-nameh par Mirza Mouhammad de Kazwin
(Gibb Memorial VIII, Londres 1909), p. xiii. Mais 1'hypothese presentee
par Mirza Mouhammad (sa preface, p. 6) qu'il faille faire de Roustam le
fils de Chahriyar ibn Charwin ne peut etre accepte'e, pour les raisons dites
plus haut (p. 121).

2 Ed. Sachau, preface p. 40, 1. 15-16. Cf. la traduction, p. 381 (note
dep. 47, 1. 32).

3 Loc. cit. ix, 99, 1. 20. L'index porte, j'ignore pourquoi, la mention :
(OVb»M):AeM4 OJ^~>J- Cf. Ibn Khaldoun, Kitab al^ibar, Boulak 1284
Heg., iv, 498, 1. 18.

4 Ibid. 1. 2 et 3. Cf. Ibn Khaldoun, ibid. ibid. 1. 8. Defre'mery, Histoire
des Samanides par Mirkhond, Paris 1845, page 212, note b, a remarque cette
difference dans Ibn Khaldoun, mais ne 1'a pas vue dans Ibn al-Athir dont
le premier auteur n'est que le copiste.

5 Op. cit. 228, 230, 231. Meme re"cit repete', p. 239 bis.

6 Je crois qu'en realite ils ne lui appartiennent pas. Je partage Topinion
de Rieu (Catalogue of the Persian MSS. in the British Museum (i), p. 204)
que la quatrieme section est addition d'un autre auteur. Cela explique la
repetition de 1'histoire des Bawendites et diverses erreurs de noms. Meme
le passage que Rieu croit devoir lui attribuer dans cette derniere section

124

PAUL CASANOVA

al-Birouni son contemporain et ami, il est impossible que
Marzuban n'ait pas succe"de a son pere dans la petite
principaiite" ind^pendante de Firim. Peut-£tre y a-t-il frappe
monnaie lui aussi. II lui a succede" apres 367. Chasse par
son oncle et suzerain Chahriyar ibn Charwin il est reinstall^
par son neveu Madjd ad-daulat ; chasse a nouveau par un
autre Chahriyar, son neveu e"galement, il se refugie a Ray,
d'ou Madjd ad-daulat 1'envoie contre ce second Chahriyar
qu'il bat et fait prisonnier. Tels sont les faits qu'Ibn Isfan-
diyar et Ibn al-Athir attribuent a 1'oncle maternel de Madjd
ad-daulat que le premier appelle constamment Roustam et
le second tantot Roustam et tant6t Marzuban. La parente
alle"gue"e ne s'applique qu'a ce dernier. Faut-il admettre
1'existence d'un fils avec lequel il aurait e"te confondu ? Ce
n'est pas impossible evidemment, mais je ne le crois pas
necessaire.

J'ajouterai qu'Ibn al-Athir signale en 407 Fispehbed
residant a Firlm. II est associe a Madjd ad-daulat et a sa
mere (Chirin) contre un revoke : Ibn Fouladh1. Je crois
qu'il s'agit encore de Marzuban.

Voici le petit tableau qui me paratt resulter des prece-
dentes discussions:

Charwin (302 — 337)

une fille
Chahriyar (337 — 374) Roustam (..^355. ..367...) (epouse Wachmaguir)

Kabous

Chirin Dara (374—382)

(epouse Fakhr ad-daulat)

Madjd ad-daulat Chahriyar (382 — 397)

Marzuban
(...388. ..407 (?)...)

Roustam ?

C'est de Dari que descend la deuxieme branche des
Bawendites2. J'ai donne la date des chefs de la dynastic

me parait lui etre etranger. Dhahir ad-din n'a fait que copier Ibn Isfandiyar,
comme Dorn son editeur nous en avertit (Muhammedanische Quellen i,
preface p. 28). II en est probablement de meme de Mirkhond (Defremery,
op. at. texte 101, trad. 212).
Op. tit. ix, 187, 1. 17.

Dara

2^ Dorn, op. tit. 233; Melgunof, op. tit. 49. Ibn Isfandiyar 239 nomme
•a sans indiquer la filiation et il faut supprimer dans Tindex la mention :

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 125

principale d'apres le nombre d'ann^es que Dorn et Melgunof
leur assignent dans leurs listes. Mais ni Tun ni 1'autre ne
donne les references precises qui permettraient de contrdler
I'^tablissement de ces listes. Dorn donne a Chahriyar fils
de Dara 35 ans de regne, mais dit positivement qu'il mourut
en 397. Pour re"soudre cette petite difficulte il faudrait
reprendre tous les textes relatifs a la se"rie des Bawendites,
discuter les chiffres donnes pour les annees de regne. Ce
serait depasser le cadre de cette e*tude.

II ne me reste plus qu'a signaler quelques particularity
de la monnaie de Firim. Celle qui a etc" publie"e par Fraehn1,
datee de 355, porte les noms du khalife al-Mouti' et du
Bouweihide Roukn ad-daulat et au revers la formule chiite
^ ^ ^ avec le nom de (lu a tort : ^.P) CH3j^ c* j*~*)'
Tiesenhausen m'a signal e" un autre dirhem de*crit par Erd-
mann (Numi Asiatici, p. 233) et plus correctement par
Fraehn dans le deuxieme volume de ses manuscrits2. On y
trouve les memes noms de khalife et d'e"mir bouweihide ;
dans la marge du droit apres la mention de la frappe a
Firim, on lit ^wj j^b puis la date 361. La formule chiite y
figure comme dans le precedent. La monnaie de Paris
porte, avec le nom du meme khalife, ceux de 'Adoud ad
daulat Abou Chadja' et de Mouayyid ad daulat Abou
Mansour avec la formule chiite et CKS>* O^ ^-y- On voit par
la que Roustam reconnaissait la suzerainete des Bouweihides.

A ce sujet, Fraehn remarque que Roukn ad-daulat
conquit en 351 le Tabaristan et le Djourdjan qui plus tard

" b. Shahriyar b. Sharwin." Dans la g^ne'alogie que Dhahir ad-din donne
d'un Bawendite posterieur (ed. Dorn, p. 270-1) je releve : "Dara b.
Roustam b. Charwin b. Roustam b. Sourhab b. Karin b. Chahriyar b.
Karin b. Charwin b. Sourhab b. Baw, etc." Le pere de Dara est bien le
Roustam dont al-Birouni nous a donne la genealogie (voir plus haut, p. 122).

1 Journal Asiatique, ifere Serie, t. iv (1825), p. 278 ; cf. du meme auteur
Recensio numorum Muhammedanorum Academics Imp. Scient. PetropolitancR^
St Petersbourg 1826, p. 600; Opera inedita, ed. Dorn, n, 359, No. 3;
Dorn, Monnaies de differentes dynasties musulmanes (Collections scientifiques
de llnstitut des Langues Orientales iv), St Petersbourg 1881, p. 152;
Bemerkungen auf Anlass einer wissenschaftlichen Reise in dem Kaukasus, St
Petersbourg 1895, P- 23X et 232- Lindberg a public la meme monnaie
avec la mention: AJ*^ j***}- E-ssai sur les monnaies coufiques...des
Bouides (dans Memoires de la Socittt Royale des Antiquaires du Nord pour
1844, P- 233-4)- voir a ce sujet les remarques de Defremery dans le
Revue Numismatique, Paris 1847, XII> P- 1^7 (reimprime' dans ses Me-
moires dhistoire orientale, Paris 1854, i"e partie, p. 166).

2 Lettre citee, p. 2.

126 PAUL CASANOVA

devaient revenir aux Ziyarides1. En 366 il mourut a Ray
laissant le pouvoir a son fils 'Adoud ad-daulat. Celui-ci
chassa son frere Fakhr ad-daulat de la ville de Ray pour la
donner a son autre frere Mouayyid ad-daulat. C'est ce que
disent Ibn Khaldoun2 et Ibn Isfandiyar3. Fakhr ad-daulat
s'^tait enfui aupres de Kabous et celui-ci avait partie lie"e
avec son oncle Roustam. Mais notre monnaie prouve que
Roustam dut se rallier de gre ou de force a 'Adoud ad-
daulat et a Mouayyid ad-daulat, vainqueurs a Astrabad.
C'est ce qu'Ibn al-Athir confirme implicitement quand il
dit que le kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, le fameux docteur mou'ta-
zilite, e"tait grand kadi de Ray et des pays soumis a I'autorite'
de Mouayyid ad-daulat4. Dans un autre passage du meme
historien, en Fannie 366, 'Adoud ad-daulat donne un ordre
a son frere Fakhr ad-daulat a Ray ; or c'est Mouayyid ad-
daulat qui l'exe"cute5. II faut, je pense, corriger Fakhr en
Mouayyid. Ce dernier dut rester maitre de cette ville et du
Tabaristan jusqu'a sa mort survenue en 373.

Nous avons dans ce dirhem de 367 un curieux exemple
de la hierarchic feodale constitute a cette epoque dans les
Etats musulmans. Le khalife est le suzerain spirituel, 'Adoud
ad-daulat le suzerain temporel ; Mouayyid ad-daulat le
premier vassal, Roustam le second vassal. Firim e"tait
comprise dans le fief de Ray.

Sur la formule chiite des monnaies de Roustam les
remarques de Fraehn reproduites par Dorn6 sont plus justes
que celles de Lindberg, critiques avec raison par Defre"-
mery7. II n'en est pas moins etrange de lire une telle
formule sur une monnaie ou le khalife abbasside est reconnu
comme suzerain. Fraehn dit que les Bawendides e"taient
tres devoues aux Alides. Cela est certain, mais il en etait
de meme des Bouweihides et aucun d'eux n'a manifest^ ses
sentiments de cette maniere sur la monnaie. C'est, je crois,
un exemple unique et je ne vois aucune maniere vraiment
satisfaisante de 1'expliquer.

1 Cite d'apres ses ouvrages manuscrits par Dorn, Bemerkungen, p. 232.

2 Op. cit. iv, 154. 3 Op. cit. 225.

4 Op. cit. vin, 510, 511. 5 Ibid. ibid. 497.

6 D'apres ses ouvrages manuscrits, dans Bemerkungen, p. 232.

7 Loc. cit. Lindberg a suppose' que Roustam dtait un Alide et Fakhr
ad-daulat son tuteur.

PAUL CASANOVA.

PARIS, 15 Avril 1920.

AVESTAN URVAN, 'SOUL'

The most important psychological concept in Mazdeism,
corresponding to our word " soul," appears all through the
Avesta, from the Ga#as downwards, as urvan (gen. uruno],
and is perpetuated in the Pahlavi rubano and Modern Persian
ravan (wherein the v instead of b is a curious throw-back to
the primitive form).

The etymology has been much disputed and seems ob-
scure1. Bartholomae, in his great Avestan Dictionary, s.v.,
dismisses A. V. Williams Jackson's derivation (in Grundriss
der ir anise hen P kilo logic, ii, 674) from Jvar, to choose, with
a contemptuous "falsch."

And yet I venture to think that Jackson is right. The
sense certainly agrees well. The urvan is taken by all to
mean that part or faculty of the human compound that is held
morally responsible for man's actions and will have to bear
the consequences of them, good or bad, after death ; in
Bartholomae's own words, " beim Menschen von der unster-
blichen Kraft, die alle seine Handlungen bestimmt und nach
dem Tode zu verantworten hat " (s.v., italics mine). In other
words, it is the power which exercises free will, the power of
choosing (var) between good and evil.

Its formation would then be a reduction of an original

%, i • i -i

^var-van to urvan, which seems quite regular.

( i ) With var = ur, compare the roots :

vac p. p. uyta

vas usta, grace, happiness ; mti, will

vays uysyeite

vap ufyani, ufyemi

vaj (vag) uyra

van una

var urvata (vrata)

var (protect) ura (flock)

1 Among curious suggestions are those of a native Parsi scholar,
K. E. Kanga, luru, wide + 0», to live,' Avesta Dictionary \ s.v.; and of de
Harlez, who suggests the Semitic ruakh (Langue de r Avesta, Glossary, s.v.).

128 L. C. CASARTELLI

(2) The termination -van is by no means an uncommon
one, cf.

asa-van holy, from asa

ad-van way, ad-

k3rzQ-van doer, ^kar-

is-van powerful, is-

maga-van adept (of the religion) ? from maga-

aOra-van priest

This appears to me to give a perfectly simple and satis-
factory etymology, more satisfactory I think than Williams
Jackson's own "prob. uruvan" \Avesta Reader, Voca-
bulary, s.v.).

L. C. CASARTELLI.

JUKI IN THE PERSIAN LITERATURE

Juh'a or Si Joh'a is a well-known personality all over
Northern Africa, to the Arabs as well as to the Berbers. Most
of the anecdotes related about this curious fool and jester in
Arabic and Kabyle popular literature are attributed by the
Ottoman Turks to the Qadi Nasru'd-din Khqja, who is said
to have lived in the times of Timur-i-lang. Under one or
the other of these names the Oriental " Eulenspiegel " has
been known in southern and eastern Europe. Juh'a has be-
come the Giufa or Giucca of the Sicilians, the Calabrians,
and the Toscans. Nasru'd-din Khoja lives in the traditions
of the Greeks, the Serbs, and the Croats, and even the
Roumanians are acquainted with the "Nastratin Hogea."

The Juh'a- Nasru'd-din stories have been carefully studied
during the last thirty years. Prof. Rend Basset, the well-
known Orientalist, has in his instructive introduction to the
French translation of the Kabyle version of the legends of
Juh'a published by 6\ Moulieras1 pointed out that the Arabic
text, published at Bulaq, is only a translation from Turkish,
and, further, that Juh'a is, nevertheless, a much older literary
figure than Nasru'd-din, the U*^. jjty ^U£> being mentioned
in the Fihrist of Muhammad b. Ishaq an-Nadim, who died
at the end of the 4th century A.H. (995 A.D.). M. Basset
sums up his thesis about the relation between the different
versions in the following manner: " A la fin du ive siecle de
1'hegire, il existait chez les Arabes des recueils de plaisan-
teries analogues a ceux qu'on composa plus tard en Occident
(Til Ulespiegle, Schimpf und Ernst, les sages hommes de
Gotham, les sept Souabes, etc.), et qui renfermaient des traits
de naivete" tantot spirituels, tantot ridicules, parfois obscenes,
qu'on retrouve chez tous les peuples et dont il faut peut-etre
chercher 1'origine dans 1'Inde. De ces recueils arabes qui
fournirent plusieurs chapitres aux auteurs des Kitdb el Adab,
un seul survecut, et Ton groupa autour de son heros Djoh'a
les anecdotes qui se rapportaient a ceux qu'enumerent

1 Les Fourberies de Si Djefra. Paris, 1892.
B. P. v. Q

130 ARTHUR CHRISTENSEN

1'auteur du Fihrist et d'autres. Au xve ou au xvie siecle, ce
recueil qui, par transmission orale, avait deja passe en Occi-
dent, fut traduit en turk, et le principal personnage identifie
avec un certain Nasr eddin Hodja, dont 1'existence est au
moins douteuse....Cette version turke fut maintes et maintes
fois remaniee, et 1'un des remaniements fut traduit (avec des
additions) en arabe vers le milieu du xie siecle de 1'hegire,
xviie de notre ere. Deja la tradition orale, peut-etre a la
suite de la conquete turke, avait porte" dans le Maghreb un
grand nombre d'anecdotes dont quelques-unes penetrerent
chez les Kabyles, et qui doivent etre jointes a celles que
nous poss^dons dans les recensions ecrites."

On the other hand, Albert Wesselski, the German folk-
lorist, to whom we are indebted for the most complete
translation of all the stories of Juh'a-Nasru'd-din1, makes
the following statement: "Fur das Verhaltnis Nasreddins
zu Dschoha ist die Feststellung wichtig, dass aus der Zeit
vor Nasreddins angeblichem oder wirklichem Leben noch
keine einzige Dschohageschichte bezeugt ist, die als Quelle
eines Nasreddin'schen Schwankes angenommen werden
miisste, wahrend das sonst Nasreddin zugeschlagene Gut
wahrlich nicht gering ist."

For my part, I incline to the opinion that the Turkish
"sottisier" of Nasru'd-din, which is the main source of the
Arabic version of the Nawddirot Juh'a, is not a translation
from the old U^. jjiy v^=» as named in the Fihrist, but an
independent collection, in which probably a great many of the
stories of the older book have been incorporated. Most of the
anecdotes of the modern versions are "wandering" stories to
be met with all over the world, and a great number of them
are current even among the Persians ; we find some of them
in the 8th century A.H. in ' Ubaid Zdkdnf, and personally I
have heard others from the mouth of the Sayyid Faidulldh
Adib in Teheran3, but in all these Persian stories the hero
is nameless. Of the stories forming the old collection men-
tioned in the Fihrist, only three have hitherto been brought
to light. They are related in the JU*^t *»*-« *->K£> of

1 Der Hodscha Nasreddin, 1-2. Weimar 1911.

* Wesselski, Der Hodscha Nasreddin, Introd. p. xxxix.

Arthur Christensen, Contes persans en langue populaire (Copenhague
1918), nos. i, 6, 14, 15, 20, 24, 27, 49, 53.

Jtihi in the Persian Literature 131

Maiddni. None of them occurs in the Turkish version, and
one only has been inserted in the modern Arabic collection,
but it is evidently taken from the book of Maidani1.

It has escaped the notice of M. Basset as well as Herr
Wesselski that there exists in Persia a series of stories con-
cerning Juh'a, whose name is written in Persian Juhi or
Juhi. In the Divan of Anvart, who died about 586 A.H.
(i 190 A.D.), we find the following verse2 :

and the explanation of the last hemistich is given in lexico-
graphical works such as the Kashfu l-lughat under the
heading ^.*Ji. : " ^ jester wno said witty words ; it is related
that one day he uttered a witticism in an assembly, but no-
body laughing at that, he got vexed and after returning
home broke the spinning wheel of his mother."

Jaldlu d-dtn-i-Rtimi (d. 672 A.H. = 1273 A.D.), in his
famous Mathnavi, has narrated three anecdotes about this
fool. Here the name is written i^*^, probably for metrical
reasons. In modern lithographed editions we find the false
writing ^j*y*.

i. The first anecdote is to be found in the second book3.
I reproduce the translation of C. E. Wilson4.

A boy was bitterly lamenting and beating (his) head
before his father's bier ;

Exclaiming, " O father, to what place, pray, are they
taking you to put you under the earth !

They are taking you to a narrow and wretched house,
in which there is no carpet or mat.

(In it) neither lamp at night, nor bread in the day;
neither scent nor sign of food.

Neither is its door in good condition, nor is there any
way to (its) roof; no neighbour too is there to be as an
asylum (to you).

1 Wesselski, /.<:., Introd. p. xxxiii, note 2.

2 Ed. Tabriz 1266, p. 50.

3 Ed. Bombay 1310, n, p. 70.

4 The Masnavl by Jalalu'd-dm RumI, Book n, transl. by C. E. Wilson
(London 1910), vol. i, p. 272. The translator, in a short note, points out
the identity between Jiihi and the Juh'a of the Arabs.

9-2

!^2 ARTHUR CHRISTENSEN

Your eyes which people kissed — how will they be in a
dark and wretched house ?

A pitiless house, and a narrow place, in which neither
face remains nor colour."

In this fashion he was reckoning up the qualities of the
place, whilst he let fall tears of blood from his eyes.

Juhi said to his father, " O honoured (father), by Allah!
they are taking him to our house! "

The father said to Juhi, " Do not be a fool!" He re-
joined, "O father, hear the indications.

These indications which he has given one by one apply
without (any) lying or doubt to our house.

(In it) there is no mat, nor lamp, nor food ; its door is
not in good condition, nor its court, nor its roof1."

2. In the fifth book of the Mathnavi, the poet relates
the following story, which is too coarse to be translated into
English2:

1 This anecdote is also to be found in the Turkish tradition of
Nasru'd-din (Sottisier de Decourdemanche, no. 165; Wesselski, no. 229).
Mendoza has made use of the plot in his "roman picaresque " Lazarillo de
Tormes (Biblioteca de los autores espanoles, in, p. 86). Further parallels by
Wesselski, i, p. 262. A curious variation in Hammer's "Rosenol," n, p. 313
(no. 191), taken from the Nuzhatu? l-udabd.

2 Ed. Bombay, 1310, v, p. 78. I follow, generally, the readings of an
old manuscript (dated 1037 A.H.) in my possession, noting as variants the
readings of the Bombay edition.

3 var. 6j^j. 4 var. ^ J^»t jUJ 13.

5 Hereafter the Bombay edition has the following verse :

var.
var.

Juki in the Persian Literature

133

3. The third story of Jiihi is narrated in the sixth book
of the Mathnavt*. As it is a rather long-winded story I
only give a summary: Juhf in his penury calls upon his wife
to make use of her beauty and allurements to make a good
capture. So she appears before the Qadi and makes a com-
, plaint against her husband, and she invites the Qadi to come
to her house and speak with her about the affair. In the
evening the Qadi steals into the house of Juhi and makes
merry with the woman. Suddenly Juhi approaches and
knocks at the door. The Qadi conceals himself for fear in
a chest. Juhi enters and says that he has made up his mind
to destroy the empty chest which is only a cause of trouble
to him, because people think he keeps gold in it. He means
to burn it up in the street before the eyes of all. Early in
the morning he calls for a Hammal, loads the chest on his
back, and goes through the street with him. The Qadi in
the chest addresses the Hammal, who at first does not
understand whence the voice comes, but finally comprehends
that it comes forth from the chest The Qadi asks him to
send for his deputy, that he may buy the chest for gold
from the foolish owner. The deputy arrives and asks for the
price of the chest, and Juhi demands a thousand pieces of
gold, and as the deputy hesitates he offers to open the chest,
so that he may judge for himself whether it is not worth
that sum of money. Finally the deputy buys the chest for
a hundred dinars. — A year after, Juhi, being again in want
of money, calls upon his wife to repeat the former trick.
She appears anew among other female plaintiffs in the hall
of the Qadi and complains of her husband, but makes an-
other woman expose the affair, in order that the Qadi may
not recognize her by the voice. The Qadi orders the plaintiff

var.

2 Hereafter a spurious verse is given in the Bombay edition.

3 var. jjj .

Ed. Bombay vi, p. 100.

134 ARTHUR CHRISTENSEN

to go and fetch the defendant. Jiihi comes, and the Qadi,
who does not know him, because he himself had been sitting
in the chest when the former bargain was made, asks : "Why
do you not allot to your wife what is necessary for the sup-
port of life ?" Juhi answers that he is very poor, having not
even a shroud, if he should happen to die ; the game at dice
has brought him into such destitution. The Qadi now re-
cognizes him and says: "It was with me you played that
game ; last year you made a big throw, this year it is my
turn to win the game. Play with somebody else, but keep
your hands from me."

These three stones as well as the anecdote to which
the verse of Anvari makes allusion are at all events two or
three centuries older than the Turkish collection that goes
under the name of Nasru'd-din, and belong, together with
the three anecdotes quoted by Maidani, to the older tradition.
Whether that is the case, too, with the five following Persian
anecdotes I cannot tell ; they belong certainly to a tradition
distinct from that represented by the Turkish stories of
Nasru'd-din and the Nawddir of Juh'a, as only one of them
is to be found in those collections. Four of the stories in
question, together with the three stones from the Mathnavi,
given in a somewhat shortened form, make up the 14th
chapter of the popular book Riyddu l-hikdydt of Habibu'llah
The heading of that chapter runs as follows :

4. It is related that Jiihi said : Once a woman came to
me and said : " I have got an affair with you." I said : "What
affair have you got ?" She answered: "Come with me." I
went with her, until she stopped before the shop of a painter.
She said to the painter: " Draw the portrait in his likeness,"
and having said so, she went away. The painter began to
laugh. I said: "For God's sake, explain this matter to me."
He answered: "Some time ago that woman said to me:
Draw for me a portrait of the Devil.' I said : ' I have never
seen the Devil' ; I did not know in what likeness I should

1 Teheran 1317 A.H.

8 The name is always written

Juki in the Persian Literature

135

paint him, till this moment when she brought you hither and
said: 'Draw the portrait in his likeness1'."

5. Once Juhi came to the bank of the Tigris. He saw
here some blind men who desired to cross the river. He
said : "What will you give me, if I bring you over ?" They
said: "Each [of us] will give you ten nuts." "Well," said
Juhi, "let each take hold of the belt of the other, and let him
who is the foremost hold out his hand to me." They did so,
but when they were in the middle of the river, the water
was too strong for them. The current carried away one of
the blind men. They cried: "O Juhi, the water has carried
away our comrade ! " " Alas ! " said Juhi, " now I have lost
ten nuts." Then the current carried away another. They
cried: "O Juhi, the water has taken another of our com-
rades." " Woe to me ! " said [Juhi], " twenty nuts are gone
out of my hands." Now the water took a third man. They
cried: "We are drowning all of us." [Juhi] said: "What
harm will that do you ? all the damage will be for me, for I
lose ten nuts for everyone of you that the water carries
away2."

6. Juhi had an ass. When he wished to bring it forth
from the house, it would go out quickly, but when he drew
near his house, he had to force it in by means of a stick and
chains. People said to him : "As a rule asses run quickly,
when they approach the house of their master. Why does
your ass act contrariwise?" He answered: *' Because
that ass knows the stable of his master, in which there is
nothing."

7. A person made a complaint against Jiihi : " I demand
of you [a debt of] two tumans." He took him before the

1 In another version (Jami's Bahdristdn [ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p. 67];
Hammer, Rosenol n, p. 312, no. 188, from the Nuzhatd l-udaba) the hero
of the story is the celebrated writer Jahiz. I have found the same plot in
Danish and German collections of amusing stories from the i8th century:
Den lystige Kiobenhavner (Copenhagen 1768), I, p. 10, and Vade Mecum

fur lustigeLeute (1776), 11, no. 288.

2 This anecdote of Juhi is to be found in another popular book, the
Laid 'if u dhardif (p. 25 of the edition 1295, sine loco, probably Teheran).
Here, too, the name is written t^*-^*" In a shorter form it has been

adopted among the Turkish stories of Nasru'd-din (Decourdemanche, no. 54;
Wesselski, no. 14) and has passed to the Arabs, the Greeks, the Serbs, and
the Croats.

136 ARTHUR CHRISTENSEN

Qadi in order to bring an action against him. [Juhi] denied
[the debt]. The Qadi asked him to swear to the fact. [Juhi]
said : " O Q£di, in this town nobody is more trusted than
you ; please take the oath in my place, so that this man may
be made easy in his mind1."

Finally I have found the following joke by Juhi, but
only in the Laid if u dhardif* :

8. It is related that Juhi said : " My mother and I are
two skilful astrologers, and our predictions never fail." They
asked : "How can it be as you say ?" He answered : " It is
done in this way that I for instance say : * It will rain,' and
my mother says : ' It will not rain,' and one of us must needs
be right."

That Juhi was a popular figure in the days of Jalalu'd-
din-i-Rumf is evident from the fact that Jalalu'd-dm makes
use so often of the current stories about this personage to
illustrate his religious and philosophical views. But it is a
noticeable thing that, at the present day, Juhi is much less
known in Persia, which we may infer, first from the small
number of stories about him preserved to our days in Persia,
and secondly from the fact that the name has been corrupted
to Juji. This corruption, which is due to the Arabic charac-
ters, shows that the name of the old jester has been trans-
mitted through the literature only and does not live on the
lips of the people.

1 The Laid if u dhartfif (p, 23 of the named edition) has the same
story. Dr Nicholson calls my attention to a Jiihi story given in the 6th
book of the Bahdristdn of Jami [ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p. 75], which
had escaped me because Schlechta-Wssehrd's edition of the Bahdristdn is
not to be found in Copenhagen. Turning over the leaves of a manuscript
of the Bahdristdn, I found the story concerned, evidently the original of
which the above anecdote is a later version. A certain person demands
of Jrihi a debt of ten dirams, but has no witness and declares that the oath
of Jtihj cannot be trusted. Jiihi proposes that the Qadi should call upon
a certain Imam known for his trustworthiness and let him take the oath in
his place.

2 Ibid., p. 26.

ARTHUR CHRISTENSEN.

CHARLOTTENLUND, DENMARK.
May 4, 1920.

SOME RARE AND IMPORTANT ARABIC
AND PERSIAN MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE
COLLECTIONS OF HAjJI 'ABDU'L-MAJlD
BELSHAH; NOW EITHER IN THE BRITISH
MUSEUM OR IN THE PRIVATE COLLEC-
TION OF PROFESSOR EDWARD G. BROWNE1

I. KUR'AN AND KUR'ANIC LITERATURE.

1. The latter portion of the Kuran. Dating, probably,
from about the xth century A.D. 16°.

2. Majazatul-Kuran. An exposition of the metaphors
and other figures of speech employed in the Kuran,
by Muhammad ibn Husain, known as Sharif Riza
(d. 406 A.H., 1015 A.D.). Probably xmth century.

3. Mushkilul-Kuran. The first volume of Ibn Kutaibah's
expositions of the difficulties of the Kuran — extending
to the end of Chapter xm. Date of transcription not
later than 573 A.H.

4. Asbabu l-nuzul. Dissertations on the occasion of the
revelation of the various surahs of the Kuran, by
Abu'l- Hasan 'All ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Wahi^li
al-Nishapuri (d. 468 A.H.). Fine naskhi hand, probably
of the xmth century A.D.

5. Jawahiru l-Kuran. Discourses on the theology and
ethics of the Kuran, by Muhammad ibn Muhammad
al-Ghazzall (d. 505 A.H.). Fine Arabic naskhi, dated
649 A.H., 1251 A.D.

6. Al-Tibyan. Vol. vm of an extensive commentary on
the Kuran (embracing Sur. 337°-4829) — possibly by
Al-Tha'alibl (d. 427 A.H.). On recto of the first folio,
it is attributed to Al-Tusi, for which there appears no
evidence, the work not being the production of a ShFite
at all.

The oldest part was probably transcribed in the xnth,
the remainder in the xivth century.
1 Those in Professor Browne's collection are marked with an asterisk.

E. EDWARDS

7. Shifau 'l-sudur. A portion of a commentary on the
Kuran, by Abu Bakr Muhammad ibnu '1- Hasan al-
Nakkash al-Mausill (d. 351 A.H.). The treatment is
mainly textual and grammatical, embracing Sur. 63 3-
;o44, with three detached leaves relating to Surs. 582,
593~5> 597~8- Fine Arabic naskhi of the xnth or xmth
century.

8. Ma'ani 'I- Kuran. The commentary of Ibrahim ibn
Sahl called Zajjaj (d. 310 A.M.) on the Kuran. Surahs
i-io and 112-114 missing. Fine naskhi of the xnth
or xmth century.

9. Al-Wasit. A commentary on the Kuran, by Abu'l-
Hasan 'All ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Wahidl
(d. 468 A.H.). Not all in the same handwriting: mainly
xmth or xivth century.

10. Aswilatul-Kuran. A series of discussions on the
difficult passages of the Kuran, by Muhammad ibn
Abi Bakr al-Razi (cir. 700 A.H.). Dated 860 A.H.,
1456 A.D.

1 1*. A Persian commentary on the Kuran, of the Haggadic
type. Most of the interpretations are given on the
authority of 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abbas. Having regard to
the authorities quoted, it was probably composed in the
* xith century A.D. It is imperfect at the beginning and
the end, commencing with ^jjt 3j±~>. So far as it is
ascertainable, no other copy seems to exist. Probably
transcribed in the xivth century A.D.

II. SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY.

1 2. Ruusu '1-masaiL An anonymous treatise on the funda-
mental questions of Moslem law and religion in cate-
chetical form. Replies compiled from the great Moslem
religious authorities. Written in a neat naskhi probably
in the late xmth or early xivth century A.D. Apparently
unique.

13. Al-Isharat wa 'l-tanbihat. A portion of Avicenna's
treatise on philosophy. Imperfect and out of order.
Fine MS of, probably, the xmth century A.D.

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 139

. Kashfu 'l-tamwlhat. Replies by Abu'l-Hasan 'All ibn
Abi 'All ibn Muhammad al-Amidl (d. 631 A.H.) to the
strictures of Muhammad ibn 'Umar Fakhru '1-Din RazI
(d. 606 A.H.) on Avicenna's Isharat.

\\b. The commentary of Al-TusI on the Isharat. Oldest
part of MS dated 675 A.H.

15. Rasail Ikhwdni 7-Safd. Philosophical Encyclopaedia
of "The Brethren of Purity." Vol. n, Risalah vn of
pt 2 to Risalah in of pt 3. Fine MS of the xinth or
early xivth century.

1 6. Kitab ' Usrati ' l-maujud. A commentary by Zainu '1-
Dln ibn Yunus al-Bayazi (d. 622 A.H.) on an unnamed
work on Scholastic theology (Kaldm). Imperfect at
the end. Dating probably from the xivth century A.D.

1 1 1. MEDICAL WORKS.

17^. Makalat fl khalki 'l-insan. A treatise on the nature of
man, dealing mainly with anatomy, pathology and medi-
cine ; but also partly psychological : imperfect at the end.
Apparently transcribed before 489 A.H., 1096 A.D.
This and the two following works are by Abu'l-Hasan
Sa'ld ibn Hibat Allah, called Ibn Tilmld, physician to
the Caliph Al-Muktadl.

1 8. Akrabadln Madmati ' l-Salam, or Akrabadln Baghdad.
A treatise in twenty chapters on compound medicaments
in use at the hospital at Baghdad in the author's time.
The 170 folios were written in the most beautiful naskhi
in 625 A.H.

19. Kuwa 'l-adwiyah. A companion work to the former on
simple medicaments in use at the hospital. Not only
are the names given in Arabic, but their equivalents in
Persian and Syriac are also added throughout. The
volume, consisting of 224 folios, is written in a beautiful,
clear naskhi and claims to have been written in 654 A.H.
No copies of either of these two works are otherwise
known.

20^. Tadkiratu rl-kahhalm. Biographies of famous oculists
by 'Isa ibn 'All, Christian physician at Baghdad about
961 A.D. Transcribed in 400 odd A.H. The date is
partly covered over.

140 E. EDWARDS

21*. Dakhlrah i Khwarazmshahl. The Medical Encyclo-
paedia of Isma'll Jurjanl. An exceptionally fine copy
of Bks III (commencing with makalah 4 of bakhsh i),
IV and V. Written in a most elegant Arab naskhi
script in the xmth century A.D.

22*. Two other copies of parts of the same work. One con-
taining Bks I-III, transcribed in the xmth century A.D. ;
the other Bk VI, and written, probably, in the xivth
century A.D. Both somewhat imperfect.

23*. Kanun fil-tibb of Avicenna. Consisting of Bk III,
fann 1-9, on therapeutics. Fine xnth or early xmth
century A.D. copy.

In a note on the fly-leaf it is stated that a certain Sayyid
Abu'l-'Izz Sa'id ibn Hasan read it to Hibat Allah ibn
Sa'id (who died 560 A.H. ?).

24*. Mujiz ft 'ilmi 'l-tibb. A compendium of medicine,
abridged from the Kanun of Avicenna, by 'All ibn
Abi'1-Hazm al-Kurashl. Transcribed in the xvnth or
early xvmth century A.D.

25*. Minhaju 'l-bayan. A treatise on simple and compound
medicaments, by Abu 'All Yahya ibn 'Isa ibn Jazlah.
Defective at the end of pt 2. There is a note of owner-
ship with date, i.e. 775 A.H., on the fly-leaf of pt i.
Written in a rather crude but old hand, probably in the
xivth century A.D.

26a*. Takwimu ' l-adwiyah. A tabulated list of remedies, by
Kamal al-Din Hubaish ibn Ibrahim Tifllsi (c. 600 A.H.).
Written in a Persian hand dating from the xvnth
century A.D.

. Takwimu 'l-abdan. A treatise on the regimen of the
human body in tabular form, by Yahya ibn <Isa ibn
Jazlah.

27*. Khulasatu 'l-tajarib. An extensive treatise on medicine
in Persian, composed in the city of Rai in 907 A.H. by
Baha u 1-Daulah Siraju '1-Dln Shah Kasim ibn Muham-
mad Nurbakhshi. Date partly effaced, but in the xvnth
century A.D.

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 141

28*. Ghayatu ' l-bayan fi tadblr badani ' l-insan. On the regi-
men of the human body. No author mentioned; but
the work is dedicated to Sultan Muhammad Khan ibn
Sultan Ibrahim Khan (1088-99 A.H.). No other copy
apparently known. Dated 1089 A.H.

29*. Akrabadm. A pharmacopoeia, by Nur ibn 'Abdi '1-
Mannan. One of the very few Turkish works in the
collections. Dated 1040 A.H. No other copy of the
work is announced.

30*. Two copies of Tashrih i Mansuri. A Persian treatise
on the anatomy of the human body, by Mansur ibn
Muhamma.d ibn Ahmad. With six whole-page anatomi-
cal coloured drawings. Older copy dating from about
1050 A.H., later about the xvmth century A.D.

IV. ASTRONOMICAL WORKS.

31*. Zlju 'l-mufradat. A Persian treatise on the astrolabe
with extensive astronomical tables, by Abu Ja'far
Muhammad ibn Ayyubi Jl-Tabari, called Hasib (the
mathematician), who flourished during the earlier part
of the xinth century A.D. The present copy must have
been written during the author's lifetime. Only a frag-
ment of 26 leaves of this work at Munich is otherwise
known.

32^. Zij i Ilkhanl. A neat xvth century copy of Al-Tusl's
astronomical tables. Slightly imperfect.

33. Al-tafhlm li-awail sina'ati ' l-tanjlm. The Arabic
version of Al-Blrunl's treatise on astronomy. Dated
839 A.H. (1426 A.D.).

V. GEOGRAPHY.

34*. Sutvaru 'l-akallm. A treatise on geography with a large
number of coloured maps in good style. Imperfect at
both ends, but an interesting and uncommon work.
Date probably xvith — xviith century A.D.

142 E. EDWARDS

VI. MYSTICISM.

35. Risalah Kushairiyyah. The famous treatise on Sufism,
by Abu 'i-Kasim 'Abdu '1-Karim ibn Hawazin (d. 465
A.H.). Written by the author's famous son Sharaf in
582 A.H.

36. Matla'u 'l-khususfl sharhi 'l-fusus. A commentary, by
Da'ud ibn Mahmiid ibn Muhammad al-Rumi al-Kaisarl
(d. 751 A.H.), on Ibnu 'l-'Arabl's Sufic work entitled
Fumsu 'l-hikam. Written in the author's lifetime.

37. 'Awarifu 'l-ma'arif. A treatise on mysticism, by Abu'l-
Hafs Shihabu '1-Din 'Umar ibn 'Abd Allah Suhrawardi
(d. 632 A.H.). Followed by three brief tracts of the
same nature. Dated 709 A.H.

38*. Mirsadu 'l-'ibad. A Persian work on mysticism, by *Abd
Allah ibn Muhammad Najmu '1-Dln Dayah. Completed
at Siwas in 620 A.H. Copied at Cairo in 768 A.H. in a
fine naskhi hand.

39*. Miftahu l-asrari' l-Husainl. A treatise on mysticism, by
(Abdu '1-Rahlm ibn Muhammad Yunus al-Dumawandi.
The title is the chronogram for the composition, i.e.
1 1 80 A.H. Transcribed in the xixth century. No other
copy of this or the following two works is announced.

40*. An Account of the Sufis and Sufic works, by Muhammad
Shaft1 ibn Baha'i '1-Din 'Amill. Dated 1 1 78 A.'H.

41*. Mata'inu 'l-sufiyyah. A refutation of Sufic tenets, by
Muhammad Rafr ibn Muhammad Shafr Shlrazi. A
Persian work in the author's autograph, dated 1221 A.H.

VII. H ISTORICAL WORKS.

42. Kitabu 'l-ma'arif. A historical work beginning with
the creation and extending down to the Caliphs, by Abu
Muhammad 'Abd Allah ibn Muslim, called Ibn Kutai-
bah (b. 213, d. 276 A.H.). Though edited by Wiistenfeld
in 1850, MS copies are rare. Transcribed probably in
the xinth century A.D. except four modern folios at the
beginning and one at the end.

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 1 43

43. Zubdatu 'l-fikrat fltdrikhi'l-hijrat. A general history
of Islam from the beginning down to 724 A.H. ( 1324 A.D.),
by Al-Amlr Ruknu '1-Din Baibars al-Mansurl al-Dawa-
dar (d. 725 A.H.). The present volume contains juz
three of the eleven parts which made up the complete
work and gives the events of the years 42-121 A.H.
Slightly defective at the beginning. No other copy of
this part is announced in the catalogues. The date is
partly erased but it is probably 732 A.H.

44. Fathu ' l-wahbl. A commentary on Al-'Utbi's Ta "rikh i
Yamlnl, by Ahmad ibn 'All al-Manmi. Though the
British Museum has an edition of this work, only two
other MSS are known to exist. Dated 1286 A.H.

45^. Tajaribu 'l-salaf. A history of Islam from its rise until
the extinction of the Caliphate in 1258 A.D. Compiled
for the Atabeg Nasru '1-Dm Ahmad al-Fazlanl (d. dr.
730 A.H.), by Hindushah ibn Sanjar ibn 'Abd Allah
al-Klrani. Though mentioned by Hajji Khallfah, 11,
p. 191, no other copy has been announced. Dated
1268 A.H. (Pers.).

46. Husnu'l-muhadarah. History of Egypt by Jalalu '1-Dln
al-Suyuti. Dated 1270 A.H. Though this work has been
printed, the British Museum possessed no MS of it
before.

47. Dikr i islam i Najashl. A history of the early wars
of the Muslims, beginning with the conversion of the
Najashl and ending with the conquest of Caesarea.
The account is romantic rather than literally historical,
after the manner of Wakidi. xviith century A.D. No
other copy is announced.

48. A history of the 'Abbasi Caliphs from Harunu '1-Rashid
to Al-Mutawakkil, by an unnamed Tunisian author.
Revised by Husain ibn Muhammad O!pls(?) al-TunisI,
who added an appendix of the governors of Tunisunder
the 'Abbasids from Al-Saffah down to Al-Muktadir.
Completed on 4th Rabr II, 1172 A.H. The latest
author cited is Al-Suyuti. Written in MaghribI script
in the xvmth century. The only copy known to exist.

144 E. EDWARDS

VIII. TRADITIONS AND TRADITIONISTS.

49. Kitabu 7-sunan. An extensive collection of traditions
as to the rules, sayings and doings of Muhammad.
Compiled by Sulaiman ibn Ash'ath al-Sijistanl, known
as Abu Da'ud (d. 275 A.H.). In ten juz or parts, with
a sama( or note, stating the person before whom it was
read, after each part in another handwriting. Tran-
scribed probably in the xnith century A.D.

50. Another copy of portions of the traditions extending
from Kitabu *l-jihad\.Q the end, i.e. Kitabu 'l-adab. The
copy was finished on 9th Jumada 1 1 of the year 5 1 1 A.H.
Collation completed 3rd Du'1-Hijjah, 515 A.H.

51. Urjuzatu 'l-Makkiyyah. A collection of traditions,
without compiler's name. No other copy is apparently
known. Dated 816 (?) A.H.

52. Talkhisu ' l-mustadrak. Pt 2 of a work on tradition, by
Hakim* Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah
ibn Muhammad ibn Nu'aim Nishapurl (d. 378 A.H.).
Redacted and arranged by Muhammad ibn Ahmad
al-Dahabi (d. 748 A.H.). Dated 1134 A.H. A unique
copy.

53. Al-tibru 'l-mudab fl bay an tartlbi 'l-ashab. A work on
tradition derived from the Companions of the Prophet,
by Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Hafi al-Shafi'I. Tran-
scribed probably in the xviith century A.D. No other
copy is announced.

54. Tahdlbu 'l-kamalfl asmai 'l-rijal. A greatly augmented
recension of Ibn Najjar's (d. 643 A.H.) biographies of tra-
ditionists entitled Kitabu ' l-kamal, by al-MizzI (d. 742
A.H.). Vol. i, wanting introduction and some folios at
end ; while others are damaged. Last notice is that of
Ayyub ibn Muhammad ibn Riyaz ibn Farrukh al-
Wazzan. Arab naskhi without diacritic points, probably
of the xivth century. The only other copy of this vol-
ume announced is at Cairo.

55. Nakdu 'l-rijal. An account of Shrite traditionists, by
Mustafa ibnu '1-Husain al-Tafrlshi. Only one other copy
announced, Brit. Mus. Suppl. to Arab. Cat., 636. Dated
1255 A.H.

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 145

IX. ARABIC POETRY.

56*. Poems by Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah Abu'l-'Ala al-Ma'arrl,
with a commentary. The text is partly identical with
the author's Siktu '1-zand. Imperfect at beginning and
end. Dated xinth — xivth century A.D.

570. Dlwan. A collection of poems by Abu Bakr Ahmad
ibn Muhammad Nasihu '1-Dln ArrajanI (b. 460 A.H.,
d. 544 A.H.). Only partially identical in contents with
Brit. Mus. Or. 3167; having more of the poems rhyming
in the last letters of the alphabet than that codex, and
to that extent it is supplementary. Dated, probably,
xnth or early xmth century A.D.

57^. Poems by Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Fadl ibn 'Abdi '1-
Khalik al-Katib. Died, according to a marginal gloss
of same date as the MS, in 528 A.M. Apparently unique.

57^. Poems by Al-Khalllu '1-Auhad Muhammad [ibn] Abi
Zaid 'All ibn Muhammad ibnu 'l-Hasanl(?) ibn Muham-
mad ibn Yazid al-Khaziz (?).

58. Dlwan of Muhammad ibnu '1-Ablah (d. 579 A.H.). Of
this poet's work only a few poems in the British Museum
collections are otherwise known. Dated 88 1 A.H.

59. Rauzatu 'l-nazir wa-nuzhatu 'l-khatir. A poetical an-
thology here attributed to 'All ibn 'All al-'Umariyyah.
Hajjl Khallfah attributes it to 'Abdu 'l-'AzIz al-Kashi.
Brockelmann attributes it to Ahmad ibnu '1-Husain al-
'Azazl. No other complete copy is announced. Extracts
are found at Berlin.

X. JURISPRUDENCE.

60. Sharai'u l-islam. The most important and popular
treatise on Shf'ite law, by Najmu '1-Din Ja'far ibn
Muhammad ibn Yahya al-Hilli (d. 676 A.H.). In the
author's handwriting. A note in Persian on the fly-leaf
gives the history of the identification of the script as
that of the author. A fine copy dated 662 A.H. The
margins are modern, with copious notes by Abu'l-Kasim
Fundaraskl.

B.P.V. *IO

146 E. EDWARDS

6 1. Masaliku " l-afham. A commentary on the Sharai' of
Al-Hilli, by Zainu '1-Din ibn 'All ibn Ahmad al-'Amill.
Completed in 964 A.H. The only other copy announced
is at Leiden.

62. Multaka 'l-bihar min muntaka 'l-akhbar. A treatise on
Hanafl law, by Muhammad al-Zauzani al-Rashidl. See
Hajji Khallfah, vi, p. 196. Dated (if it is not the date of
the archetype) 697 A.H. No other copy is announced.

63. Kitabu 'l-badl' or Badl'u 'l-nizam. A treatise on Hanafl
law, by Muzaffaru '1-Din Ahmad ibn 'All al-Baghdadl,
called Ibnu' '1-Sa'atT (d. 694 or 696 A.H.). Probably
xvth century A.D.

64. Muntaha 'l-wusul fl kalami } l-usul. Fundamentals of
Shrite law, by Hasan ibn Yusuf Ibnu '1-Mutahhar al-
Hilll (d. 726 A.H.). Dated 687 A.H. Apparently unique.

65. Irshadu ' l-adhan. A treatise on Shrite law, by the author
of the preceding. Dating from the xvnth century. Copies
of this work are rare.

66. Al-Kafl. A treatise on Zaidl law, by Muhammad ibn
Murtada called Muhsin. Copied probably in the xixth
century. No other copy of this work is announced.

67. Shifau ' l-ghalll fi hall mushkil mukhtasari 'I- Shaikh
Khalll. A commentary, by Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn
'All ibn GhazI al-'Uthmanl al-MiknasI (d. 919 A.H.), on
Khalll ibn Ishak al-Jundfs compendium of Moslem law
according to the Malikite school. Composed in 905 A.H.
Transcribed probably early in the xvith century A.D.
No other copy is announced.

XI. PERSIAN POETRY.

68*. Masnavli Ma'navltf Jalalu '1-Din Ruml. A neat copy
of daftar I, though slightly imperfect at the beginning
and end. Copied in the xivth century A.D.

69*. Mazharu 'l-lajaib. A Sufic poem by Faridu '1-Dm
'Attar. This copy is more extensive than that already in
the British Museum — the only other copy known to
exist. Copied in 1286 A.H.

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 147

70. Si Fasl. A collection of poems by 'Attar. Apparently
unique. Copied in 1298 A.H.

7 1 *. Dlwan of Kataran. The contents differ almost entirely
from that already in the British Museum. Copied in
the xixth century A.D.

72. Dlwan, by Shamsu '1-Din Muhammad Lahijl called Asm
(d. 927 A.H.). Copies of this dlwan are not common.
Transcribed in the xvnth — xvmth century A.D.

73. Dlwan of Mir Sayyid 'All called Mushtak of Isfahan.
The British Museum had only a few ghazals of this
poet's work. Copied in the xixth century A.D.

74. Dlwan of Sahab. Only isolated poems are otherwise
found in tazkirahs. Dating from, probably, the xvmth
century.

750. Haft Lashkar. An epic poem dealing with the same
themes as the later additions to the Shahnamah, such
as the Barzanamah. No author is mentioned.

75^. Farasnamah. A short poem on horsemanship, by a
certain Safl Kuli Khan Shamlu. No copy of either
work seems to be announced. Dated 1255 A.H.

76. Dlwan of Mirrlkh. Apparently a unique copy. Dated
1256 A.H.

77. Dlwan of Wakif. The only other known copy is in the
Bodleian Library. Probably xvmth century.

78*. A tazkirah, or biographies and extracts from the poetical
works of Persian poets, by Darvish Nawa. Unique copy.
Probably xixth century A.D.

XII. ARABIC GRAMMAR AND PROSODY.

79. Thimaru 'l-sina'at. Discourses on the various sections
of Arabic Grammar, by Husain ibn Musa ibn Hibat
Allah al-Dmawari. Dated 583 A.H. (1188 A.D.). Ap-
parently unique.

80. Al-Kafiyyah. Ibn Malik's famous versified treatise on
Arabic etymology and syntax. Dated 755 A.H. MSS
of this work are rare.

148 E. EDWARDS

Sia. Khizanatu 'l-lataif. An anonymous commentary on
Abu'1-Fath Nasir ibn 'Abdi Jl-Sayyid al-Mutarrizfs
treatise on Syntax entitled Al-misbah.

8i& A tract entitled Risalah 'ilmiyyak inshau ' l-Rashid.
A number of letters written to different personages in
which the correct meaning and mode of writing some
words in Arabic, especially in the Kuran, are discussed
by the famous Rashidu '1-Din Watwat (d. 509 A.H.).
Dated 751 A.H. No copy of either work is known to
exist except that one risalah, or letter, of 8i3 is at
Berlin and catalogued anonymously.

820. Al-mufassal. A treatise on Arabic Grammar, apparently
in imitation of Zamakhshari's work of that name, by
Ahmad ibn Bahrain ibn Mahmud.
Nukawatu 'l-ldah. A commentary on al- Hariri's Maka-
mat, by the same author. An autograph copy made in
679 and 677 A.H. respectively. Interesting calligraphi-
cally. Apparently unique.

83. Dasturu 'l-lughah. A treatise on Arabic Grammar
arranged in 28 books according to the number of
moon-stations, and each book into 1 2 chapters accord-
ing to the number of months, by 'Abd Allah al-Husain
ibn Ibrahim al-Natanz! called Du'1-Bayanain (d. 497
or 499 A.H.). Dated 715 A.H. Copies of this work are
not common.

84. A I- Kofi fl lilmi 'l-'aruz wa l-kawafl. Also called
Sawiyyah. A poem on prosody by Sadru Jl-Din Mu-
hammad al-Sawi (d. 749 A.H.), with an anonymous
commentary. In xivth — xvth century naskhi. Copies
are very rare.

XIII. LEXICOGRAPHY.

85. Mujmalu'l-lughat. An Arabic lexicon arranged accord-
ing to the alphabetical order of the initial letters of words,
by Abu '1-Husain Ahmad called Ibnu '1-Faris Kazwim
(i 395 A.H.). Imperfect at the beginning — wanting
words beginning with alif— -and at the end wanting
the^-words. In this copy the letter waw precedes ha
as in the Persian order. Copied probably about the
xith century A.D.

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 149

86. Jana 'l-jannatain. An Arabic lexicon compiled by
Fakhru'1-Dm Abu'l-Ma'ali Muhammad ibn Mas'ud al-
Kasim. Dated 593 A.H. Apparently a unique copy.

87. Mukhtasaru l-jamharah. An abridged version of (appar-
ently) the lexicon of Muhammad ibn Hasan called Ibn
Duraid (d. 321 A.H.). Differing greatly from the ex-
tended work represented by Brit. Mus. Or. 581 1. Fine
naskhi copy of probably the xnth century A.D.

88. Al-Saml fil-asaml. A dictionary of Arabic terms
explained in Persian by Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Maidanl (d. 518 A.H.). Contents differ much from Brit.
Mus. Or. 3268 and the Teheran lithographed edition.
Dating probably from the xmth century.

89. Al-Tirazu 'l-awwal. A lexicographical work of some
importance, by 'All Sadru '1-Din al-Husaim. Dated
1277 A.H. No other copy announced.

XIV. ADDENDA OF THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHIC

WORKS.

90. A treatise on Muslim theology and ethics. Composed in
Persian about 500 A.H. It is imperfect at the beginning
and at the end, but written in a very fine old naskhi
hand of probably the xmth century A.D. Persian MSS
of that date are rare. The copy is, apparently, unique.

91. Bayanu 'l-hakk. A philosophical work treating in turn
of ethics, physics, and metaphysics. The above title
occurs in, and is probably intended to apply to, only
the last section of the work. The first part consists of
sections or chapters (fasts) extracted from a work en-
titled Risalatu l-akhlak. A note on the fly-leaf, referring
to Hajjl Khallfah, attributes the work to Siraju '1-Dm
Mahmud ibn Abi Bakr al-UrmawI (d. 682 A.H.). But
it is on the .same plan as Al-Farabl's treatment of
Aristotle's works. Date partly erased, but it is 600,
odd, A.H. The copy is apparently unique.

E. EDWARDS.

DIE MAS' ALA ZUNBURIJA

Die mas ala zunburlja gehort zu den zahlreichen gram-
matischen Streitfragen (nicht weniger als 121 verzeichnet
der 'fnsaf des Ibn al-'Anbarl, ed. Weil), die die Philolo-
genschulen von Basra und Kufa schieden. Zur raschen
Orientierung fur alle die, die bisher von dieser mas ala noch
nicht gehort haben, mogen folgende Satze aus dem drei Sei-
ten langen Kapitel, das Ibn al-'Anbarl ( Insaf * ** -* * °) ihr
gewidmet hat, hier Platz finden :

Die mas ala zunbunja 1 5 1

Andere Stellen, an denen unsere Streitfrage erortert oder
wenigstens erwahnt wird, sind: Ibn Hisam, Mugni-l-labib,
ed. Kairo 1302 (mit der Hasija des Muhammad al-'Amir),
i, x.-Ai (vgl. dazu Sacy, Anthol. gramm. arabe 199-201
und 'Abd al-Hadl Naga al-'Abjarl, al-Qasr al-mabnl 'ala
hawasi-l-Mugm i, iir-txr, s. auch Ho well, Grammar \, 763

und Lane, Lexicon, unt. '*J), Maqqarl, Analectes n, ivo-iVA,
Hariri, Stances* n, ^^, Schol., Sarisi, Sarh al-Maqamat
al-Harlrlja, ed. Bulaq 1284, u, \A\ f., Ibn Hallikan, ed.
Bulaq 1299, i, i^v (= Brunnow-Fischer, Chrestomathie » • • ;
vgl. Slane's Uebersetzung n, 397), 'Abu-1-Fida', Annales
musl. n, 74 f. und Fleischer, Kl. Schriften i, 385. Nach
Weil, a. a. O. 199, findet sie sich " in fast wortlicher Ueber-
einstimmung [mit der Fassung des 'Insaf~\ auch in Sujutfs
"Asbah in, \% wo sie den 'Amall des 'Abu-1-Qasim az-
Zaggagl entnommen ist". Die J Asbah sind mir z. Z. nicht
zuganglich. In der Kairo 1324 mit dem Kommentar des
'Ahmad b. al-'Amln as-Sinqltl erschienenen Rezension der
' Amall des ZaggagI sucht man unsere mas ala vergebens;
sie stand wohl nur in der grossen und mittleren Ausgabe des
Werkes (s. HaggI yalifa, ed. Fliigel, i, 431, wo aber als
Verfasser der 'A mail fur ZaggagI falschlich Zaggag er-
scheint, Hariri a. a. O., unten, Muhammad al-'Amir, Hasija
zum Mugnl, a. a. O. i, A-, unt. **% pu. u. a.).

Als Gegner im Streit um die Gliltigkeit von \*^i\ $* bji
erscheinen an den angegebenen Stellen durchweg Slbawaih

und Kisa'I; einzig 'A'lam as-Santamarl, bei Maqqarl, n, tv0,
2 ff., weiss zu berichten. dass die Ueberlieferung an Stelle
von Kisa'I auch dessen Hauptschuler Farra' nennt. Starkeres
Schwanken herrscht hinsichtlich der vornehmen Person-
lichkeit, vor der die Disputation stattgefunden haben soil ;
die Stimmen verteilen sich namlich ungefahr in gleicher
Zahl auf den Grosswesir Jahja al-Barmakl und den Chalifen
Harun (s., abgesehen vom 'Insaf, Mugni i, A., 17, Hariri

152 A. FISCHER

n, **v Schol., Z. gf. 1 6, Maqqari n, *YO, 7, auch Ibn
Hallikan a. a. O.). Trotz dieser Widerspruche konnte die
Disputation als historisch anzusehen sein. Das Schulbei-
spiel, von dem die Streitfrage ihren Namen az-zunburija
erhalten hat, lautet gewohnlich so wie im ' Insaf, also cu^£»

(Ubt) ^ ^ liU 'j^jJI o* *«-J **\ <r>HWI ot J>? (d.i. : " Ich
glaubte, der Skorpion stache heftiger als die Hornisse, und
siehe, sie ist [in dieser Beziehung wie] er"; Slane a. a. O. gibt

die Worte ^ >A ttp bzw. UU falschlich mit " and behold! it was
so " wieder). Ibn Hallikan hat aber: U-J jL*l j>Jj.M o-^5 cxj
(UkCt) ^3* IJtf 'aiJLjl o-*. 'Abu-1-Fida': vj^«J» ^J oJ

w *3 fr

(UU) ^ yk liU ';>JJJ! AauJ ^>« jJt»l und MutarrizI, bei Hariri
a. a. O. Z. 8, schlecht: ^ ^ til* 'j^j)! ^ l>i«)t &\ &\ cu^>

(»L»J). Als Verfechter der ausschliesslichen Giiltigkeit von
^ yb 13U hat zweifellos Sibawaih zu gelten; den von 'A 'lam
a. a. O. tvo, 10 (s. auch tvi, 3 v. u.) angefiihrten <4verein-
zelten Aeusserungen", denen zufolge sich Sibawaih fur die
Ausdrucksweise uCl yb t^b entschieden hatte, liegt sicher
eine arge Gedankenlosigkeit zu Grunde. Kisa'l und seine

Schule haben den Akkusativ Utt natiirlich nicht ausschliess-
lich, sondern nur neben dem Nominativ ^ fur zulassig
erklart. Vgl. im 'fnsaf(s. oben) und Mugrii i, A . , 3 v. u. den
Satz: «A^uJ3 a£> ^ £jy vj**1-* :^5^^< JU3, und zu letz-
terer Stelle die Bemerkung Muhammad al-' Amir's :

I3 (Koran-Stellen, wie der

Kommentator sie hier meint, sind : o^ ^ t^U

pj . ^^ 7j 104 f., a

20, 21, 03^^- ^* lib 36, 28, auch

^^ 21, 97).

_ Die Hauptfrage ist naturlich, wer Recht hat, ob die
Kufenser oder die Basrenser. Wie letztere, so lehnt auch
'A 'lam die Satzfugung uCj ^ tils unbedingt ab :

Diemasalazimburtja

153

^aJI aJytf N) f^U ki.^

A), a. a. O. ivx, 20 f. Sein Urteil scheint mir aber
iibereilt. Die theoretischen Erwagungen, mit denen die
kufischen und andere, jiingere, arabische Philologen die Zu-
lassigkeit des Akkusativs UU zu begrunden suchen, sind
allerdings — dieses Verdikt trirft ja leider auf die meisten
Theorien der arabischen Grammatiker zu — im wesentlichen
ode Scholastik. Beachtung verdienen aber doch Angaben wie :

Hariri, a. a. O., Schol., Z. 5 v. u. ff. (ahnlich 'Insaf ***, 5 ff.
und Sarlsi n, \ A\, 5 v. u. ff.), besonders da auch ZaggagI der
basrischen Schule angehort. — Der einzige abendlandische
Gelehrte, der m. W. bisher zu der Ausdrucksweise UU ^A l^l*
Stellung genommen hat, ist Fleischer. Er halt sie oftenbar
nicht fur erfunden, denn er schreibt a. a. O. : "...oder man
betrachtet ^U u. s. w. an und fur sich als Nominativ, wie
das IAU in dem von den arabischen Grammatikern viel
besprochenen UUyb t*U statt ^ys t*U..., entsprechend dem
althebraischen H^t, "H^ mit folgenden Substantiven und dem
neuhebraischen iHW u. s. w. im Nominativ... ; entsprechend
ferner dem agyptisch-arabischen obt als Deutewort im Sub-
jektsnominativ, wie in »jUt ^)Ctj u^W- U dbt J*t-jH <cet
homme n'est pas venu avec vous hier', Tantavy, Traitt de la
langue arabe vulgaire, 8.75". Ich stimme ihm zu. Unsre Satz-
fligung erscheint ja sogar in den Makamen des Basrensers
Hariri, **% 2 : dCt $* I^U <4 und siehe, er ('Abu Zaid as-
Sarugi) war es selbst". Hier konnte freilich eine Einwirkung
unsrer masala anzunehmen sein. Aber nominativisches
oCj, uCj, JU usf. findet sich auch sonst. So liest man Jaqut,
Geogr. Worterbuch, ed. Wiistenfeld, iv, ^ • *Y, 9: UU ^A :Jj3l
" ich sage: das ist sie (die gewollte Pfeilschussweite)'' und
ebd. tr, 15 ( =

154 A. FISCHER

" imd er (der Berg Qara) 1st gemeint, wenn man im Sprich-

wort sagt...." Und zu J^i5 jCj in Sure i wird die Lesart

rf JU iiberliefert (Mugnl i, AI, 36°.: [Ubi

*j und dazu al-Qasr al-mabnl i,
4 v. u. ff. :

I >,**

tli <

. auch im Christlich-Arabischen : AJ! <jut,

d. i. dbl *!?, statt yb 4^t useine Mutter", *u AIJ^ ^y uin
seiner Ordnung", o^MJ' ^'>* ^ "denn der Satan selbst",
s. Graf, Der Sprachgebrauch d. dltesten christl.-arab. Lite-
ratur 60 f. Das Auftreten der Akkusative ^U, JU, dbt usf.
in gewissen Satzfiigungen der klassischen Sprache, in denen
sie von einem ungeschulten Sprachgeflihl wohl als Nomi-
native empfunden werden mochten, konnte ja leicht dazu
fiihren, sie schliesslich fiir uf, c^f, ys usf. einzusetzen. Satz-
fiigungen dieser Art sind :

Caspari- Wright, Grammar -n, 84, i,
1001 Nacht, ed. Kairo 1311, i, \ n, oblj uf c-JL£»I ebd. A,
27 u.o. (Dozy, Suppl. i, 45 b hat dieses Ct^ verkannt ; s. schon
Fleischer, Kl. Schriften n, 480), ^)bi ^{^jJU ^3 ' ^\^°j^\ U ^3
Kosegarten, Chrestomathie 78, unt. (auch dieses — offenbar
nur zur Gewinnung eines Reimes mit ^\^» an Stelle von c-jl
gesetzte — Jbj hat Dozy falsch beurteilt ; er erklart es fur
einen Nominativ, ubersieht dabei aber, dass nach y\ bei vor-
aufgehender Negation der Akkusativ zwar weniger gewohn-
lich als der Nominativ, aber keineswegs verpont ist), y bi^
^JJb ^yij^febt Sure 34, 23 u.a. Der Ersatz des Nominativs
der selbstandigen personlichen Fiirworter durch den Akku-
sativ ist ja auch in den abendlandischen Sprachen nicht
selten. Vgl. fur das Romanische Meyer- Liibke, Grammatik
d. roman. Sprachen n, 93 : " Mehrfach sind die betonten
Nominative durch die Akkusative verdrangt, vgl. moi, toi
im Frz., mi, ti in der ostlichen Champagne, der Dauphine"

Die masala zunbunja 155

und den Waldenser Mundarten sowie in ganz Oberitalien,
sogar in Venedig und im Emilianischen, te fur tu selbst in

Lucca und Pisa ", 96: "In Frankreich und Norditalien

sind dann wie bei der i. und 2. Person die ursprtinglichen
Akkusative in den Nominativ geriickt : lui eux, lui lei loro,

letztere selbst im Toskanischen ", auch in, 70 ff. In der

englischen Umgangssprache der niederen und z.T. selbst
der mittleren Volksklassen sind Wendungen haufig wie :
its me ; nobody was present but us ; she did it better than
him ; Harry and me are going usf. usf. — Nach allem scheint
mir, wie gesagt, unser UU $*> 1*1* als mundartliche Neben-
form von ^A y* tel* sehr wohl denkbar.

Nach dem 'Insaf (s. oben), Mugni I, *-, unt., Maqqari
n, * Y o ? 1 9 ff. und Saris! n, \ M , 20 ff. hat Sibawaih auch die
Ausdrucksweise ^5U)I *JUt JLe Ijp c-».j*. abgelehnt. Das
erscheint durchaus glaubhaft, denn diese Konstruktion —
mit determiniertem Zustandsakkusativ — ist iiberaus hart
und wohl auch kaum aus der Literatur zu belegen. (Ich
bin freilich m. W. auch der Satzfugung ^UUt Jjl jL^ lib, mit
determiniertem Nominativ, noch in keinem Texte begeg-
net.) Dass die Kufenser ^5UJI fiir zulassig erklart haben,
hat seinen Grund offenbar in ihrer — sehr gewaltsamen —
Lehrmeinung, ein Zustandsausdruck konne vin gleicher
Weise indeterminiert wie determiniert sein ; s. Sarlsl a.a.O. :

a^i^ lj& ^^3 o? J^-Jt ,j O***^ *r**S^j. Ganz unglaubhaft
ist dagegen die Ueberlieferung, Sibawaih habe weiter auch
die Konstruktion U515 AJUI jLc lib verworfen ; s. Maqqari
a.a.O. Sein Kitab (n, ^^A, 9f.) erwahnt allerdings nur die
Konstruktion ^515 A!)| JUP lib. Aber das besagt natiirlich
nicht viel. O^ ist ja vollig einwandfrei : es ist hal zu AJJI Jufr,
dem Subjekt des den Begriff des Daseins involvierenden
unddaher in sich abgeschlossenen Satzes <Jj| Juc lib ("und
siehe, 'Abdallah war da, stehend"), wahrend JsiS natiirlich
das Pradikat des durch I3j» eingeleiteten Nominalsatzes
^515 Jjt jut bildet ("und siehe, 'Abdallah stand da"). 'A'lam,
Maqqari n, *YI, 9 ff., weist denn auch jene Ueberlieferung
mit Nachdruck zuriick, und andre Grammatiker stellen un-
befangen^SlS und C$15 als gleichberechtigt hin ; s. Ibn Ja'Is ° ° •

156 A. FISCHER

unt. imd Howell I, 762 f. Freilich habe ich auch fur CsiS '* tjb
keinen Beleg, wahrend es fur ^MS '* lijs an solchen nicht fehlt
(s. Buharl, vokal Stambuler Ausg* v. 1315, vi, \*i, 4f.:
L5-^b L^ ^ ^° *k ! J*"1; ^U ' ' ' C5*^ ^AH^* ; Tabarl, ^ nnales
n, **Ar, i2f.: JjU. oW^ O->! lip...cJU.jLJ; ebd. rv., 17:
^j^ ^j eyc>yo Q-llaln Jj; I3p . . . c^JU. j^ und Ibn Hisam, Sir a,
ed. Wiistenfeld, I, '*«^, 8f.: jujjJ ^1 tilj...^^ ^Jt oou»->
jl^ AiIftJ Jt dt ju ^5**~* Sj^J\ a^U ^ JJM<^ ^ J^i und vgl.
Reckendorf, Die syntakt. Verhaltnisse d. Arabischen 47/ff. ;
so sogar ^ vJstj ^>^\ ^^-Uu 13^ 'iJUJl ^AJU

i oo i Nacht in, t, 3 v. u. und Jitot oUUJt obt^

Hamadam, Maqamat, ed. Bairut 1889, rrv 5). Aber
die Zulassigkeit von 1^13 '* tip wird, indirekt, bestatigt durch
das Nebeneinander von U515 und ^513 in Ausdrucksweisen,
die mit der unsrigen auf das engste verwandt sind. Ich denke
an Falle wie : Jjb ^ US (3 13 y* ^5 Ibn Hisam, Sira ^v a, 2,
neben J,t^ ^ ^51^ t^ y»3 Tabarl, Annales i, V^AA, ult. f . ;
jLot ^yUU- Jl^ykU Ibn Hisam t^., 11,^^,^)1 ^UJU.^tiyb
Tabarl i, *v-rA, 13, neben j,a^wJl ^ JjU. ^)3yb^/^^f iv, vc,
13.; a^U. ^ry^j AU3 Sure 27, 53, neben der Lesart l^U.

^ x

(s.z. B. Baidawiz. St.); ^£ o^ ^*-^ ck^ ^ Ibn Hisam
tii, 1 7, = Tabarl i, \v-rv, 2 und 'Aganl iv, rv, 5 (s. auch
Brunnow-Fischer, Chrestom. oi, 5), neben der Variante tjU.1
am Rande von Wiistenfeld's Cod. P ; ULJi^ ^likaJ! CH j^ft *J^
^-Jb Caspari-Wright n, 278 AB usf. VgL Ibn Ja'Is ?«•«,
10 ff., Mugnl i, At, 21, Fleischer, A"/. Schriften i, 592 f. und
vor alien Noldeke, Z&r Grammatik d. classischen Arabisck
49 f.

1 So iibereinstimmend in verschiedenen Hss. der Sira, die ich vor
Jahren teilweise kollationiert habe. Dagegen natiirlich ebd. Z. i3f.:

t d\ju. ac^o^o ^JJ U Ool; O*»"

A. FISCHER.

HIMMLISCHE UND IRDISCHE NAMEN

*Oi> Bpiapeon' KaXeovai Ofol avSpcs Se re Trai/res
AtycuW....

(//. I 403-404.)

Die Vorstellung von Doppelnamen1 begegnet auch in
islamischen Kreisen. Neben den irdischen unter den Mit-
menschen gebrauchlichen eignet man hervorragenden Per-
sonen Namen zu, mit denen sie von den Himmlischen
bezeichnet werden. In dieser Weise hat man die beiden
Namen des Propheten Ahmed und Muhammed auf die
beiden Spharen verteilt. Jener sei sein himmlischer> dieser
sein irdischer Name, JLOJ»J *U-Jt ^$ j>^*~6 u^^t ^ a^t, so
lasst man den Zauberer Satih in einem Orakelspruch dem
Grossvater des Propheten, 'Abd al-Muttalib, verktinden
(Slrat 'Antar, ed. Sahln xv 151, 7 v. u. ; ebenso in einem
Orakel des Koss b. Sa'ida, ibid, xxv 86, 9)'. Vgl. Letters
q/ Abu-l-'Ala al-Ma'arrl, ed. Margoliouth, 76, 6.

Gern werden dabei auch andere, besonders die Benen-
nungen erwahnt, unter denen jene Personen in den heiligen
Schriften vorherverkiindigt seien. Sogleich wieder in erster
Linie Muhammed selbst, woriiber ZDMG xxxn 373~3763.
Wahrend sich die alte Traditionslitteratur mit fiinf Namen
Muhammeds begniigt4, hat die spatere Theologie den Kreis
immerfort erweitert und es bis zu tausend Namen des
Propheten gebracht5. Die volkstumliche Litteratur will der

1 Vgl. Nagelsbach, Homerische Theologie*) 202 ff.

2 In der Ausgabe Kairo (matb. Serefijja) 1306-1311 = xv 68, 7; xxv
48, 3; vgl. Basset, La Bordah du Cheikh el Bouslrt (Paris, 1894), 61.

3 Im Taurat vorzugsweise al-Mutawakkil (Ibn Sa'd 1/2, 87, 16 ; 88, 21)
mit Misverstehung des auf Muh. bezogenen Verses, Jes. 42, i ("der Ver-
trauende " fiir " auf den ich vertraue "). Uber Verwechslung von *]£fiX
mit n/!3^K im selben Vers, s. 7?^/xxx 2.

4 Muwatta\ iv 248, Bucharl, Mandkib^ nr. 17, Muslim v 118. Vgl.
Sprenger, Das Leben u. d. Lehre des Moh. I 156 ff., Tor Andrae, Die Person
Muhammeds (Stockholm, 1918), 274 ff. Der Lexikograph Abu '1-Husejn

ibn Faris (st. 395/1005) verfasste eine Abhandlung u. d. T. *U~>! ^ &t^*M

,-j-iJt, zitiert im Ithaf al-sada (Kairo) vn 163 unten.

5 Die Litteratur in den Kommentaren zu den soeben angefiihrten Hadlt-
Stellen.

l$S I. GOLDZIHER

gelehrten Uberlieferung in diesem Punkte mit ihrer Steiger-
ung der Polyonymie nicht nachstehen. Muhammed habe
verschiedene Namen nicht nur im Himmel und auf Erden,
in den heiligen Schriften fruherer Religionen, sondern auch
in den verschiedenen Naturbereichen werde er mit je ver-
schiedenen Namen gerufen: mit einem anderen auf dem
Kontinent als in den Meeren1; mit je anderen bei den ver-
schiedenen Vertretern des Tierreichs; ja sogar in jedem der
sieben Himmel sei er unter je anderen Namen bekannt.
Daruber wird der Wiistenheld 'Antar, als er um auf die
Spur des Morders seines Sohnes Gadban gefiihrt zu werden
sich an den Kahin Koss (in der Erzahlung standig " Kajs ")
b. Sa'ida wendet, von letzterem in einer weitlaufigen, fast
gnostisch klingenden Rede belehrt :

(so!) UAjJ^t SV,pt

(Slrat 'Antar, ibid.

xxv 88).

Eine ahnliche Belehrung hatte der Held bereits friiher in
bezug auf die verschiedenen Namen des 'All vom Zauberer
Satlh angehort (ibid, xv 152).

Dieselbe Tendenz, die Wiirde der grossen Gestalten des
I slams durch ihnen verliehene Vielnamigkeit zu erhohen,
konnen wir auch, wenn auch nicht in so iiberschwanglichem
Maas an der minder volkstiimlichen, der theologischen Tra-
dition naher stehenden Litteratur erfahren. Da werden z. B.
verschiedene Namen des Chalifen 'Omar auf verschiedene
Regionen verteilt: al-Faruk sei sein himmlischer Name;
im Ingil heisse er al-Kafl\ im Taurat Mantik al-hakk ; in der
^enne^/-5^V^(Muhibbal-Taban, Manakib al-asara, 1 189).
Vom Epithet des Chalifen 'Otman als du-l-nurejn (weil
zwei Tochter des Propheten seine Gattinnen waren) lasst
man 'All bezeugen, dass dies sein Name im Himmel sei
(Ibn Hagar, Isaba n 1153). Dem 'Omar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz
offenbart der Prophet, dass sein Name unter den Menschen

1 Hier al-Mahl (Abu Nu'ejm ; s. Tor Andrae, I.e. 63).

Himmlische und irdische Namen 159

zwar 'Omar laute, dass er jedoch bei Gott Gabir heisse:
^U. JLj j* aJUt juc. »iUwl^ (bei Ibn al-GauzI, ed. C. H.
Becker, 144 ult.)1.

Wenn ihre Nebennamen auch nicht, im Gegensatz zu
ihren irdischen, geradezu als himmlische bezeichnet werden,
so mo'chte ich doch die Sohne des 'All der hier behandelten
Gruppe anreihen.

Nach einer auch in sunnitischen Kreisen verbreiteten
Tradition seien den Enkeln Muhammeds (durch Fatima)
vom Propheten die Namen Hasan, Husejn, Muhassin2 ge-
geben worden als arabische Aequivalente der aramaischen
Namen Sabbar, Sabir3, Mus"abbir4, die angeblich die Sohne
Aharons gefuhrt hatten (SahrastanT, ed. Cureton, 164, 8 ;
vgl. Metz, Abulkasim, Einleitung 27 ; H. Lammens, Fatima,
43). Auch dadurch sollte dokumentiert werden, dass 'All als
" Bruder" Muhammeds zu betrachten sei und zu diesem im
selben Verhaltniss stehe, in dem Aharon zu Moses stand (Ibn
Sa'd, in/i, 15; ZDMGi. 119). Schriten stellen die Bedeu-
tung jener aramaischen Namen neben den von den Enkeln
des Propheten tatsachlich gefiihrten in der Weise dar, dass
Hasan und Husejn im Taurat unter ersteren vorherverkiin-
digt seien : a^pi ^ t^^w! o^>j ^*« **>£ L53 W«-' J^ ^
b*Aj W^ (Hi^i> Kasf al-jakln fi fadail amir al-mumiriin
[Bombay, 1298], 68, 8). In pathetischer Rede gebrauchen
schritische Schriftsteller, wenn sie von den Sohnen 'All's zu
reden haben, mit Vorliebe jene fremde Namen. Sie beab-
sichtigen dadurch in Hdrern und Lesern die feierliche Stim-

1 In einem im LA s.v. ^•.•AC- n 95 nach Azharl mitgeteilten apokalypti-
schen Hadit iiber die Zukunft des islamischen Reiches wird in der dort
gegebenen, ubrigens liickenhaften Chalifenfolge zwischen Mansur und
Mahdl ein Chalife mit Namen Gabir eingeschoben.

2 Ausser diesem jung verstorbenen Sohn des 'All wurde dieser Name
auch einem wahrend des Abzuges der gefangenen Frauen des Husejn nach
der Kerbela-katastrophe bei Aleppo todt zur Welt gekommenen Kind des
Husejn gegeben. Uber das diesem Kinde geweihte mashad s. Sobernheim
in Melanges Hartwig Derenbourg^ 379-390.

3 Im Persischen, das den Konsonanten ^ ausdriickt, sind die Namen,

dem aram. Original *V£&^ entsprechend j^w und t^^w (Nasir Chosrau,
ZDMG xxxvi 506).

4 Der Name ^-l-£-« auch echt arabisch ; Schol. Naktiid, ed. Bevan,
Index s. v.

l6o I- GOLDZIHER

mung gegenliber dem Andenken der Martyrer-Imame zu
steigern ; z. B. in einem Trauergedicht auf die 'Aliden :

(bei Nagafi, al- Muntachab fl-l- maratj wal-chutab [a. R. der
Makatil al- Talibijjln vom Verfasser der Agam, Bombay,
1311] 116, 7); oder in einem Trauergedicht des Sejf b.
'Umejr auf Husejn :

225, 10). Diese Namen sind zweifellos gemeint unter
den verstiimmelten Formen bei John P. Brown, The Der-
vishes or Oriental Spiritualism (London, 1868), 172, wenn
bei der Initiation in den Bektasi-Orden die ftinf Beistande
des Aspiranten nach den ahl al-kisa (ZDMG L 120) benannt
werden als 'All, Zehra ( = Fatima), Sheppar ( =^J£), Shah
Peer ( =j-^),und Hazrat-i Kubra (nach Brown = der Mahdl).

Die Annahme von verschiedenen, himmlischen und
irdischen Namen derselben Person wird von den Sufi's gern
auf die von ihnen verehrten hervorragenden Heiligen ange-
wandt.

Vom Griinder der Stadt Fes, dem heiligen Idrls sagen
sie, dass dieser bios sein ausserlicher Name gewesen sei ;
im Kreise der Gottesmanner und der Leute der Gottesge-
genwart flihre er den mystischen Namen Fadl\ ^JJ!

JU-J dj-^aJt (KettanI, Salwat al-anfas [Fes 1316]
i 69). — Von einem andern Hauptheiligen des maghri-
binischen I slams, Abu Madjan sagt Muhjl al-dln ibn al-
'Arabl, dass er in der Oberwelt unter den Namen Abu-l-Naga
bekannt sei; so nennen ihn auch die Geisterwesen1: ,jl^
0^U.^t ^^ *u l^JI ^b ^^xit^UJt ^ ^L' (Futuhat
mekkijja, 24. Kap.[Kairo 1329] i 84,3). — Das Epithet al-baz
al-a'shab(&vc graue Falke), das man dem 'Abdalkadir al-Gllam
gab2, wird nach einer Version damit motiviert, dass er im

1 Uber den Begriff der ruhanijjun s. Ichwan al-safa (Bombay), iv 289,
12 ; vgl. ibid. 230.

2 Dasselbe Epithet wird gewohnlich dem beriihmten Safi'iten Abu
VAbbas b. Surejg (Subkl, Tabak. Sdf. n 87, i) und dem Mansur al-'Iraki,
miitterlichem Oheim des Ahmed al-Rifa'I (T.A. s. v. baz> iv n, 7) verliehen.

Himmlische und irdische Namen 1 6 1

Himmelreich (oyCJUJt ^y) diesen Namen fiihre (Loghat al-
'arab, m 413 Anm.).

Die rigal al-gajb (abdal, kutb und dessen beide Assisten-
ten) haben neben ihreh gewohnlichen Namen mystische,
zumeist theophore, mit ihrem mystischen Beruf zusammen-
hangende Benennungen, die bei Blochet, Etudes sur
tdrisme musulman {Journ. asiat. 1902, n 52; 66-67)
sufischen Quellen mitgeteilt sind.

DieseNamendoppelungistnichtauf Personenbeschrankt.
In einem in das Musnad al-Safi'I (lith. Agrah 1306) 40 auf-
genommenen gedehnten Hadit1 belehrt Engel Gabriel den
Propheten tiber die Vorzuge des Freitags. Unter anderen
eroffnet er ihm, dass dieser Tag bei den Himmlischen " jaum
al-mazld" (Tag der Vermehrung) genannt werde : Ojue ybj
**i*A\ j*&> weil Gott an demselben auf goldenen, mit Edel-
steinen ausgelegten Thronen um ihn versammelten Engeln,
Propheten, Martyrern und Gerechten, die ihn um sein Wohl-
gefallen bitten, die Gewahrung ihrer Bitte und uberdies noch
die Vermehrung des von ihnen Gewiinschten zusichert2:
Ju>« ^jJj^£*3 U ^z^aj^&f. c~-£; j^5. Auf Grund dieses,
gewiss aus einem einfacheren Kern erweiterten Hadit ist jene
Benennung des Freitags als himmlischer Name desselben
in die theologische Litteratur eingedrungen : (Aj^^aJl^j)^

Ao~Jt ^ aC^IUI A^J JUJ^> juj^Jt j># ait jofr (Gazall, Ihya,
i 173) und sie wird in mystischen Gebeten, sowie auch in

Ein anderer hervorragender Safi'it, Abu Muhammed al-Muzani erhielt den
Ehrennamen al-bdz al-abjad (Subkl, I.e. 85, 10). Einen jiidischen kabba-
listischen Autor aus Tarudant Namens Moses b. Maimun (schrieb ca. 1575)
ehrte man mit dem Epithet al-bdz (Azulai, Sem ha-gedollm, 2. Abteilung
s.v. hekhal kodes). Aber auch ein beriichtigter Dieb in Spanien zur
Regierungszeit des Mu'tamid erhielt das Epithet als al-bdzl al-ashab
(Makkarl, ed. Leiden, n 509).

1 Das Hadit in iippiger Entfaltung bei Ibn Kajjim al-Gauzijja, Hddl al-
arwdh ild bildd al-afrdh (Kairo 1325), II 102 ; 105 ff. passim ; ibid. 124 ist
auch von einem ddr al-mazld die Rede, in das die Seligen am Freitag
eingelassen werden.

2 Auch andere Motivierung :

t>>^)t J^J-o A-j-9 ia-o-aJl: Zuwachs an Erleuchtungen und
Segnungen (Suhrawardi, 'Awdrif al-maldrif, Kap. 63 [a. R. des Ihjd iv
461]). Vgl. die jiid. kabbalistische Anschauung von der sabbathlichen

B.P.V. * II

1 62 I. GOLDZIHER

rhetorischer Absicht in einem Buchtitel(Brockelmann, n 380)
als Synonym des Freitags gebraucht. Weitere Belege sind
in meinem Aufsatz " Die Sabbathinstitution im Islam "
(D. Kaufmann-Gedenkbuch [Breslau, 1900] 88-89) ange-
fiihrt.

I. GOLDZIHER.

RELATIONS BETWEEN PERSIA & EGYPT
UNDER ISLAM UP TO THE FATIMID
PERIOD

In his Literary History of Persia, Professor Browne
has shown the importance of the part taken by Persia in the
development of Muhammadan literature. It is probable,
indeed, that there is hardly an element among all the con-
stituents of the general Islamic system towards which Persia
cannot be shown to have made a substantial contribution.
Accordingly, it is worth considering how and in what degree
the influence of Persia extended itself under the Muham-
madans to the west. The effects seem to have been felt in
Egypt as strongly as anywhere else.

The following deals with the period when Egypt was
united politically with Persia as a member of the Khalifate,
a space of rather more than three centuries beginning with
the Islamic conquests. Lower Mesopotamia ('Iraq) is
treated as Persian for the purpose in view. The authorities
drawn on are the well-known Arab historians. Much of
the material they supply is fragmentary and disconnected.
Even if it were possible to collect every single relevant fact
from their works, there are aspects of the subject which
would remain obscure. The contemporary papyri, when
they become available, are sure to add to our knowledge
with regard to it. The abbreviations used in the references
seem not to require explanation, except the following : —
Suyuti=Husn el Muhadarah. Ibn 'Abd el Hakam=Br.
Mus. MS. Stowe or. 4. Kkitat = E\ Maqrizi's Khitat. El
Mukdfaah — by Ahmad ibn Yusuf. Cairo, 1914.

A party of ^Persians, known as El Firisiyin, accompanied
Amr ibn el 'Asi on his invasion of Egypt. According to
one account, they were remains of the troops of Badan, who
had been governor of Yaman for the King of Persia before
Islam ; they had been converted to Islam in Syria and had
then volunteered to serve in the religious war1. One wonders

1 Khitat, i, 298.

— 2

1 64 RHUVON GUEST

how they could have got to Syria unconverted. A second
account says "it is alleged that there were among them
a band of Persians who had been in San'a'1," implying
that most if not all of them came from Persia, presumably
as prisoners taken in the Mesopotamian campaigns. El
Farisiyin, who were few, seem to have settled at Fustat,
where they had a Khittah and a mosque, which latter was
still known in the third century of the Hijrah2.

Ka'b ibn 'Adi et Tanukhi el 'Ibadi, a sahabi, was the
son of a bishop of Hireh, and had been a partner of 'Umar
before Islam. Ka'b was sent on a mission to the Muqauqis
in 15 A.H. and took part in the conquest of Egypt. He
settled in Egypt and must have had a following of some
magnitude there, for one of the early divisions of the Arabs
in Egypt was named after him — Al Ka'b ibn 'Adi et
Tanukhi3.

The great schism in Islam caused some movement from
'Iraq to Egypt. Hujr ibn 'Adi, a prominent supporter of
'Ali, who seems to have been settled at Kufah, appears in
Egypt as an envoy from Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr to
Mu'awiyah4; and 'Amr ibn el Hamiq, one of the regicides,
who is connected with Hujr and with Kufah, is connected
with Egypt also5, though it is not clear whether his associa-
tion with Kufah dates from before his association with
Egypt. 'Abdallah ibn Saba', a mysterious Jew of San'a'
said to have been at the bottom of the conspiracy against
'Uthman, settled in Egypt after travelling to Kufah and
Basrah6. About 130 Azd were banished from Basrah to
Egypt by Ziyad in 53 A.H. and settled in Fustat*. Hanash
ibn 'Abdallah, of San'a' and related to the tribe of Saba',
was one of the Persians of Yaman and had been with 'Ali
at Kufah. He came to Egypt after the assassination of 'Ali
and settled there. Hanash seems to have been a leader of
some distinction in the west and had an adventurous career
in North Africa and in Spain8.

1 Ibn 'Abd el Hakam, fol. 49 a. 2 do., fol. 48 b.

3 Mushtabih, 334; Ibn Duqmaq, iv, 39; Suytiti, i, 131 ; Kindt, 70.

4 Kindi, 28. ' Suytiti, i, 128.

8 Tabari, i, 2942-4 ; Sam'ani, 288. 7 Khitat, i, 298.

8 Ibn Sa'd, v, 391; Sam'ani, 288 b; Ibn Adari, i, 15; Maqqari,
i> 3-

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 165

Musa ibn Nusair, the conqueror of Spain, was the son
of a captive taken at *Ain et Tamr near Anbar in 12 A.H.,
and before entering the service of 'Abd el 'Aziz ibn Marwan
in Egypt had held an administrative post at Basrah. It
seems likely that Musa's family settled in Egypt, for two or
three of them were in the public service there at the end of
the Umaiyad period1.

'Abdallah ibn Khudamir of San 'a' and a maula of the
tribe of Saba' was Qadi of Egypt from 100 to 105 A.H. and
his son Yazid held the same post in 114 A.H.2 The name
Khudamir seems certainly to be Persian.

El Laith ibn Sa'd, the celebrated jurist, who was born
in Egypt at Qalqashandeh in 94 A.H., belonged to a family
which came originally from Isfahan and were maulas of the
family of the chiefs of the tribe of Fahm in Egypt. They
were particularly associated with Khalid ibn Thabit, the first
of these chiefs in Egypt, so the relationship was probably
established in the first half of the first century. Khalid, who
was a sahabi and took part in the conquest of Egypt, appears
once or twice in Egyptian history, and was living in 54 A.H.
El Laith's father is said to have been a maula of Quraish
and then to have taken military service (iftarad) with Fahm
and so to have become related to the tribe3.

The diwan, the qairawan used to denote the whole of
the area covered by the camp of the Arabs at Fustat4, and
the furaniq5 or guide of the post, are Persian terms that were
current in Egypt in the first century.

One comes to the 'Abbasid period. Large numbers of
Persians invaded Egypt on the establishment of the 'Abbasid
Khalifate in 132 A.H. = 750 A.D. The eye-witness whose
account is preserved by Severus puts the number of the
' Abbasid army that pursued Marwan to Egypt as 100,000
horse6, implying a greater total, since the army would not
have been made up entirely of horse, and he saw in this
host a people different from the Arabs with whom he was
acquainted. He always calls them Khurasanians. These
"Musauwidah" were not of course entirely Persians, but the

1 Tabari, i, 2064; Ibn 'Adari, i, 24; Kindi. 2 Kindi.

3 Er Rahmat el ghaitjnyah, 3, where Thabit is to be read for Nashir ;
Suyuti, i, 114; Kindi.~~

4 Suyfttt, ii, 7. 5 Kindi, 62. 6 Seybold, 191.

1 66 RHUVON GUEST

Arabs among them would have been derived from Persia
and the East. The one Arab section of the army actually
named, the Mudariyah, were under the leadership of a chief
who was a member of Tamim1, a tribal group which is con-
nected with Kufah, Basrah, Marw, Isfahan and the East
generally and appears hardly to have extended westward
at all until the 'Abbasid movement brought it to Egypt and
North Africa. The slayer of Marwan, 'Amir ibn Ismail,
who was the leader of the vanguard of the army2, came
from Basrah. He belonged to the Arab tribal group of
Madhij, but perhaps as a maula. At all events, he spoke
Persian to his men and urged on the charge with "yd
jawdnagdn dihtd*"

A greaf part of the 'Abbasid army returned to the East
soon after their victory, and when Salih ibn 'All left Egypt
in 137 A.H. = 755 A.D. most of their cantonment at El 'Askar
fell into ruin. El 'Askar was maintained, however, up to
the time of Ahmad ibn Tulun and seems until then to have
remained the usual dwelling-place of the 'Abbasid governors
and their troops4.

The list of the governors of Egypt between 132 A.H.
= 750 A.D. and the war between Amin and Ma'mun 196
A.H. =812 A.D. shows that those first appointed were promi-
nent supporters of the 'Abbasids who had been instrumental
in bringing the dynasty to power. Later, the office was fre-
quently conferred on some member of the 'Abbasid family, a
near relative of the reigning Khalif. During the time, there
were a number of other governors, some of whom were dis-
tinguished as military leaders and some of whom had been
governors of other provinces of the empire and belonged
perhaps rather to a bureaucratic than to a military class.
On three or four occasions, Arabs of Egypt acted as gover-
nors ; but this was unusual and as a rule the governors came
from the East. A fair proportion of them were Persians,
like Abu 'Aun, a native of Jurjan, and Harthamat ibn A'yan
who came from Balkh5. The majority were Arabs, but so
intimately connected with Persia as to imply a Persian fol-
lowing and belongings. Thus Musa ibn Ka'b seems to have

1 Kindi, 99, 1. 9. 2 Kindt, 96.

3 Tabari, iii, 51. * See Khitat, i, 304.

5 Bib. G. Ar., vii, 305.

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 167

spent years as an 'Abbasid missionary in the remotest parts
of Khurasan1, Muhammad ibn el Ash'ath had been governor
of Paris in 130 A.H. under Abu Muslim* and the Muhallab
family, to which Yazid ibn Hatim belonged, had given
governors to Khurasan more than once. The governors
who were 'Abbasids may be taken to have stood for Meso-
potamia and the entourage of the court at Baghdad. One
feature about the whole of this series of governors was the
frequency of changes. The average term of office was less
than a year and a half. The continual travelling to and fro
of governors and their retinues must have in itself quickened
relations between Persia and Egypt.

The organisation of the troops of Egypt under the
'Abbasids is not entirely clear. Salih ibn 'All " added 2000
righting men (muqdiif) to Egypt3 " ; perhaps this means
that he increased the military establishment to that extent.
The 'Abbasids seem to have instituted arbd' in Egypt4, and
presumably this signifies that they divided the troops there
into four divisions.

From a work by El Jaliiz referring to a date not very
much later, the army of the Khalifate would seem to have
been divided into five divisions — Khurasanians, Turks,
clients, Arabs, and " Banawis5," i.e. " Abna'," and this sug-
gests that there may have been two Persian divisions in
Egypt — Khurasanians and Abna'. The arrival of 1000
Abna' in Egypt in 194 A.H. is recorded6.

The institution known as the sjiurtah seems to have
represented a force kept on a permanent military footing, to
be reinforced when necessary from the rest of the " ahl ed
diwan." Under the 'Abbasid governors, there were two
sjiurtahs in Egypt — that of El 'Askar, esh sjiurtah el lulyd\
and that of Fustat. A full list of the captains of the sjiurtah
is given by Kindi, and during the time in question they
were nearly all Arabs and mostly Arabs of Egypt. This list
relates, however, to the skurfah of Fustat and the names
of captains of the shurtah of El 'Askar occur only once or
twice8.

1 El Akhbar et Tiwal, 337. 2 Tabari, ii, 2001.

3 Kindi, 103. ' 4 Kindi, 71.'

5 Translated by Mr Harley Walker,/. K.A.S. 1915, p. 637.

6 Kindi, 147. 7 Khitat, i, 304, 1. 30. * e.g. Kindi, 102.

1 68 RHUVON GUEST

It is probable that the troops of Egypt fell into two main
divisions : the Arabs of Egypt corresponding to the sjmrtah
of Fustat, and the Eastern troops, who were the principal
support of the governors and were largely composed of
Persians, and were connected with the other sjturtah.

The arrival of troops from abroad in Egypt in the second
century under the 'Abbasids is recorded in the years 143,
169, 172, 178, 191, and 194 A.H. by Kindi. Doubtless,
however, these were not the only occasions. One reads,
indeed, that Es Sari ibn el Hakam, who was a Khura-
sanian, belonged to the military following (jund) of El
Laith ibn el Fadl and entered Egypt in the reign of Er
Rashid1, apparently, therefore, between 182 and 187 A.H.
when El Laith was governor and not at one of the dates
referred to. Probably most of the governors enlisted some
troops of their own. There is evidence that some of the
families that came in from the East in the period in question
settled in Egypt. Two members of the Muhallab family are
mentioned who were in Egypt 24 and 29 years respectively
after the departure of Yazid ibn Hatim2. The family of 'Abd
el Jabbar el Azdi, Ktmrasanians first connected with Egypt
in 150 A.H., appear in Egyptian history during the rest of
the century. 'Abd el Jabbar, an officer of El Mansur, had
revolted in Khurasan in 141 A.H., and had been taken and
executed. His family were transported to Dahlak, where
some of them were captured in an Indian raid, and others
escaped and managed to regain favour3. They seem to have
got to Egypt in this way. The settlement of 'Abbasid troops
in Egypt would have formed colonies like the Khurasanian
colonies at Qairawan and Baghayah in North Africa alluded
to by Ya'qubi4.

The strength of the Khurasanian party in Egypt appears
in the war between El Ma'mun and El Amin, when the
Khurasanians naturally took the part of the former. They
eventually possessed themselves of the province, which was
held by a semi-independent Khurasanian dynasty — that of
Es Sari ibn el Hakam and his sons — for about eleven
years, from 200 to 211 A.H. The Khurasanians were able,

1 Kindi, 148. 2 Kindij

Tabari, iii, 134-6.
4 Bib. Geo. Arab., vii, 348, 350.

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 1 69

not only to keep the Arabs of Egypt in check, but also to
fight among themselves. In connection with these events, it
is mentioned that the family of 'Abd el Jabbar referred to
Avere among the leading people of Khurasan in Egypt at
the end of the second century1.

The overthrow of the dynasty of Es Sart by 'Abdallah
ibn Tahir, a Persian from Bushanj near Herat2, meant the
introduction of still more Persian troops into Egypt.

The followers of 'Abdallah ibn Tahir naturally included
many Persians. The names of some of them are given.
Among them may be noted a member of the Samanid
family, who was made governor of Alexandria3. Some four
years later, 'Abdallah was followed by the celebrated Persian
general Afshin, who came to quell disturbances, and was
still continuing operations at El Ma'mun's visit in 217 A.H.
After 'Abdallah ibn Tahir, a good proportion of the gover-
nors of Egypt were Persians ; and, the Arabs soon dis-
appearing almost entirely from the military sphere, one
finds many Persian names in the list of the captains of the

fuard ; but Turks, first heard of in Egypt in 214 A.H.4,
egan gradually to displace the Persian military element
there and by the time of Ibn Tulun it had become eclipsed.
Persians as soldiers do not again appear with any great
prominence.

So little is forthcoming about most of the 'Abbasid non-
military officials in Egypt in the second century that their
nationality rarely appears. The Khardj was generally in
the hands of the governors. Abu Qatifah (164 A.H.)5 and
'Umar ibn Mihran (176 A.H.)6 are two special waits of the
Khardj who came from the East. The names of the sahib
el barid are rarely given : Wadih (169 A.H.)7 and Yazid ibn
'Imran8 (174 A.H.) were Easterns. The qddis of Egypt
were at first Egyptian Arabs. The first alien qddi, who was
appointed in 164 A.H., came from Kufah. Afterwards the
appointment of qddis from the East became more and more
frequent and in El 'Umari (185-194 A.H.) there is an
example of one who brought with him the corrupt and

1 Kindt, 165. 2 Ibn Khallikan, i. 235, 260.

3 Kindi, 184. 4 Kindi, 188.

5 Kindi, 123. 6 Tabari, iii, 626.

7 Tabari, iii, 561. 8 Kindi, 384.

170 RHUVON GUEST

dissolute manners of Baghdad at the time of Er Rashid.
The rdwis of Egypt in the second century included two of
Khurasan, who must have come to Egypt early in the
century, perhaps with the 'Abbasid army of conquest, two
belonging to Basrah and four or five belonging to Kufah1.
When 'Umar ibn Mihran was given charge of the Khardj,
" the domains " (diyaf) were also put under his control. This
expression is elucidated by an allusion to the factor of
Zubaidah over El Buhairah in 184 A.H.2, showing that a
large tract of land in Egypt was at that time the property of
the Khalif's wife. One hears of the factor of Harthamah ibn
A'yan over his diyd* in Egypt in 196 A.H.3 Harthamah had
left Egypt nearly 20 years before.

One may note Salih ibn Shirzad, who was in charge of
the Khardj in 214 A.H.4, as obviously a Persian.

Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Mudabbar5 appears to have
become administrator of the Khardj in Egypt in 247 A.H.6,
and he held the post on the arrival of Ibn Tulun in 254 A.H.
Ahmad's brother, Ibrahim, was a prominent official at
Baghdad7, and the family nisbah, Rastisani8, though the
place to which it refers appears to be unknown, suggests a
Persian origin. Ahmad had estates in Egypt9.

Yusuf ibn Ibrahim ibn el Dayah, foster-brother of
Ibrahim ibn el Mahdi, or more probably of El Mu'tasim, was
a secretary to the former and employed by him at Samarra.
Shortly after the death of Ibrahim ibn el Mahdi in 224 A.H.,
Yusuf " removed to Egypt with his family and retinue, in
order to farm the estates of persons who had grants of land
in Egypt. At the time the Turkish generals were becoming
all-powerful at the court of El Mu'tasim and the influence
of their Arab patrons was disappearing. Egypt was a rich
agricultural country and much of its land had been given in
grants. Its revenue was in the hands of Ahmad ibn Mu-
dabbar (?) and his associates. It was distant, too, from the
disturbances and tumults caused by the generals10."

1 According to the lists of Suyuti. * Kindi, 392.
3 Kindt, 149. 4 Kindi, 185.

5 Or Mudabbir. Both vocalisations are vouched for.

6 Khitat, ed. Wiet, ii, 81, Note i. 7 Tabari; Aghani.

8 Ibn Khallikan, ii, 344. 9 Ibn Sa'id, Frag. 16.

10 ElMukafa'ah, introduction, xiv.

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 171

Yusuf ibn Ibrahim had many diyd* in his name on the
register in Egypt for 250 A.H.1 He' died in Egypt in the
reign of Ibn Tulun2. His brother Ishaq is mentioned in
Egypt3. Yusuf s son Ahmad, the author of the life of Ibn
Tulun and other works, who died somewhere between 330
and 340 A.H., seems to have spent his life in Egypt4.

Here may be noticed Wathimah ibn el Furat, a Persian
merchant of embroidered stuff, who travelled westward from
Persia as far as Spain and seems to have settled in Egypt,
for he died there in 235 A.H., and 'Umarah, his son, who
died in 289 A.H., is classed as an Egyptian. Both Wathimah
and 'Umarah were historians of some repute5.

In about 247 A.H., a partisan of El Muntasir, who had
fled to Egypt in disguise, found there were so many people
of Baghdad in Fustat that he did not feel safe from being
detected in the town6.

The followers of Ibn Tulun were mostly Turks, but the
list includes some Persians or Mesopotamians, like El Wasiti.
One may note Ahmad ibn Abi Ya'qub the historian, a de-
scendant of Wadih mentioned above, who seems to have
passed the earlier years of his life in the East, but was in
charge of the Khardj of Barqah in 265 A.H.7, and as being
the author of two poems lamenting the overthrow of the
Tulunids in 292 A.H., appears to have spent a long time in
Egypt, if not to have made Egypt his home8. By employ-
ing an Egyptian secretary instead of one from 'Iraq, Ibn
Tulun departed from a customary practice9.

A conspicuous Eastern family that settled in Egypt in
the time of the Tulunids was that of the Madara is. SanVani
believes them to have come from the neighbourhood of
Basrah10. The name of one of their ancestors, Rustam, shows
that they were of Persian origin, and Istakhri refers to them
as one of the Persian families that had managed to gain
a high place in the official world, like the Barmakids and
the family of Sahl to which Du er Riyasatain belonged11.
The family seem to have been in a humble position in

1 El Mukafctah, 115. 2 Yaqtit, Irskad, », *59-

3 El Mukdfa'ah, n. 4 Yaqtit, Irshad.

5 Ibn Khallikan, ii, 171. 6 El Mukdfa'ah, 36.

7 Ibn Sa'id, Frag. 62. 8 Kindi, 250, 252.

9 Ibn Said, Frag. 15. 10 Fol. 499.
11 Bib. Geog. Arab., i, 146.

172 RHUVON GUEST

Mesopotamia early in the second half of the third century1.
One of them 'All ibn Ahmad appears to have come to Egypt
in 272 A.H.2 He became vizier to Khumarawaih and to
Jaish after him and was assassinated in Egypt in 283 A.H.3
Other members of the family are mentioned ^ in Egyptian
history of about this time. Two who are prominent are Abu
Zunbur and Muhammad ibn 'All, son of the vizier of Khu-
marawaih, both of whom were in close touch with the central
official circle at Baghdad, and were proposed as vizier to
the Khalif at different times4. Abu Zunbur held important
posts in Egypt, connected generally with the Khardj, and
died in 317 A.H.5 Muhammad ibn 'All was vizier to the last
Tulunids from 283 to 292 A.H. and afterwards was in high
positions. He succeeded Abu Zunbur as administrator of
the Khardj in 318 A.H. and was the virtual ruler of Egypt
at the time of the entry of Ikhshid, which he opposed, but
he afterwards gained favour with the Ikhshid dynasty. He
died in 345 A.H.6 The enormous wealth amassed by the
Madara'is is shown by Abu Zunbur having been fined
1,100,000 dinars on one occasion7. The net revenue of the
estates of Muhammad ibn 'Ali in Egypt, apart from the
land-tax (Khardj), was 400,000 dinars8. The last Madara'i
mentioned, who is classed as an Egyptian, died in 392 A.H.9

Another Eastern family of distinction which was con-
nected with Egypt was that of Ibn el Furat. Towards the
end of the third century it had acquired great influence in
the official circle at Baghdad. Two of its members were
viziers. The family are said to have come from Nahrawan10,
near Baghdad. If Dr Tallqvist is right in connecting with
it Naufal ibn el Furat (who was in charge of the Khardj of
Egypt in 141-3 A.H.11) and Wathimah and his son 'Umarah,
who have been mentioned above12, its association with Egypt
extended over a long period, but it seems that the relation-
ship is not established. El Fadl ibn Ja'far ibn el Furat, a
nephew of the ill-starred vizier of Muqtadir, was allied by
marriage with El Ikhshid, and it was at his instigation and

1 Hilal, 92.

2 His son came to Egypt in this year at the age of 14. Khitat, ii, 155.

3 Ibn Sa'id, 163. 4 'Arib, 73 ; Hilal, 347. 5 See Hilal and 'Arib.
6 Hilal; 'Arib; Ibn Said; Khitat, ii, 155. 7 Hilal, 45.

8 Khitat, ii, 155. 9 Sam'ani. Fol. 499. 10 Hilal, 8.

11 Kindi, 108, 109 ; Tabari, iii, 142. 12 Ibn Sa'id, 93, 94.

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 173

with his support that El Ikhshid possessed himself of Egypt.
El Fadl was " inspector" of Syria and Egypt and was in
Egypt for some time during El Ikhshid's reign. After
the death of El Fadl in 327 A.H., his son Ja'far, known as
Ibn Hinzabah, became one of the principal officers of the
Ikhshid dynasty and was vizier when the Fatimids arrived1.

The qddis of Egypt in the third century and the first
half of the fourth were not often Egyptian Arabs. A few of
them were natives of Syria, but the majority came from
Baghdad. The rdwis of Egypt in the third century, accord-
ing to Suyuti's lists, include 2 from Kufah, 2 from Basrah,
2 or 3 from Baghdad, i from Wasit, i from Raqqah, 3 from
Marw (Merv), i from Jurjan and i from Raiy ; in the part
of the fourth century up to 360 A.H., the figures are 2 from
Baghdad, i from Wasit, i from Marw, i from Raiy, i from
Dinawar, i from Qazwin, i from Nisabur, i from Nasa.

Some of the Eastern authors connected with Egypt in
the period referred to, apart from theologians and writers of
law, have been included in the above. It maybe useful to
give a full list. Abu Nuwas, the celebrated poet of the court
of Er Rashid, who was probably of Persian origin though
his derivation and early history are obscure, visited Egypt
either in 190 or 191 A.H. 'Abd el Malik ibn Hisham, a
native of Basrah, the author of the well-known life of the
Prophet, died at Fustat in 218 A.H. Wathimah 1235 and
his son 'Umarah t 289 A.M., both historians, have been
mentioned above. Abu Bishr ed Dulabi, originally from
Raiy, a historian, came to Egypt in about 260 A.H.2 and
died in 310 A.H. El Ya'qubi, the geographer and historian
belonging to the same period, has been mentioned. Yamut
ibn el Muzzari', of Basrah, had visited Egypt often ; he died
in 304 A.H. Ahmad ibn Yusuf ibn el Dayah, the historian,
has been mentioned above. In his Mukafaah he gives two
or three narratives that had been related to him by Ya'qubi.
Mas'udi, perhaps the greatest Arab historian of his time,
visited Egypt more than once and died there in 345 A.H.
He belonged to a Baghdad family. 'Abdallah el Farghani,
a continuator of Tabari, appears to have dwelt in Egypt
from sometime before 329 A.H. till his death in 362 A.H.3

1 See Ibn Sa'id; Ibn Khallikan, i, no. 2 Sam'ani, fol. 233 b.

3 Brit. Mus. MSS. Safadi, Add. 23358, fol. 20; Dahabi, or., 48, fol. 79 b

174 RHUVON GUEST

The result of the above may be summarised briefly.
There is no sign of much connection between Persia and
Egypt up to the end of the Umaiyad period. Still, a few
Persians appear in Egypt even in the first century of the
Hijrah and there was then some movement from 'Iraq to
Egypt. Under the 'Abbasids, Persia dominated Egypt.
There was a virtual Persian military occupation lasting for
the best part of a century, followed by a generally Persian
administration carried on by clerks from 'Iraq and continued
for about as long. The exploitation of Egypt for the benefit
of dependants of the court at Baghdad and other Easterns
can be seen to have begun quite early and seems to have
gone on all the rest of the time. This would have brought a
number of Persians or Persianised people not only to Fustat,
but to the country parts of Egypt. Others of the same sort
came there for other occasions, as for instance in quest of
traditions. One suspects that there was a regular stream of
trade between Baghdad and Egypt, though the authorities
mention only one Persian merchant.

RHUVON GUEST.

PARTICELLE INTERROGATIVE E
NEGATIVE NELLE LINGUE SEMITICHE

Che nel parlar familiare, e grazie al tono della voce, una
particella interrogativa possa prendere valore negative non
deve sorprendere. Cosi, per quel che riguarda T italiano,
nel parlar toscano 1' interrogative "che ?" ha spessissimo nel
linguaggio familiare il valore di negazione ; " che, che ! "
equivale a " ohibo ! " "niente affatto." E analogamente alle
particelle interrogative, una particella affermativa puo, per
il tono della voce, prendere significato negative. Quando,
p. es., ad un' affermazione si risponda : " si eh ? " si viene a
mettere in dubbio e a negare 1' affermazione stessa.

Gia altrove (Revue Biblique, Nouv. Ser. vn (1910)) toccai

della particella fcO in principio di iscrizioni nabatee, che a
mio giudizio, non deve tradursi "vah" o " wohlan" e molto
meno "nein," mentre e una particella affermativa, come
^t, ttSn nella quale il tono della voce suppliva alia mancanza
di I, H; essa equivale a dire "come no?!" cioe "certamente!"
Questo valore affermativo s' indebolisce poi nell' uso, e la
particella introduce semplicemente la proposizione seguente.

Nello stesso modo s' indebolisce in ebraico N/H e viene ad

equivalere al semplice H3H e non e forse casuale che tale
corrispondenza si osservi nelle Cronache (Paralipomeni) dove

T POn sostituisce il X7Pt del testo piu antico e vivace (cf.
II Re xv 36; xx 20; xxi 17 con II Chr. xxvii 7; xxxii 32;

xxxiii 18; xxxv 27) e che NTl sia tradotto generalmente

dai LXX con ISov. II passo di Rut ii 8, TO nj»# *6n e
stato tradotto dai LXX (contro Y accentuazione masoretica)
OVK TjKovoras, Ovyarrip ;, e anche meno esattamente nella Vol-
gata: " audi filia," mentre potrebbe ben tradursi; "hai inteso
bene eh? ! figliuola mia."

II processo indicate spiegherebbe perche, specialmente
nell' arabo, una particella negativa o affermativa prende il
valore rispettivamente di affermazione o di negazione. La

1 76 I. GUIDI

negativa £,! e frequente nel Corano e antiche poesie, ne si
esige che s*ia seguita da ^t, come taluni grammatici preten-
dono (v. Ibn Hisam, Mugnl s.v.). Ora 1' identica particella
£,! dal tono della voce prende valore affermativo equivalendo
asdire "come no?!" " certamente," che poi s' indebolisce in
una semplice introduzione della proposizione, come fcOH in
rtiH. Questo si vede chiaro in espressioni come: juj^lS ^1
che e dato come equivalente a juj^U j3 (v. Lisdn xvi 177).
Tale uso sembra che in seguito si andasse perdendo, tanto
che lo stesso al-Kisa'I non intendesse dapprima la citata
espressione, e credesse T <jt condizionale. E lo stesso si puo
osservare in riguardo del passo del Corano (Ixxxvii 9)
(j?j£>JJI sr-jw o! j£>±* ove il senso piu ragionevole " certo e
giovevole V ammonizione." non e generalmente seguito e nei
commenti piu noti (Kassaf, in Baydawi, nei Galalayn ecc.)
1' J,t e inteso come condizionale, cercandosi di dare al passo
un senso plausibile. I grammatici considerano questa ^|
come ajuai ,>« A£*~*> ma crederei piu probabile V inverse'
che cioe £,1 sia un rafforzamento di ,jt, ed infatti e usato
come semplice affermazione, p. es., nelle parole attribuite ad
Ibn az-Zubayr, che a quel tale che gli disse : ^U <U)I o^
.iJUl ^^JU*., rispose: l^l^ oj. L' incertezza che nasceva
dal doppio senso di ,jj era corretta da una parte col J affer-
mativo, e dall' altra col premettere il U, o! ^ ; cf. anche
Brockelmann, Grundriss \ 500 (Reckendorf).

Un processo analogo riconoscerei in ^1 che sarebbe una
particella negativa che per il tono della voce prende valore
di affermazione, equivalendo a " come no ? ! certo ! " e 1' uso
di unire ^t ad un giuramento J^^ ^\, aJUt^ ^l conferma
1' enfasi del vivace parlar familiare, la quale si accorda anche
colla pronuncia rafforzata ^. Ora che ^t fosse nella sua
origine una negazione, si vede chiaro dalle altre lingue
semitiche. Nel ge'ez A. e la negazione consueta, che occorre
anche nell' assiro I e, come nell' ebraico, in un nome che
possiamo credere assai antico ("HM ^ I Sam. iv 21, xiv 3)
e in fenicio. E qui si pensa naturalmente al greeo vr\, il
quale e negativo, p. es., in vr\i^ i^Kc/oSifc, ma nello stesso
tempo e, nell' attico, energica affermazione, seguita per lo piu

Particelle Interrog. e Neg. nelle Lingue semitiche 177

dal nome di Zeus : vrj TOP Ata, proprio come in arabo xUl^ ^1 ,
ne e improbabile che vat abbia una simile origine ; anche
1' assiro: f, e, nel senso di "orsu," "wohlan" puo derivare
dalla negazione.

U n' interrogazione che e nello stesso tempo una negazione
sarebbe 1' ebraico J'K. j'K "dove" si ritiene etimologica-
mente distinto da J'K "non e" per il quale si propongono
varie radici, ma si puo supporre che da " ay " siasi formato :
TX (CH' "dove") che poi per il tono della voce prendeva
valore negativo, come dire: " ma dove?!" In assiro si co-
noscono nei due sensi a-a-nu, ya-a-nu ecc. ed e assai notevole
che questa particella talvolta (come N)| , tf^n) e un' affermazione
che introduce semplicemente la proposizione (cf. Delitzsch,
Worterb. s.v.). E questo passaggio fa supporre che anche
1' aramaico ptf, v] (en) abbia la stessa origine, tanto piu che
conserva anche il valore interrogativo. E nei luoghi di
Geremia x 6, 7 ; xxx 7 il J'NJb non e ne piu ne meno che una
negazione ; e forse la puntuazione masoretica in xxx 7 f'K
non e da correggere in J'X.

Che le particelle L5L», Ju fossero in origine negative si
puo dedurre dalla radice donde derivano, come dal cananeo
^3, 73, dall' assiro bala balu, dal ge'ez SVJflA (ina-). Ora il
passaggio ad una energica affermazione non si puo spiegare
che dal tono della voce : "no ? no eh ? come no ?!" Questa
particella nella forma ^3, K71 occorre in iscrizioni aramee

e nominatamente nelle nabatee, nelle quali, come N)f, x^n e
una semplice introduzione all' enunciate della iscrizione e non

ha punto il senso, come si e detto sopra a proposito di X?,
di " vah," "wohlan," "nein" e simili. II trovarsi in iscrizioni

nabatee fa sospettare che vl non sia div origine aramea, ma
sia lo stesso arabo ^> come TJ? e j*£. E quindi da separare
affatto da X7, quantunque il senso e Y uso ne siano uguali.

Finalmente la particella U che e pronome interrogativo, e
altresi negazione usitatissima col nome e colverbo(cf. Brockel-
mann, Grundriss 500) e come N)| si usa nel senso di " certa-
mente" Ul. Notisi anche 1' uso di U nell' arabo parlato in
esclamazioni di meraviglia come : oU U che viene a signi-
ficare ucome mai? e morto ? !"

B. P. V. 12

178 I. GUIDI

Le corrispondenze che ho notate sono proprie di lingua
che sia ancora nella sua freschezza e vivacita e quindi non
credo fortuito che il siriaco non dia esempi, (ad eccezione
di ^]) di quanto ho ragionato.

E qui mi sia lecito esprimere un dubbio sull' origine di
un' espressione araba che potrebbe collegarsi con quest' or-
dine di idee; intendo 1' espressione: j^t J*2£> nel senso di

"nessuno, quasi nessuno " (v. il Glossario di Tabari, s. j^\)
e che in seguito poco fosse intesa lo mostrerebbe forse il
fatto che i codici hanno spesso j~£=>, *~£=> per j,*^. Signifi-
cherebbe dunque "(sono) molti? no! no! Uno solo!" Lo
stato costrutto sarebbe analogo a quello, p. es., di j^
ed equivarrebbe a dire "i molti di un solo!"

I. GUIDI.

ALEXANDER UNO DER RATSELSTEIN
AUS DEM PARADIES

Schon frtih ist in vielen Versionen des Alexanderromans
die Episode von der vergeblichen Suche des Helden nach
dem Lebensquell mit der vielleicht noch urspriinglicheren
von dem Zug nach dem Land der Seligen verkniipft, an
dessen Stelle dann unter dem Einfluss der jtidischen und
christlichen Weltanschauung das Paradies trat. Auch dem
Eroberer der ganzen Welt bleibt es versagt, ewiges Leben
zu gewinnen oder lebend in das Paradies einzudringen : die-
ser Gedanke mag das Band sein, das die beiden urspriinglich
durchaus verschieden gerichteten Erzahlungen mit einander
verschmolz. Und diese Lehre, die den Menschen in die
seiner Macht gezogenen Schranken zurtickverweist, erhalt
noch eine eigentlimliche Zuspitzung in dem Zuge, dass
Alexander an der Pforte des Paradieses als geheimniss-
volles Geschenk ein Stein iiberreicht wird. Dieser Zug, der
uns zuerst im babylonischen Talmud begegnet und uns in
vollerer Form vor allem aus einer sicher auf altere Vorlagen
zuriickgehenden lateinischen Schrift des 12 Jahrhunderts,
Alexandri Magni iter ad Paradisum, gelaufig ist, bildet
einen integrierenden Bestandteil der spateren orientalischen
Versionen. Das zeigt schon ein Blick auf Index A, § 28 des
Buches " Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexanderroman "
von J. Friedlander( Leipzig- Berlin, I9i3),das nach Noldeke's
Arbeit, " Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans"
(Wien, 1890) den bedeutendsten Fortschritt unserer Kennt-
nisse von den orientalischen Alexandergeschichten darstellt
und an das die folgenden Zeilen sich anschliessen. Wir
konnen nach Friedlander's Arbeit auf die Darstellung der
Entwicklung der ganzen Episode in den verschiedenen
Versionen hier verzichten und uns darauf beschranken,
ihren Inhalt nach einer derselben kurz wiederzugeben. Auf
die Abweichungen in der Deutung der geheimnisvollen
Gabe werden wir allerdings naher eingehen mussen.

Wir wahlen die wohl unter den Muslimen am weitesten
verbreitete Version der Alexandergeschichte in Tha'labl's

12 2

i8o R. HARTMANN

'Arais (ed. Cairo, 1325, S. 233 f. ; vgl. Friedlander I.e. S.
162 ff.). Dhu '1-Karnain kommt, so lautet seine Darstellung,
die eingangs unmittelbar auf 'All ibn abl Talib zuriickge-
fiihrt wird1, auf der Suche nach dem Lebensquell nach Durch-
schreitung der Finsternis in ein Land, dessen Beleuchtung
weder von Sonne noch Mond herriihrt, und das von rotem
knirschendem Sand erfiillt ist. Dort sieht er vor sich ein
Schloss2, an dessen Eingang ein schwarzer Vogel ihn
anredet und ihn nach langerem Gesprach zum Ersteigen
der Treppe auffordert, die auf das Dach des Schlosses
fuhrt. Hier findet Dhu '1-Karnain eine Jiinglingsgestalt
in weissen Kleidern, mit zum Himmel gewandtem Gesicht
und an den Mund gelegter Hand. Der Jungling gibt sich
als den Herrn der Posaune des jiingsten Tages zu erkennen
und iiberreicht dem Dhu '1-Karnain etwas wie einen Stein

>^»- <Ol£>...lL* mit den Worten: "Nimm das ! Wenn es satt
ist, bist du satt ; und wenn es hungrig ist, bist du hungrig."
Dhu '1-Karnain nimmt den Stein und, bei seinem Gefolge
angekommen, erzahlt er seine Erlebnisse und fragt die
Gelehrten seines Hoflagers nach der Bedeutung des selt-
samen Geschenks. Die Gelehrten wagen den Stein ab
gegen einen, zwei, drei andere bis zu tausend, und immer
erweist sich Dhu '1-Karnain's Stein als schwerer. Sie ge-
stehen staunend ihre Unfahigkeit, das Ratsel zu losen. Da
meldet sich al-Chadir, er kenne den tiefen Sinn dieses
Steines, legt ihn in die eine Wagschale, einen entsprechen-
den anderen in die andere und streut auf den ersten eine
Hand voll Staub ; und siehe, nun bleibt die Wage im
Gleichgewicht. Al-Chadir gibt die Losung : " Das ist ein
Gleichnis, das der Herr der Posaune auf dich gepragt hat.
Gott hat dir auf Erden einen Platz angewiesen in solcher
Weise, dass er dir davon gab wie nie sonst einem seiner
Geschopfe, und dich deinen Fuss auf ihre Gebiete setzen
liess wie nie einen andern. Du aber wardst nicht satt, son-
dern hast deinem Verlangen freie Bahn gelassen, bis du
von Gottes Herrschaft erreicht hast, worauf noch kein
Mensch und kein Geist seinen Fuss gesetzt. So ist denn
dies ein Gleichnis, das der Herr der Posaune auf dich

1 Vgl. hierzu Friedlander, S. 162 f.

2 Dass es das Paradies ist, ist den muslimischen Versionen mehr oder
weniger entschwunden.

Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 181

gepragt hat : der Mensch wird nicht satt, bis iiber ihm
der Staub sich wolbt und nur Staub fullt seinen Bauch,"

Dhu '1-Karnain 1st bis zu Thranen geriihrt. Kurz nach dem
Rtickweg durch das Smaragdental stirbt er.

Der Zug von dem Ratselstein, liber dessen Tendenz
kein Wort zu verlieren ist, mutet uns an wie eine Illustra-
tion zu einem beriihmten Ausspruch Muhammeds, der der
muslimischen Uberlieferung als eine urspriinglich dem
Kor'an angehorige Offenbarung gilt und in seiner vollen
Form lautet : " Hatte der Mensch ein Tal von Schatzen,
so wiirde er dazu noch ein zweites verlangen, und hatte er
ein zweites, so wiirde er dazu noch ein drittes verlangen ;
aber nur Staub wird den Bauch des Menschen ftillen,

^tpt yi j>*\ o->\ ^j* ^ ^ ; doch Allah kehrt sich zu
denen, welche sich zu ihm kehren." Uber diese angebliche
Offenbarung haben Noldeke und Schwally ausfiihrlich ge-
handelt (s. Geschichte des Qorans, i A., S. 175 ff ; 2 A., S.
234 ff.). Ich sehe keinen triftigen Grund ein, dieses Wort —
und zwar im Wesentlichen in der mitgeteilten Form —
Muhammed abzusprechen. Aber es handelt sich offenbar
um ein "gefliigeltes Wort," das Muhammed aufgegriffen
hat1. * Und in diesem Zusammenhang wird eine vereinzelte
Variante in dem Ausspruch von Bedeutung, die statt ^^
"Bauch" jj^ "Auge" setzt : " nur Staub wird das Auge

des Menschen fallen," v!P' Nl jot c*l Cx* ^ ^. Denn in
dieser Gestalt diirfte das Wort langst vor Muhammed im
Orient verbreitet gewesen sein. Zwar konnen wir den
Spruch, "das Auge des Menschen ist wie ein Wasserquell
und wird nicht satt am Besitz, bis es voll Erde ist," in den
Achikar-Texten (Nr. 66, vgl. Noldeke, Untersuchungen
zum Achiqar-Roman, S. 44) nur aus den erst in jungen
Handschriften bekannten syrischen Rezensionen belegen ;
aber er tragt ein Geprage, dass wir ihn ruhig in der altesten
Version des Romans, der der aramaischen Papyrusfragmente
von Elephantine, erwarten konnten. Klingt der Gedanke
doch auch tatsachlich an an Proverbia xxvii, 20: u Unterwelt

1 Unter dieser Voraussetzung fallt auch der Anstoss, den Schwally an
dem Ausdruck ibn Adam nimmt, fort.

1 82 R. HARTMANN

und Abgrund sind unersattlich, so sind auch der Menschen
Augen unersattlich" (nach der Ubersetzung von Steuernagel
bei Kautzsch, Die Heilige Schrift des Alien Testaments).
Wie weit verbreitet das Wort bis zum heutigen Tag in
der arabischen Welt ist, das zeigen die von Noldeke und
Schwally I.e. angefuhrten Belege zur Geniige (vgl. noch
Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i, 174). Hier sei nur ein kurzer
Hinweis darauf gestattet, dass es auch liber diesen engeren
Sprachkreis hinaus wohlbekannt ist. In der Erzahlung des
3. Vezirs in der tiirkischen Geschichtensammlung der Vierzig
Vezire ist es zu einer symbolischen Handlung entwickelt:
der Konig legt eine Hand voll Staub auf sein Auge (s. ed.
Belletete, Paris, 1812, S. 75, u. Behrnauer, Vierzig Veziere,
Leipzig, 1851, S. 53 f.) ; und in der jtingeren Version, wiesie
die Stambuler Drucke bieten, nimmt er ausdrucklich auf den

Spruch Bezug j^j***9 *^ st* O**5W» ^ *>. (JJ^9 (ed. 1303,

S. 44; vgl. E. J. W. Gibb, History of the Forty Vezirs,
p. 52), "nichts sattigt das Auge als eine Hand voll Staub."
Wir werden keinen Augenblick im Zweifel sein, dass
die Version des weitverbreiteten Wortes, die vom mensch-
lichen Auge spricht, urspriinglicher ist als die, die den Bauch
des Menschen zum Objekt des Satzes macht, mag diese
letztere Gestalt auch fur die Offenbarung oder den Ausspruch
Muhammeds besser bezeugt und als solche echt sein. Jene
ursprlinglichere Version begegnet uns aber auch in den
arabischen Umgestaltungen des Alexanderromans in der
Darstellung, die Ibn Hischam in seinem Kitab at-tldschan
von dem Wirken des von ihm nicht mit Alexander sondern
mit dem Slidaraber as-Sa'b gleichgesetzten Dhu '1-Karnain
nach Wahb b. Munabbih gibt, einer Gestalt des Romans,
die neben der slidarabischen Tendenz deutlich gelegentlich
altere Ziige bewahrt hat. Hier erklart al-Chadir den Stein,
den Dhu '1-Karnain von dem Hiiter des weissen Hauses im
"Lande der Engel" erhalten, als ein Gleichnis auf seine
Augen: denn "deine Augen flillt der gesamte Inhalt der
Welt nicht an1... aber das fullt sie an," und er nimmt eine

1 Vgl. hierzu den Vers aus Sa'dl's Gulistdn, ed. Johnson (Hertford, 1863),

[Johnson ^£ ^U **}j$ ^Lo} cont. metr.].

Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 183

Hand voll Staub und legt sie in die eine Wagschale, den
Stein in die andere, und der Staub liberwiegt (s. Zeitsckr.
fur Assyriologie, vin, 304 ; vgl. dazu Friedlander I.e. S.
200 ff. u. 189).

Gerade im Zusammenhang der Alexandergeschichte
erweist sich ganz deutlich die Fassung vom Auge als die
bessere : der Stein passt wohl als Sinnbild fur das Auge,
aber schlecht fur den Bauch des Menschen. Das Eindringen
und Uberwiegen der schlechteren Fassung erklart sich z wan-
gles daraus, dass sie durch Muhammed's Offenbarung
sanktioniert wurde. Im librigen haben wir ja das Zeugnis
vor- und ausserislamischer Darstellungen der Alexander-
geschichte. Im babylonischen Talmud (Tamld, Bl. 32)
wird die Gabe, die Alexander an der Pforte des Paradieses

gereicht wird, als Kugel bezeichnet Xn/3/1)^ die ihm die
Rabbiner als Augapfel fcO^jn XrTOTtt deuten, " der nicht satt
wird" (unter Hinweis auf Proverbia, xxvii, 20). Und ganz
entsprechend wird der Stein in dem von Zacher (Konigsberg,
1859) herausgegebenen A lexandri Magni iter adParadisum
auf das menschliche Auge bezogen (s. S. 30).

Die im Morgen- und Abendland gleichmassig beliebt
gewordene Szene von Alexander und dem Ratselstein aus
dem Paradies passt in der Tat vortrefflich in den Rahmen
der religios gewandten Alexanderdichtung. I nsofern werden
wir uns nicht dariiber wundern, dass die Gestalt des Mace-
doniers wie so viele andere Motive auch das von dem Auge
das nur der Staub sattigt, an sich gezogen hat. Trotzdem
diirfte es nicht unberechtigt sein, einmal die Frage nach dem
Bindeglied der Assoziation aufzuwerfen. Es scheint mir,
dass es sich hier mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit feststellen
lasst.

Die Szene tragt einen so bildhaften Charakter, dass sich
einem unwillkiirlich der Gedanke an eine bildliche Dar-
stellung Alexanders mit dem Stein in der Hand aufdrangt.
Sollte es nicht die Gestalt des Weltherrschers mit dem
Reichsapfel in der Hand sein, die jene Deutung heraus-
gelockt hat ?

Herrscherstatuen mit dem Reichsapfel haben die
Phantasie der Orientalen nachweislich lebhaft angeregt.
Erorterungen dariiber kehren bei den arabischen Geo-

184 R» HARTMANN

graphen mehrfach wieder anlasslich der Beschreibung des
sogenannten " Grabes des Konstantin1" — gemeint ist die
Reiterstatue des Justinian, s. J. H. Mordtmann, Esquisse
tppographique de Constantinople, Lille, 1892, S. 64 ff. Die
Ausserungen von Jakut (ed. Wiistenfeld, iv, 96 f.), Kazwml
(ed. Wustenfeld, n, 407), Ibn al-Wardi, Kharldat al-
'Adschaib (ed. Cairo, 1324, S. 63) gehen alle — ausgespro-
chen oder stillschweigend — auf 'Allal-Harawi (t6i i = 1214)
zuruck. 'All sagt (fol. 70* der Handschrift der Bodleiana)
liber die Kugel in der linken Hand des Standbildes : " Die
Meinungen der Leute dartiber sind geteilt : die einen be-
haupten, er habe in der Hand einen Talisman, der den
Feind voin AngrifT auf die Stadt abwehre ; andere erklaren,
es stehe vielmehr auf der Kugel geschrieben : Ich habe die
Welt besessen, sodass sie schliesslich in meiner Hand war
wie diese Kugel, und ich habe die so verlassen, ohne etwas
zu besitzen2."

Wir sehen, wir werden hier in denselben Ideenkreis ge-
fiihrt, in dem das Bild vom Auge in jenem gefliigelten Wort
und der Alexanderdichtung verwandt wird : es ist die Ver-
ganglichkeit und Wertlosigkeit alles Irdischen, die durch
die Kugel oder den Stein symbolisiert wird.

Die Annahme, dass die Verkniipfung des alten oriental-
ischen Weisheitsspruchs mit der Gestalt Alexanders durch
Darstellungen des Helden mit dem Reichsapfel, dem Abbild
der Weltkugel, in der Hand verm itteltsei, ware also sehrnahe-
liegend, wenn — schon Alexander so dargestellt worden ware.
Die Geschichte des Herrschaftssymbols des Reichapfels ist,
soweit mir bekannt, noch nicht geschrieben (vgl. inzwischen
Sittl mjahrbucher fur klass. Philol., Suppl.-Band xiv,48ff. ;
Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology, s. Index s.v. orbs].
Es kann aber wohl als sicher gelten, dass es wesentlich
jiinger ist als die Zeit Alexanders. Doch dieses Bedenken,
das unserer Hypothese verhangnisvoll zu werden drohte,

1 Nur Ibn Rusteh (Bibliotheca Geo^raphorum Arabicorum, vn, 125)
bezeichnet die Denkmalsaule als Grab des ^-JUUswl = Justinian ; er spricht
aber nicht vom Reichsapfel.

Die Paralleltexte geben leichte Abweichungen.

Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 185

ist nicht stichhaltig. Tatsachlich sind im Orient Herrscher-
figuren mit dem Symbol desGlobus auf Alexander wenigstens
gedeutet worden. Das zeigt ein Passus aus dem Talmud
Jeruschalmi, 'Aboda Zara, 3, i, Bl. 42, der auf Rabbi Jona,
einen Amoraer des 4 Jahrhunderts, zuruckgefiihrt wird.
Dort heisst es : " Alexander der Macedonier wollte sich in
die Hohe erheben, er stieg und stieg, bis er die Welt gleich
einer Kugel sah und das Meer gleich einer Schiissel. Des-
halb stellt man ihn mit einer Kugel in der Hand dar1."
(vgl. Talmud de Jerusalem, trad, par M. Schwab, xi, 208
und J. Le"vi in Revue des Iitudes Juives, vn, 93.)

Eben jiidische Kreise sind es ja aber, in denen wir dem
Zug von Alexander mit dem Ratselstein aus dem Paradies
zuerst begegnen ; auch der lateinische Iter ad Paradisum
geht ja vermutlich auf jiidische Uberlieferung zurlick. Und
damit sind die letzten Bedenken gegen die ausgesprochene
Vermutung wohl beseitigt.

pSo nini h*yh po^D «yi ID jnpo
rb p^ p pa niypD D^n rw\

R. HARTMANN.

DIE GUMBADH-I 'ALAWIYYAN UND DIE
BAUKUNST DER ILKHANE IN IRAN

"Therefore mine eyes insistent gaze on forms,
Because the Idea itself displays in forms."

E. G. BROWNE, nach Awhadi.

Eine der erforschtesten und dennoch unbekanntesten
Stadte Irans ist Hamadan, das alte Egbatana. Nach den
Weltchroniken des Eusebios-Hieronymos und des Georgios
Synkellos ist Egbatana im Jahre 4784 d. alex. Weltaera
oder in der 18. Olympiade, d. i. 708 v. Chr. durch Deiokes
gegrlindet, und also nur 45 Jahre jiinger als die Ewige Stadt.
Diese Uberlieferung ist zwar sehr klinstlich errechnet, doch
in ihrem Kern der historischen Wahrheit sicher ebenso nahe,
wie die Erbauungssage Roms1.

Besonders im Anfang desxix.scl.sindes Dupre, Malcolm,
Kinneir, Morier, Ker Porter, Keppel, in neuester Zeit die
Missionen de Morgan's und Fossey's, die Hamadan erforscht
haben. Aber nicht nur die abendlandischen, sondern auch
die morgenlandischen Beobachter und Beschreiber hat die
hohe Vergangenheit der schonen Stadt so gefesselt, dass
sie alle ihre Gegenwart vernachlassigt haben. Wie die
morgenlandischen ausfiihrlich liber die Belagerungen durch
Bukhtnasar, die Erbauung durch Bahman Ardashir oder
Iskandar dhu'l-qarnain, liber den berlihmten Lowen, den
Talisman des Apollonios. von Tyana, liber antike Graber
und Bauten der Sasaniden berichten, so schildern die abend-
landischen kleine und kleinste Reste des medischen und
achaemenidischen Altertums2.

1 Cf. Weissbach bei Pauly-Wissowa, Realencydopaedie, s.v. Ekbatana.
Das sicherste von der medischen Chronologic und Geschichte scheint mir
die Namensgleichheit des Griinders von Ekbatana bei Herodot, Deiokes,
mit dem Dynastie-Griinder der Sargon-Inschriften, von 715 v. Chr., Dai-
aukku ; die Identitat der Personen wird sich einst erweisen.

2 Der erste, der die medischen Reste: Saulenbasen, entdeckte und
erkannte, war m. W. Morier ; auch der Lowe und die Alwand-Inschriften
sind lange bekannt. Merkwiirdigerweise haben die spateren Forschungen
nichts wesentlich Neues dazu ergeben. Aber selbst der Mangel an Funden
der Mission Fossey's kann nicht die Uberzeugung erschiittern, dass die
Stadt, in deren Archiv die Urkunde Kyros' mit dem Befehl zum Wieder-

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 187

Uber Denkmaler und Geschichte seit islamischer Zeit
erfahrt man so gut wie nichts. Hatten wir das Hamaddn-
Ndma, eine vom Verfasser &zsMudjmil al-tawdrikh benutzte
Chronik nach Art der von Hamdallah al-Qazwini benutzten
Chronik von Kirmdn oder des erhaltenen Kum-Ndma, so
wiirde man wohl viel besser unterrichtet sein1. Zwei Sehens-
wiirdigkeiten von Weltruf,aberohnekunstlerischeBedeutung
und von zweifelhafter Echtheit : das Grabmal Avicenna's
und das Mausoleum Esther's und Mardochai's2, diese beiden
unscheinbaren Bauten haben ganz das wundervolle Denkmal
liberschattet, das im Nordwesten der Stadt sich erhebt, und
von dem niemand spricht : die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan. Die
einzigen Flandin und Coste haben einen wenig eindrucks-
vollen Holzschnitt davon in ihrem grossen Tafelwerk p. 50
veroffentlicht, ohne Beschreibung, ja ohne Namen. Weder
de Morgan's sumptuose Mission, die Hamadan untersuchte,
noch Fossey's, die dort fast ein Jahr verbrachte, haben sich
mit diesem Werk beschaftigt. Ebenso schweigen Curzon,
Le Strange, die Enzyklopaedie. Ein russischer Photograph
in Tehran, A. Sevruguin, besass seit Jahren eine Photo-
graphic (543), die Sarre, der erst 1915 Gelegenheit hatte
Hamadan zu sehen, kannte, und die ich 1905 kaufte. Aber
die damit entstandene Absicht, Hamadan zu besuchen und
das Denkmal aufzunehmen, konnte ich erst August 1913
ausfuhren.

aufbau des Tempels von Jerusalem gefunden wurde, Baureste und geschrie-
bene Urkunden des medischen Reichs noch unter der Erde birgt.

A. Dupre (1807), Voyage en Perse, chap, xxm ; Kinneir (1810), Geogr.
Memoir on Persia, 1813, pp. 125 ss. ; J. P. Morier (1812), Second Journey,
pp. 264-270; R. Ker Porter (1818), Travels in Georgia, Persia, etc. ii,
pp. ioi ss. ; G. Keppel (1824), Personal Narrative, etc. 1827, ii, chap, iv;
Sir Henry Layard (1840), Early Adventures, \, pp. 252-254 ; G. N. Curzon
(1889/90), Persia, etc. i, pp. 566-568 ; J. de Morgan, Mission Scient. en
Perse, iv, chap, vi ; von der Mission Fossey, deren Arbeiten ich im Sommer
1913 sehen konnte, ist mir noch keine Veroffentlichung bekannt geworden.

1 Es ist zu hoffen dass noch manche solche Chronik in persischem
Besitz vorhanden ist, cf. E. G. Browne's Ubersetzung von Ibn Isfandiyar's
Geschichte von Tabaristan in der Gibb Memorial Series und seinen Katalog
der nachgelassenen Bibliothek von Sir A. Houtum-Schindler in J.R.A.S.,
1917, p. 677.

2 Das Grabmal Avicenna's ist m. W. durch Malcolm bekannt gemacht,
nach dem es Miiller's verbreitetes Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland
wiedergiebt. Das Esther-Grab bei Flandin et Coste, Voyage en Perse, Perse
Moderne, pi. LXIX ; Ker Porter, Travels, pp. 105-114.

i88

ERNST HERZFELD

Vorweg wenige Daten aus Hamadans Geschichte in
islamischer Zeit : Mughira b. Shu'ba oder Djarir b. 'Abd-
allah erobern mit einem Heere, das besonders aus Kufen-
sern bestand, im Jahre 23 oder 24 Ramadan, Oct. 644 oder
Marz 645. Erobert wird es spater 319/93 l von Mardawidj
b. Ziyar von Tabaristan und Gurgan. Unter Toghrul

Plan of the Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn

Bek 429/1037-455/1063 ist es fur eine Weile Residenz,
618/1221 erobern es die Mongolen ; um 1400 Timur.
Diesen Zerstorungen gegeniiber stehen drei Nachrichten
vom Aufbau: Die ersten Muslime benutzen eine vorhan-
dene Burg militarisch und bauen den Ort ringsum neu.
Der Atabek Ildegiz, dessen Sohn das Grabmal der Mu'mina

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 189

Khatun in Nakhtchawan erbaute, stirbt 578/1172 und wird
in der von ihm in Hamadan errichteten Madrasa beigesetzt.
Der mongolische Emir Esen-Qutlugh erbaut eine neue
Stadt eine Farsakh westlich, also naher am Alwand, neben
der alten1.

Dasallesgiebt zunachstkeinen Anhalt fur dieBestimmung
des Baus. So muss das Denkmal fur sich selbst sprechen.

Grabmal der 'Aliden ist sein Name und die Krypta ist
noch heute ein besonders von Frauen bepilgertes Heiligtum.
Man erinnert sich sogleich des grossen Mashhad vor dem
Bab Antakiya, dem Westtor von Aleppo, aus Zahir Ghazi's
Zeit, das auch Frauen aufsuchen, denen der Wunsch aller
morgenlandischen Frauen versagt ist: Kinder. Als ich in
der Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan war, hinderte mich das dauernde
Beten der Frauen, die Krypta zu betreten. Moglich, aber
unwahrscheinlich, dass dort ein Sarkophag mit Inschrift
steht.

Denn das Mausoleum hat keine geschichtlichen In-
schriften.

Es ist ein Ziegelbau in reichstem Mosaikwerk, mit
Zierflillungen in Stuck, aber ohne Glasur. Der Bau ist ein
Cubus. Slid- und Ostseite sind heute unzuganglich, das
Schmuckkleid der Westseite sehr zerstort, die Eingangseite,
die nordliche am besten erhalten. Tafel- 1. — -Die Schauseite
zeigt ein hohes, flaches Portal, das zwei seitliche Tlirmchen
oder Eckpfeiler liberragt. Es besteht aus einem Bogen, von
der 'adjamdna genannten Form, in rechteckigem Rahmen.
Dieser ist ein breiter Ornamentstreifen mit einer Hohlkehle
in verwickeltem Verband, tshdr 'Alt heissend. Der obere
wagerechte Abschluss ist nicht mehr erhalten. In diesem
Bogen widerholt sich nochmals dasselbe Motiv : 'adjamdna-
Bogen in rechteckigem Rahmen als Tliur, Tafel II. Den
Rahmen ziert hier eine kufische, koranische Inschrift,
Sure V, v. 60/6 1. Der innere Bogen hat einen Zierverband
von tshdr ( Alt's. Dies ganze Rahmenwerk umschliesst drei

] Uber die muslimische Eroberung cf. Baladhuri, iiber die altere isla-
mische Geschichte besonders Ahmad b. al-Faqih al-Hamadhani, Yaqtit und
Hamdallah's Nuzhat al-qulub ; liber die Seldjuken- und Mongolenzeit die
Zinat al-madjalis des Madjdi; E. Blochet's Introduction a rhistoire des
Mongols, p. 230, n. 2 ; und den alten Quatremere, Raschid-Eddin, ed.
Paris, 1838, pp. 220-223.

1 90 ERNST HERZFELD

Schmuckfelder : liber dem Turbogen Zwickel mit sehr
reichen, hochplastischen Stuck-Arabesken ; das mittlere
Bogenfeld mit einem Ziegelmosaik von lo-strahligen Ster-
nen auf pentagonalem Plan, mit Stuckflillungen ; und die
Zwickel liber dem ausseren Bogen, sehr zerstort, mit zwei
besonderen Rosetten, einst, nach Phot. Sevruguin, mit
lostrahligen Sternen geschmlickt.

Dies lippige Portal stlitzen, zugleich als Eckverstar-
kungen des Cubus, die zwei Tlirmchen, deren Grundriss
flinf Zacken eines 8-zackigen Sternes zeigt. Das ist khora-
sanische Baukunst. Oben sind die Falten der Tiirme durch
kleine Zellen geschlossen, und liberzogen sind sie von einem
verwirrend feinen Muster aus i2-zackigen, von je sechs
8-strahligen umgebenen Sternen auf hexagonalem Plan.
Das bezeichnende ist, dass das Muster die Falten der
Tlirmchen wider jeden architectonischen Sinn, wie ein
kostbarer Stoff einen Korper liberzieht1. Oben liber den
Zellen nimmt man Reste eines grossen kufischen Schrift-
bandes in Ziegelmosaik wahr, das wohl uberall umlief,
aber soweit sichtbar koranischen, nicht geschichtlichen
Inhalts ist.

Die Uberdeckung dieses Baus ist eingestlirzt : zweifellos
eine Kuppel. Die Uberleitung ins Achteck ist erhalten.
Die Wandgliederung entspricht streng architectonisch der
Deckenbildung : Lisenen, die man mit gothischen Diensten
vergleichen konnte, zu den Anfangen der Achtecksbogen
emporwachsend. So entstehen auf jeder Wand drei Felder,
deren mittlere in schonem Rhythmus die seitlichen etwas an
Breite libertreffen. Sind schon alle Lisenen mit Ornament
liberzogen, so ist liber die Wandfelder ein unerhorter
Reichtum ausgegossen, Tafel III und IV. Ihre Gliederung
ist das allgemeine Fenster- oder Nischen-Motiv, flankierende
Halbsaulchen mit glockenformigem Kapitell, darliber ein
'adjamdna-Bogen, rechteckig gerahmt. In den Bogen-
zwickeln ein hochplastisches Zierat, diagonal gerichtet.
Oberes Bogenfeld und unteres Nischenfeld durch eine
schwache Linie abgegrenzt, beide gleichwertig, aber mit
wechselnden Mustern geflillt. Eine grosse und wuchtige

1 Bedeutung und Vergleich dieser Ornamente cf. Sarre-Herzfeld, Archaeo-
logische Reise^ etc. Bd n, 1920, Kap. Baghdad und Mosul.

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 191

Arabeske von hoher und wechselnder Plastik biegt und
schwingt sich liber einen unendlich fein ornamentierten
Grund von flachen Ranken, eine grosse Melodic liber einer
harmonischen, wogenden Begleitung.

Die Mitte der Slidwand ist die Stelle des Mihrab's, der
das Eingangsmotiv widerholt, Tafel V. An ihm ist der
Schmuck durch den Einklang aller Mittel zum hochsten
Fortissimo gesteigert. Worte versagen das zu schildern,
man muss es betrachten.

Zwei Inschriftenbander tragt er, in altertlimlichem
Naskhi, die leider nichts Geschichtliches, sondern nur die
bekannten Verse der Thron-Sure II, 256 bis zu den Worten
*l£ Uj enthalten, und zwar beginnt dieser Vers am obern
Bogen und lauft mit den Worten dj^ »*£.> auf dem untern
weiter. Das ist eine herbe Enttauschung, denn nun bleibt
keine Hoffnung auf eine geschichtliche Inschrift librig.

Es fallt liberhaupt auf, eine wie verhaltnismassig geringe
Rolle an diesem Denkmal die Schrift spielt. Der rechteckige
Rahmen des Mihrab hat noch ein kufisches Schriftband,
das keine unmittelbaren Koran-Suren, sondern wie oft
Umschreibungen koranischerGedanken zu enthalten scheint,
Tafel VI. Ausserdem schloss, wie man auf Tafel VII gut
sieht, ein Naskhi- Band den fast liberall zerstorten Sockel
ab. Sonst sind die ganzen liberreich geschmlickten Wande
ohne Schrift.

Die vielen Beschadigungen, sehr beklagenswert, ge-
statten uns aber einen Einblick in das Handwerk der
Stuckbekleidung. Wie schon manchmal in Samarra, ist das
gesamte Muster zuerst in den weichen Putz geritzt. Die
Grundflillungen sind dann aus freier Hand geschnitten, die
hochplastischen Teile aber gewissermassen in ihrer Bosse
geformt, freihandig mit ihrer geometrischen Decoration
versehen und dann nachtraglich den ausgesparten Stellen
aufgesetzt.

Die allgemeine Zeitbestimmung dieses Denkmals kann
keinem Zweifel unterliegen ; es giebt einige nachst ver-
wandte, datierte Denkmale, namlich die sich um die Grosse
Moschee von Waramin und das Mausoleum Oldjaitu Khar-
bende's in Sultaniyya scharen. Sie seien hier aufgeflihrt :

i. Ein wunderschoner Turm steht in Maragha, den die
ortliche Uberlieferung als Grabmal der Tochter Hulagu

192 ERNST HERZFELD

Khans betrachtet. Solange nicht Inschriften oder literari-
sche Quellen diese Uberlieferung modificieren, haben wir,
da der Bau seinem Stil nach in die Zeitspanne der Hula-
guiden gehoren muss, keinen Grund, diese Annahme zu
bezweifeln. Hulagu starb 663/1265. Der Grabturm gehort
also in das letzte Drittel des vn. scl.1

2. Mil i Radkan bei Khabushan in Ustuwa2. Schon van
Berchem vergleicht zu diesem Bau die verwandten armeni-
schen Grabturme z. B. in Akhlat, aus den Jahren 672-80,
und den von Salmas um 700/1 300 3. Der Turm ist ein
Cylinder mit 36 Rundstaben ; sein pyramidales Dach war
vermutlich ganz mit blauen Kacheln bekleidet, und das am
Dachrand umlaufende Schriftband, blau auf weissem Grund,
mit den die Rillen abschliessenden, verzierten Zipfeln daran,
wirkt wie die bunte Kante eines Stoffes : offenbar lag in
dieser Architectur der Gedanke an die Kiswa, die Verhiill-
ung eines Heiligtumes mit einem kostbaren Stoff. Die
Jahreszahl der in coufique carrt geschriebenen Inschrift ist
leider beschadigt. Klar sind die Hunderter: 6. Davor fehlt
nur i Zahl, Einer oder Zehner die auf ^ oder vielleicht
auf ^ endete. Von den Moglichkeiten 602, 605, 620, 630,
660 und 680 mochte ich mit aller Entschiedenheit fur die
letzte Zahl 680 eintreten. Van Berchem wollte sich nicht
so entschliessen, da er die kufischhistorische Inschrift fur
unvereinbar mit einem so spaten Datum ansah. Nun ist
aber die Schriftart coufique carrd. Diese Spielart des Naskhi,
nicht Kufi, aber ist abhangig von der chinesischen Siegel-
schrift und kann daher kaum vor der Mongolenzeit im
Islam auftreten. In dieser Art ist bisher nur ein andres
Beispiel einer geschichtlichen Inschrift bekannt, an der
Nordbastion der Citadelle von Aleppo vom Sultan Qait Bai
a. d. J. 877/1472. Von seiten der Schrift ist also kein

1 F. Sarre, Denkmdler Persischer Baukunst, 1911, Textabb. 10 nach
Photogr. von A. V. W. Jackson, vgl. de Morgan, Mission, i, Fig. 336,
Pi- 37-

2 Diez und van Berchem, Churasanische Denkmdler, i, 1918, Tfl. 6-8.
Khabtishan scheint heut Kutchan genannt zu werden ; es ist Hauptort des
alten Gaues 'Ao-ravryv^.

3 H. E. B. Lynch, Armenia, 1901, chap, xvi Akhlat; W. Bachmann,
Kirchen u. Moscheen in Armenien, Wiss. Veroff. d. D. O. G. 1913; van
Berchem bei C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, Material z. alter. Gesch. Armeniens,
Gottinger Abhandlungen, 1909, pp. 158 ss., fig. 93.

TAFEL I

B. P. V.

TAFEL 1 1

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan

Doorway

TAFEL III

The Gumbadh-i 4Alawiyyan
»S. H^. Corner

TAFEL IV

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan

Middle panel of W. Wall

TAFEL V

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan

Mihrdb

TAFEL VI

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan

Detail of Mihrab

TAFEL VII

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 193

Einwand gegen die Lesung 680 zu erheben. Dann aber
besteht die ortliche, schon fast gleichzeitig literarisch belegte
Uberlieferung, der Bau sei das Grabmal des um Ende
673/Mitte 1275 in Radkan gestorbenen Emirs Arghun
Agha, Statthalters von Khorasan unter Hulagu und Abaqa
wiederum zu Recht1.

3. Manar i Kishmar ein undatierter, sehr ahnlicher
Bau in der Stadt Kishmar, wo die Cypresse Zarathustras
stand, die Mutawakkil abhauen und zu Bauzwecken, in ma-
gischem Sinne, nach Samarra schaffen Hess, dieser Bau muss
seinem Stil nach noch j linger sein als Mil i Radkan und
kann daher nichtvor 700/1300 angesetzt werden3.

4. In Salmas erhebt sich ein hoher cylindrischer Grab-
turm3, inschriftlich bestimmt als Grab einer Tochter eben
des Emirs Arghun von Radkan, Frau von Ghazan's Wazir
Tadj al-din 'Ali Shah, deren Name unleserlich ist. Die
Einerzahl fehlt. Das Datum ist also 700/1300-710/1310.

5. Einen sehr verwandten Bau bildet J. de Morgan ab,
aus Khiaw siidlich Sultaniyya. Auch dieser wird in die Zeit
der Ilkhane gesetzt. Die Abbildung erlaubt hochstens ein
ganz allgemeines Urteil4.

6. In der grossen Moschee von Isfahan steht ein Mihrab
in Stuck, durch Sa'd al-daula wa'l-din, einen Grosswezir Oldj-
aitu's und Nebenbuhler Rashid al-din's, im Jahre 710/1310
errichtet. In geschichtlicher und epigraphischer Hinsicht
hat van Berchem dies Denkmal erschopfend behandelt. Die
Gebetsnische entstand ein Jahr nach der Annahme des
schiitischen Bekenntnisses durch den grossen Sultan5.

7. Kharbende, der grosse Bauherr, starb 716/1316 und
wurde in seinem gewaltigen Mausoleum in Sultaniyya

1 Uber den Emir Arghun cf. van Berchem bei Lehm.-Haupt, pp. 160-63,
Anm. i, und bei Diez, 7.c., p. 108, Anm. i.

2 Diez-van Berchem, I.e., pp. 46 u. 109 ss., Tfl. 6, 2 und 10, 2.

3 Salmas cf. Anm. 9 ; auch Phot. Sevruguin, 1268.

4 De Morgan, Mission, i, pi. XLIV.

5 Der Mihrab bei van Berchem, Melanges Hartwig Derenbourg, 1909,
nach Cliche Gervais-Courtellemont ; auch Diez, Kunst d. Islam. Volker,
pp. 1 08 s. ; im Gegensatz zu seiner Darstellung der Grossen Moschee von
Isfahan mochte ich feststellen, dass Yaqut nichts von der Belagerung
Isfahans durch Toghrul berichtet ; das der Hauptbau der Moschee durch-
aus einheitlich der Safawiden-Zeit entstammt ; dass nur Nebenteile alt sein
konnen ; dass kein Rest der Bauperiode Malikshah's nachgewiesen ist.

B. P. v. 13

194 ERNST HERZFELD

beigesetzt1. Dieses oft abgebildete und leidlich untersuchte
Bauwerk ist bei Lebzeiten des Erbauers, wenn auch nicht
wie das Djihannuma will (p. 293) in 40 Tagen, vollendet
worden. Es ware sonst sicher unvollendet zur Ruine ge-
worden, wie so viele Bauten aus alien Landern und Zeiten
des Morgenlandes. Es stammt also aus den Jahren 703-7 1 6.

8. Wenig spater ist die Hauptmoschee von Waramin
entstanden2. Der Bau, dessen westliche Halfte durch Ziegel-
raub zerstort ist, ist entschieden einheitlich. Der Plan, die
Vorstufe der grossen safawidischen Moscheen, offenbar
unter starker Einwirkung des in seldjukischer Zeit auf-
gebliihten grossen Madrasen-Typus empfangen, ist ganz
und gar ein Wurf. So muss das Datum der Inschrift am
Hauptportal auf das Ganze des Baus bezogen werden. Ein
Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Mansur und sein Sohn Hasan
haben also unter der Herrschaft Abu Said Bahadur Khan's
i. J. 722/1322 die Moschee gebaut. Wenn in der Vorhalle
des Kuppelraums liber dem Hauptmihrab auf zwei Tafeln
eine Inschrift im Namen eines Emirs Ghiyath al-daula wa'l-
din Yusuf Khwadja von der Erbauung unter dem Timuriden
Shahrokh im Muharram 8i5/April 1412 redet, so ist das
eine Widerherstellung, und die schonen Tafeln Sarre's lassen
genau erkennen, wie weit diese reichte : sie bezieht sich, wie
Inschriften immer verstanden sein wollen, auf die Stelle, wo
sie steht, die Stuckverzierung des Iwan bis zur Hb'he der
grossen koranischen Inschrift unter dem Beginn der Zellen-
wolbung. Der ganze Ihnenschmuck des Gebetsraumes,
der den Formen von Ramadan nah verwandt ist, daneben
aber auch ein vollig chinesisch anmutendes Feld zeigt,
stammt aus der ersten Zeit des Baus, 722/1322.

9. Im uralten Marand im nordlichen Adharbaidjan ist
in einer alteren Moschee ein Mihrab in Stuck, der laut
Inschrift i. J. 731/1330 unter Abu Said Bahadur Khan von
einem Tabrizer, dessen erste Namenshalfte ich eher Nizam,
als mit Hartmann Tahir Bandaka lesen mochte, verfertigt

1 Cf. die ausfiihrliche Literaturangabe bei van Berchem, Derenbourg,
p. 7, n. 2; am wichtigsten: P. Coste, Perse Moderne, pi. LXVII; Flandin
und Coste, Perse Moderne, pis. x, xi, xii; M. Dieulafoy in Rev. gin. de
rArchit., 1883, x, pi. xxm, und vor allem Sarre, Denkm., Tfln. xn-xvi und
Abb. 14-19.

2 Sarre, Denkm., Tfl. LIV-LV, Abb. 68-71.

Die Gumbadk-i 'Alaiviyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 195

wurde1. Dieser Mihrab lasst bereits eine Erniichterung im
zieratlichen Schmuck erkennen, die nicht allein in geringeren
Mitteln, landlicherer Arbeit, sondern in der vorschreitenden
Zeit begriindet liegt, in der der Glanz des Reichs der Ilkhane
zu verblassen beginnt.

10. Viel mehr tritt das an einem der letzten dieser Bauten
zu Tage, dem Mausoleum, das ein Gross-Emir Muhammad
Khwadja zur Erinnerung an den dort verstorbenen Mystiker
Luqman in Sarakhs i. J. 757/1356 erbaute2. Die Inschrift
nennt keinen Oberherrn, wie es in dieser Zeit volliger Auf-
losung des Reichs nicht Wunder nimmt. Der Bau ist im
Vergleich zu den friiheren armlich und niichtern.

In diese Reihe sind auch ein Paar von Grabbauten vor
den Toren von Kum zu stellen3. Im einen lauft eine Naskhl-
Inschrift unten urn den Kuppelrand ; ich erkenne auf der
Abbildung bei Sarre :

Gerade das entscheidende Wort unter den Titeln, vor al-
dunyd wa ' l-din fehlt. So muss man im Urteil zuriickhalten,
bis eine vollstandige Aufnahme der Inschrift den Urheber
enthlillt. Ahnlich steht es mit dem allgemein sicher in die
gleiche Zeitspanne gehorigen Ulu Djami' von Wan. Auch
da liest man auf den Abbildungen rechts neben der Gebets-
nische :

Sarre, Denkm., Tfl. xvn. Marand kommt bei Ptolemaios vor. Zu
su ohne nahere Bestimmung cf. juac in der Inschr. des Mihrab von
Isfahan und Khurramshah b. Mughith al-Akhlati in der Moschee d.
Ahmadshah zu Diwrigi, van Berchem und Edhem Bey, MCfA., iii, Siwas-
Diwrigi) no. 46.

2 Diez-van Berchem, /.<:., pp. 62-65 ; in der Inschrift ebenda C, p. 6,

lese ich zuletzt <0juc« C-s*j Z».\*±. sodass am Namen des Emirs nichts
fehlt.

3 Flandin et Coste, Perse Moderne, pis. xxxv u. xxxvi ; Sarre, Denkm.,
Tfl. LIX u. LX ; ich glaube, allerdings sehr zweifelnd in den ersten Worten
der Liicke ftla*-w alw, im letzten *t>U£ zu erkennen ; dann konnte der

Muzaffaride Djalal al-din Shah Shudja', 759/1357-786/1384, der Beschiitzer
Hafiz', der Erbauer sein.

13—2

196 ERNST HERZFELD

und man erkennt, class die Inschrift auf der linken Seiten-
wand fortlauft. Die epigraphische Aufnahme der Bauten
dieser Lander 1st beklagenswert vernachlassigt1.

Ein Vergleich der erhaltenen Bauten mit der Gumbadh-
i 'Alawiyyan in Ramadan ergiebt, dass diese der hohen
Zeit dieses Stils unter Oldjaitu angehort. Das nachst Ver-
wandte ist sicher der Mihrab von Isfahan, daneben die
Reste des Schmucks am Grabmal Oldjaitu's selbst. Waramin
bedeutet schon einen Schritt weiter in Uberreichtum. Dazu
das Auftreten rein chinesischer Motive. Maragha, Radkan
und Salmas machen einen structiv einfacheren und altertum-
lichen, Marand und Sarakhs einen verfallenden, verarmenden
Eindruck daneben. Die Gumbadh gehort also in die Regier-
ungszeit Oldjaitu's selbst, und daher wird man mit Recht
die geschichtliche Nachricht, dass Esen-Qutlugh, Oldjaitu's
General, eine Neustadt neben dem alten Hamadan angelegt
habe, mit diesem Bau in Verbindung bringen. 709/1309
nimmt der Sultan das schiitische Bekenntnis an. Die
Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan ist ein alidisches Mashhad. Genau
wie der Mihrab von Isfahan ist er also ein gewissermassen
programmatisches Heiligtum, das in Oldjaitu's letzten Jahren,
709-16 errichtet sein muss.

Diese Werke vermitteln uns eine bedeutende Vorstellung
von den iibrigen, iiber die wir nur literarische Nachrichten
besitzen. Folgende Liste ist nur aus den gelaufigstenQuellen
ausgezogen.

654 — 663 Hulagu erbaut als Residenz Maragha, wo unter anderm das
beriihmte Observatorium Nasir al-din Tosi's stand.

„ Khabushan in Ustuwa, hod. Kutshan, von Hulagu erbaut, von
Arghun 683-690 vollendet.

663 Hulagu stirbt. Sein Grab, verborgen, auf einer Berginsel Tala.

1 Im Iwan der Moschee Pir-i 'Alamdar in Damghan, Sarre, Tfl. LXXXIV,
links, Abb. 153-155, Fraser, p. 315, steht die Inschrift:

tjJb p

Die seltsamen Titel weisen wohl auf einen Ober-Qadi, kaum auf einen
souveranen Herrscher hin. Das rukn al-haqq wa 'l-dunya wa 'l-dm riickt
die Inschrift unbedingt in die Mongolenzeit, und widerspricht Khanikoffs
Angabe des Jahres 417 H. Moglicherweise gehort sie dem Rukn al-din
Kart 677-682:

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 197

663 — 680 Abaqa Khan erbaut Saturiq, d. i. das von H. Rawlinson
entdeckte Takht i Sulaiman.

683 — 690 Arghun beginnt Sultaniyya zu bauen.

690 Arghun auf einem Berge bei Suhraward bei Sadjas in Adhar-

baidjan bestattet, nach mongolischer Sitte heimlich. Arghun's
Tochter, Oldjai KhatOn baut spater dariiber ein Kloster.

ca. 700 Kazwin, bei der Eroberung durch Hulagu zerstort, unter Ghazan
und Oldjaitu durch Rashid al-din wieder aufgebaut.

694 — 703 Ghazan setzt den Bau von Sultaniyya fort, stellt Raiy wieder her.

„ Ghazan erbaut Audjan in Adharbaidjan als Madinat al-Islam;
aus etymologischer Spielerei wird die erste Griindung dem Bizhan
b. Godarz zugeschrieben.

„ Ghazan umgiebt die Vorstadte von Tabriz mit Mauern; sein
Grab in Vorstadt Sham.

703 — 716 Bauten Rashid al-din's und seiner Sohne in Tabriz: Madrasa
al-Rashidiyya, und des Wezirs Tadj al-din 'Ali Shah : Grosse
Moschee im Narmiyan-Viertel, so unsolide, dass sie schon zu
Hamdallah's Zeit verfallen war, vgl. Chardin, Voyages, ed. 1811,
n, p. 322-324.

„ Ein Karawansarai und Kloster in Bistam von Kharbende erbaut.
„ Kharbende stellt Mashhad-i Rida her.

„ Sawa von einem Minister Sahib Said Khwadja Zahir al-din
'Ali b. Sharaf al-din Sawadji mit Ziegelmauer von 8200 Ellen
La'nge, mit Tiirmen und Zinnen erbaut. In der Stadt ein
Mausoleum des Sayyid Ishaq b. Imam Kazim ; ausserhalb ein
Heiligtum des Propheten Samuel.

„ Am Fuss des Bistun-Berges erbaut Kharbende die Stadt Sul-
taniyya oder Sultanabad, vulgar Tchamtchamalabad.

zw. 700 u. 724. Salmas, Bau der Mauern durch Tadj al-din 'Ali Shah,
Ghazan's Wazir.

716 — 736 Raiy: unter Abu Sa'id wird die Madrasa al-Rashidiyya mit einer
grossen Bibliothek erbaut.

nach 736 Amir Tchopan baut das 679 durch Erdbeben zerstorte Shadhyakh
bei Neshapur wieder auf, einen Kiosk bei Tchashma i sabz

Die grosse und glanzende Bauthatigkeit der Ilkhane
erstreckt oder beschrankt sich darnach auf das Gebiet von
Adharbaidjan. In dieser Provinz also erfahrt die Baukunst
des Jahrhunderts ihre besondere Ausbildung. Eine Reihe
von Herkunftsbezeichnungen der Meister aus Tabriz,
Marand, Maragha lehrt, dass tatsachlich einheimische
Arbeit diese Werke schuf. Aufgebaut sind sie ganz und
gar auf der weniger ortlich begrenzten Kunst der Seldjuken
in Iran, die uns in den Minareten von Ghazni, Bistam,

198 ERNST HERZFELD

Khosrdgird, Flruzabad, Simnan, Karat, Tirmidh, Shah
Rustam in Isfahan, in den grossen Kuppelbauten der
Graber Sultan Sandjars und des falschlich Omar Khayyam
oder Ghazzali zugeschriebenen Grabes zu Tos, in den
Grabtlirmen von Waramin, Rai, Farsaidja bei Isfahan, in
der Moscheeruine von Khargird, vor allem aber in ihrer
reifsten Form in den Grabbauten von Nakhtchawan entge-
gentritt1. Dass sich diese seldjukische Kunst schon Baghdad
und Mosul erobert hatte, wenn auch an beiden Orten der
seldjukische Stil dem einheimischen sich nur vermahlt,
das lehren die Bauten der letzten 'Abbasiden in Baghdad,
Samarra, des Atabek Badr al-din Lu'lu' in Mosul, und dass
auch der Stil der Ilkhanen-Zeit nicht ohne Wirkung auf jene
Lander blieb, zeigen Bauten wie die Madrasa al-Mirdjaniyya
und das merkwiirdige mongolische Yam, das kaiserliche
Posthaus in Baghdad, gen. Khan Ortma2. So zeigen diese
Bauten die Blu'te eines iiberschwanglich reichen Stils der
Baukunst, als gleichwertiges Gegenstiick der hohen Ent-
faltung der wissenschaftlichen und schonen Literatur dieser
Zeit in Iran. Dass die Eroberung Irans durch Djingiz Khan
das Ende der Cultur des Landes bedeutet habe, ist eine
unhaltbare, nur aus den summd ird geschriebenen islamischen
Schriftstellern abgezogene Anschauung. Die Vereinigung
Vorderasiens mit dem grossen Asien, dessen Glied es ja nur
ist, erzeugte auf vielen Gebieten einen hohen Aufschwung.
So sagt der, dem wir heute huldigen : "allowing for the
terrible crisis through which Persia was passing, when
heathen rulers dominated the land, and Christians and Jews
lorded it over Muslims, the period of Mongol ascendancy,
from the death of Hulagu Khan on February 8, 1265,
until the death of the last Mongol Il-khan, Musa, in 1337,
was wonderfully rich in literary achievements." Jedes
von Natur reich ausgestattete Land, jedes begabte Volk
erholt sich von plotzlichen Katastrophen, so schwer sie auch
seien. Denn die Erde tragt immer neue Frucht, Mensch
und Tier erzeugen immer neue Geschlechter. Dass das
Morgenland zu Grunde ging, lag nicht an der kriegerischen

1 Alle diese Bauten in den angefiihrten Werken von Coste, Diez,
Flandin und Sarre; iiber Khargird s. Herzfeld in Islam, 1921.

2 Baghdad und Mosul in Sarre-Herzfeld, Archaeol. Reise, Bd n, 1920,
vgl. auch zu dem Ganzen meinen Aufsatz Khorasan im Islam, 1920.

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 199

Verheerung durch Djingiz Khan's oder Timurleng's Heer-
scharen, sondern an den Zustanden, die hinterher eintraten.
Nicht das Ende der islamischen oder iranischen Cultur
bedeutete die Mongolenherrschaft in Iran, sowenig wie in
Indien, wohl aber die endgiltige Verdrangung der letzten
Spuren hellenistisch-europaischer Einwirkung auf Asien.
Die Veranderungen, die mit der islamischen Kunst Irans
in dieser Zeitspanne vor sich gegangen sind, spiegeln fur
das tiefer dringende Auge diese grossen weltgeschichtlichen
Bewegungen wieder, und der Hintergrund, von dem sich
die betrachteten Denkmaler abzeichnen, ist das grosse,
grenzenlose Asien, das Reich, das von den Gestaden des
Stillen Oceans zum Mittelmeere reichte.

ERNST HERZFELD.

A VOLUME OF ESSAYS BY AL JAHI?

Thanks to the labours of the late Dr van Vloten many
important works by Al Jahiz are now available in modern
European editions, prepared with the care to be expected
from this ripe scholar. Several other essays by the same
author were printed in Eastern presses, and among them
a volume of eleven treatises published in Cairo A.H. 1324
(I9O6)1. There exists in the British Museum a MS volume
compiled on behalf of the late Baron Von Kremer, and con-
sisting of thirty essays by Al Jahiz. Two of these were
also edited by Van Vloten, and have been published in a
posthumous volume2, but the brief preface, added by the late
Prof, de Goeje, does not, unfortunately, reveal from what
source they were derived. Only two of the essays contained
in this book are reproduced in the Cairo edition3.

A list of the essays included in the MS just mentioned
is given in the late Dr Rieu's " Supplement to the Catalogue
of the Arabic MSS in the British Museum4," but three of
them were omitted. These are : i . o!/*^ c£^ ^ v^^
(fol. 121 vo) ; 2. AyXn ^ jjJI ^ VU£* (fol. 155 vo) ; 3. >^\
<oU*^ ^ULJI ju^t ^t ^ (fol. 1 78 vo). On the other hand,
the ol-««M ^f ofc>^l >*•* u* **L,j which is the third in the
Cairo edition is missing in the MS.

This MS is unfortunately in a very unsatisfactory con-
dition. It seems to have been written by a professional
copyist who did not understand much of the original. It
abounds in mistakes, especially as regards diacritical points.
Want of care is further shown in the tenth essay of the Cairo
edition (p. 178), headed ***1M s^U* oW ^ a)l-j. Part of
this essay forms No. xxm of the MS (fol. 245 vo) under the
title A*UN)| JU.^1 ^ A^U£> JJLo o-*. It ends with the quo-
tation from Qoran n, 248 (p. 182 1. 8 from bottom in the
edition). The whole essay, however, is repeated as the last

1 See Goldziher, ZDMG., vol. LIX, p. 194.

2 Tria opuscula auctore...Al Djahiz, Lugd. Bat. 1903.
8 3 2.

4 No. 1129, p. 709.

A volume of essays by Al Jahiz 201

one of the volume, beginning fol. 291 vo, with yet another

title, viz. *^HjJt 4^* ^ <uU£> jj~o ,>o. I feel inclined to con-
sider only the first title old, and the other two as attempts
to formulate a title from the contents of the essay, the
original title of which was not at the disposal of the copyist.
The uncertainty as regards the titles of Al Jahiz' smaller
treatises is further illustrated by Hajji Khalifa who shortens
the title of the opening essay both in the MS and the Cairo
edition into j^-.a*.)! ^ dJU), whilst confirming its identity by
quoting its initial words. Finally the essay j^>*3b £*i^l *->\z£>
(No. in of the MS) is quoted by Al Tha'alibl (died A.H. 429)
in his *->$Utt\ jUj (Cod. Brit. Mus. Add. 2258 fol. 54 vo) as

Only one more treatise, viz. ^jUaJt L5X^ ^J! ^ (No. x of
the M S) is mentioned by H . Kh. Of others no direct evidence
is forthcoming as to their authenticity. There is, however,
indirect evidence of some value. Al Jahiz has a manner of
writing all his own. His works are distinguished by prolixity
of diction, the love of accumulating synonyms almost to
weariness, and of expressing the same idea in as large a

variety of phrases as possible. In the essay o*J^**M ^
(which will engage our attention later on) he uses the meta-

vtf

phor £y* j£ ^>\^^5jj*sJ\ ^9 JLte t>t. Almost the same figure
occurs in his treatise entitled o***^ oW oUa^iu1, and we
may safely assume that the author of this particular figure
of speech is the same in both essays. Now the treatise on
''the Teachers" contains a paragraph in condemnation of
sodomy. Al Tha'alibl in the work mentioned above (fol.
io6vo) has an article on sodomy in Khorasan, but it con-
sists in a philippic by Al Jahiz on this vice. The two
utterances are not identical, but it is highly probable that
Al Jahiz, who seems to have been a teacher himself, sternly
set his face against this besetting offence, and wrote and
spoke about it on several occasions. This may fairly settle
the question of the authenticity of the tract under con-
sideration.

It is somewhat strange that the author of the Fihrist
does not seem to have been well informed about Al Jahiz'

1 Printed in J5L*j v~+** Constantinople, 1301, p. 173.

202 HARTWTG HIRSCHFELD

writings. Of his shorter essays he only mentions the one
y^UCJt aJL-od ^J (p. 300) which is evidently identical with
No. xxvi of our volume, entitled y^JXM AfrUo &L-os ^y. He
also mentions (p. 33) an article ol^'^J ^ which is perhaps
identical with No. ix of the MS o!>^' J^ ^-*> Indirectly
we may infer from the Fihrist that Al Jahiz criticised the

medical practice of his age in a treatise styled s-JkJt C/A& ^
(p. 300), a book which provoked a rejoinder from no less an
authority than Al RazI1.

Ibn Khallikan, whose information as to Al Jahiz' literary
efforts is likewise exceedingly meagre, reports that the Caliph
Al Mutawakkil wished to appoint him tutor to one of his
sons, but abstained from this on account of his extraordinary
ugliness. He seems to have been a teacher by profession,
and this circumstance probably induced him to lay down his
tutorial experience in a treatise on "Teachers." I deem it
not unfitting to embody a brief survey of this treatise by
a renowned Arabic Teacher in a volume designed to do
honour to a renowned Teacher of Arabic.

A perusal of Al Jahiz' essays well repays the time spent
on them. He is a keen observer, an original thinker, and
reveals deep thought even in apparently trivial subjects. His
field is. wide. In the essays of which our MS is composed
he has much that is relevant to say on matters theological,
historical, philosophical, psychological, social, rhetorical,
grammatical, and paedagogic, with occasional anecdotes
interspersed. Noteworthy is the stand he makes against the
exaggerated study of grammar, and he shows small esteem
for Al Khalll, the father of grammatical studies among the
Arabs. On the other hand he has much practical advice to
give to fathers for the education of their sons.

Al Jahiz seems to have been somewhat embittered by
the disappointment mentioned above as well as by unhappy
experiences in his educational work, as the following sarcastic
remarks in the earlier part of the essay show : " Religious as
well as mundane matters rest on the pen2, the benefits of which
we owe to no one but to Allah who created it for us, seizing
us by our forelocks3, and compelling us to make use of it ; we
do not owe it to our teachers whom He made our slaves. It

1 See Wiistenfeld, Geschichte der arabischen Aerzte, p. 45, No. 60.
3 Qoran, xcvi, 4. 3 Ibid, xi, 59 ; LV, 41.

A volume of essays by Al Jahi% 203

is they whom you deride, complain of, argue with, and abuse,
fasten the fault of the smaller on the greater, and make the
keen ones responsible for the failure of those who fall short.
You pity the fathers of boys on account of the slackness of
the teacher, but not the teacher for the remissness of the
boys in the execution of their task, and their lack of attention.
Teachers are more wretched than shepherds and horse-train-
ers, although reasonable consideration will show their great
importance and the amount of gratitude due to them."

As a further result of his experience as a teacher Al Jahiz
lays down his criticism of learning by heart which the fore-
most philosophers and masters of thought deprecate. It
seems that with this description he alluded to his contem-
porary Al Kindl, "the Philosopher of the Arabs." People
who rely on what they know by heart are apt to neglect
discrimination. Memorising stifles intelligence and only en-
ables a person to execute a task given to him, the essence
of memory being different from the essence of thought.

Somewhat earlier in the essay he speaks on the import-
ance of writing as a means of communication with absent
people, keeping records of past events, and the administra-
tion of outlying provinces by the home government. Rulers
cannot invest their sons with administrative powers unless
the latter have received proper training. "If you would
inquire into the number of grammarians, prosodists, lawyers,
accountants, and calligraphists, you would find that most of
them are either tutors to adults or teachers of boys, but how
many judges, narrators, doctors, and governors would you
find among them ? "

Teachers are needed for all subjects which are to be
learnt, such as writing, reckoning, law, Qoran, grammar,
prosody, poetry, history, horsemanship, games, astronomy,
music, medicine, mathematics, archery, agriculture, com-
merce, architecture, jewellery, tailoring, bootmaking, dyeing,
bookbinding, training of birds and other animals. Man has
within him some of the characteristics of animals, such as the
cunning of the wolf and fox, the circumspection of the lion,
the hatred of the camel, etc. He can imitate every voice with
his mouth, and every shape with his hand, because Allah has
endowed him with speech and the faculty of acquiring skill.

The words mu'allim and muaddib are derived from 'i

204 HARTWIG HIRSCHFELD

(knowledge) and 'adab (scholarship), the former being the
root and the latter the branch, but often generalised to in-
clude both. 'Ilm enables us to distinguish between what is
noble and what is base, lawful and unlawful, excessive and
fair, and to choose between the better of two good things
and the lesser of two evils.

In contradistinction to the arts and crafts mentioned
above, others may be noted which only include writing,
reckoning, poetry, grammar, law, astronomy and calendar
making. The devotion to these subjects precludes arrogance,
but encourages devout study of the Qoran, smooths people's
tongues by the recitation of poetry, stops mischief, and pro-
motes friendly intercourse among mankind.

Some people are of opinion that 'adab spells penury, and
to acquire it brings ill luck, as the poet hath it1:

My 'adab has not helped me to anything that gave me pleasure,

except increasing my want, based on ill luck.
He who trades in literature wherever he turns he is repulsed.

We have not, he goes on, seen a poet who attained the
object of his desire by his verses, nor a man of letters who
reached a high station by his accomplishments. Even if the
number of those who gratify these aspirations were greater
than the failures, and if we admit the men of this class, we do
not include Abu Ya'qub al Khozaimi, because he was suc-
cessful in poetry as well as in 'adab.

Boys, it is said, differ as to their degree of intelligence
as well of slackness and stupidity. This is alluded to in the
Qoran vi, 9, because some persons are more intelligent than
others. Allah comes to the aid of boys by causing their in-
tellectual faculties to approach the intellect of accomplished
scholars. Al Hajjaj, when travelling, once heard a woman's
voice coming from a house full of confusion and noise. This,
he said, is either the noise of a mad woman or of romping
boys. An eloquent and intelligent person when speaking to
a child, or amusing a boy, would surely accommodate his

1*J - -1 *

J «»^^ ^ • j*** j*

These two lines are strongly reminiscent of two lines of 'Alqama, see
Ahlwardt, Six poems, p. 1 12, 1. 34. They are probably Al Jahiz' own parody
and relating to his own case.

A volume of essays by Al Jahi% 205

speech to the intellect of boys and girls, and put aside all the
higher learning with which Allah has distinguished him.

A boy should not be taught more grammar than he
requires for correct speech in order to avoid solecisms and
common ignorance in writing, reciting poetry, and making
statements. Too much grammar would distract his attention
from better things and prejudice his mind against dialectic
and historical matters which are superior. He who refrains
from inquiring too deeply into matters may satisfy his desire,
though by slightly increasing his efforts he may benefit man-
kind and the pivots round which the mill turns. Whoever
has no other means of obtaining livelihood than knowledge
of grammar, which does not go far as a profession, should,
in my opinion, turn to simply counting on his fingers, without
attempting ciphers and arithmetic. Direct your attention to
government requirements and secretarial work. I say that
to be good at figures, which is wanted for administrative
purposes, is more useful than calligraphy. Correct spelling,
even if combined with inferior writing, answers the purpose.
It is different with reckoning which should be taught together
with the rules of writing and an easy style that speaks to the
point in a manner both pleasant and concise. Avoid heavi-
ness of diction. The best way is to be intelligible to the
hearer without making fuller explanation necessary, being
brief, but neither inadequate nor prolix. Choose a style which
is neither obscure nor incoherent, nor diffuse on account of
verbosity and heaviness. Many speakers do not mind im-
pairing the sense of their words, in spite of fine language,
by abstruseness. Their meaning will always be obscure, and
their speech unprofitable, graceful but empty. The worst
orator is he who is ready to jot down a sentence before he
has settled its meaning, and, being enamoured with a certain
expression, forces the sense towards it. Most objectionable
is a person, affected, faltering in speech, wanting in earnest-
ness, but full of self-admiration, eager to be called an orator,
whilst laying claim to the title of an elegant writer. He fails
to see the difference between relevant and irrelevant ex-
pressions. In general, every subject, be it lofty or low,
amusing or serious, has its rules as well as limits — within
which it must be kept.

A person who reads the books of elegant writers, and

206 HARTWIG HIRSCHFELD

copies the works of scholars in order to benefit by their
contents, is on the right track, but he who studies them for
their bulk in words is on the wrong track. His great desire
is to exhaust the vocabulary in the futile endeavour to em-
ploy the words on unfitting occasions. A poet once said to
his colleague : " I am a better poet than thou." " How so ? "
asked the other. " Because I say a verse and its brother,
but thou sayest a verse and its cousin." The former is the
result of training. The proficient succeed, the unskilled fail.
One must put up with foolish or forgetful persons. Hearing
words spoken can be both harmful and useful. To take the
latter case first, these words linger in the ear, sink into the
heart, and ripen in the breast. When one has become familiar
with them, they bear fruit and yield a noble harvest, because
they came forth without deceit, unguarded and unconstrained,
neither do they betray poverty because they are not confined
to one thing to the exclusion of another. Between a thing
which (so to speak) builds a nest in man's breast, then lays
eggs, hatches the young, and teaches them to spread their
wings on one hand, and a preconceived idea clothed in
energetic, but eccentric language there is a wide difference.
A fluent speaker who feels himself safe in spite of indolence,
relying on plagiarism and trickery, will fail to profit by them.
He cannot bear to be reticent, scorn will overtake him and
his evil ways will destroy him.

As regards the harmful aspect of the matter, it consists
of learning by heart words either from a book or by the ear,
and subsequently assigning the meaning to each of them.
This is a poor, backward attitude which wastes words, over-
loads their meaning, and upsets their significance. Words
of this kind obscure the speaker's mind, cause misunder-
standing, and lay bare the disgust and aversion they produce.
A person of this class provokes censure, and is objected to
as a speaker. But he is to be congratulated, whose words
are eagerly listened to, gladdening his own soul, although
they are not laid down in writing. The best book is that
which, the more it is read, the more it gains in attraction
and fills its proper place.

The hateful nature of sodomy is revealed in the fact that
Allah offers no compensation in "the last world" for any
desire to neglect propagation in this world, although He

A volume of essays by A I Jahi% 207

promises wine to those who eschew it here. He praises the
celestial wine in the briefest terms, whilst expressing the
fullest abhorrence to wine in Qoran LVI, 19. He means to
convey that the wine of paradise does not intoxicate, and
there is no overcrowding of men with men, or women with
women. Propagation being excluded, men and women keep
separate. As expressed in Qoran xcn, 3 Allah created men
and women and placed between them the sources of mutual
love and attachment. He joined men and women one to
another in matrimony, but vice turned their relation upside
down.

A most eloquent and accomplished teacher was Abd Allah
b. Al Moqaffa', benamed Abu 'Amr. He was a client of the
family of Al Ahtam, and the foremost orator as well as author,
translator and biographer. He was of generous nature and
elegant and courteous. When he spoke in poetry, he could
vie with a competitor without labouring to improve upon it
in any way. He was also circumspect in transmitting the
utterances of other persons without disclosing either deceit
or trustworthiness. If you wish to examine this matter from
the point of view of genuine dialecticians, see the last chapter
of his epistle A I Hashimiyya, which you will find to be an
excellent and popular statement and not easily exposed to
adverse criticism.

A person may do well in one or two branches of learning
and think that he not only applies himself to it but that he
enters deeply into it. This was the case with Al Khalll b.
Ahmad who did well in grammar and prosody, and claimed
to be proficient in dogmatic theology as well as in writing
verse. But his ignorance was such that no one equalled him
unless forsaken by God, who, however, never forsakes us.
These two poets were incompetent in matters educational.

The most intelligent person is the monarch, and whoever
seeks intercourse with him must find the right way to present
his plea. A monarch's favour towards his subjects is not more
marked than the attachment of an owner to his cattle. Were
it not for the monarch people would devour one another1,
just as, were it not for the shepherd, wild beasts would tear
his animals to pieces.

1 See Pirqe Aboth, in, 2 ; Pray for the welfare of the government, since
but for the fear thereof men would swallow each other alive.

208 HARTWIG HIRSCHFELD

Do not interfere with the study of the books of Abu
Hanlfa. Hinder not those who advise to train a lad with
bankers, because this occupation combines writing, reckon-
ing, and financial training. I say the same to those who call
the Qoreish traders. He who compares the merchants and
shopkeepers of Karaj, Ahwaz and Basra with the Qoreish
makes a grievous mistake. The Qoreish are people whom
Allah kept free from blemish, but allowed their originally
fine constitution to deteriorate. If people knew their high
station in commerce, they would notice the difference of
their ways. Would they be guilty of infamy, such as that
of the merchants of Aila and those people of Hira who hold
up the wheat, their mean trade policy would be broken.
Did not poets travel to the Qoreish, just as they did to
great kings whose power they extolled ? They received the
visitors of Allah hospitably, although they were travellers
rather than agriculturists. Had they been possessed of a
brilliant intellect, their genius would not have been impaired
by something which debases a whole nation. Had their
ways with the kings they visited on business been the ways
of other merchants, they would not have paid homage to
them, built cities for them and loved them.

Since the Qoreish were brave and pious, they refrained
from rapine and ravishing women, and did not bury their
daughters alive. No captive woman was the mother of any
of their children, nor did they permit a man to marry until
he showed himself valiant in action and strong in his faith.
When they took steps to build the Ka'ba, they did not spend
money on it which they had inherited, or what they had
received from their wives, lest it be mixed with funds earned
by trade. Since they were travellers and depended on
certain seasons and the establishment of cities, they were
obliged to work for their living, held the 'tia/(Qor. cvi, i),
and travelled to the kings with their wares.

Those who maintain that courtiers meet with unpleasant
experiences should consider that this happens to every
traveller, and his luggage is exposed to dangers unless God
protects him. Those who travel by sea are in great peril.
Those who deal in food from Ahwaz run the greatest risk.
People who hoist sail, undertake dishonest practices, or ex-
pose themselves to wild beasts, deserve no pity. The best

A volume of essays by Al Jahiz 209

people to deal with are those who live on islands or on the
shore of the sea. The glutton and the drunkard are most
objectionable, and only he is fit to be entrusted with public
affairs who has nothing to do with them.

The trader is diffident and dons the cloak of his civility,
whilst the courtier is overbearing, yet full of fear. He falls
short on account of exaggerated gratitude and adulation
towards the monarch. When he gains experience, his vision
widens and enables him to learn how to ameliorate grievances,
straighten what is crooked and to cultivate waste lands.

The essay ends with the admonition to bear a pure love
for "adab in order to elicit its hidden treasures even at the
risk of material sacrifices,

HARTWIG HIRSCHFELD.

B. P. V.

DIE ENTWICKLUNGSFAHIGKEIT DBS
ISLAM AUF ETHISCHEM GEBIETE

Bei den immer intensiver werdenden Beziehungen euro-
paischer Volker zum islamischen Oriente und den wichtigen
Entscheidungen, die von diesen Volkern getroffen werden
mlissen, ist es wichtig dass wir die Seele des Orientalen
kennen lernen, sein Erleben, Fiihlen, Wollen und Denken.
Unser Verhalten zum Oriente wird dadurch wesentlich
beeinflusst ; denn es ist ein grosser Unterschied ob wir uns
im Orientalen einem Menschen gegeniibergestellt sehen,
dessen Kultur wir in manchen Punkten bewundern und
lieben und dessen sittliche Ideale wir achten konnen, oder
ob wir in ihm nur einen solchen Menschentypus erblicken,
der wie die Neger Afrikas, die Grundwerte des Menschen-
lebens noch nicht erkannt hat und dem der Lebensinhalt
eine Summe materieller, ausserer Handlungen und Bewe-
gungen ohne geistigen Kern ist.

Der Islam hatdieverschiedensten Beurteilungenerfahren.
Er gait in seiner altesten Zeit (Johannes Damascenus) als
eine christliche Seckte mit judischem Einschlag, im Wesent-
lichem mitdemChristentume ubereinstimmend. In Laufeder
Jahrhunderte wurde der Abstand dieser beiden Schwester-
religionen, nicht zuletzt auch auf Grund politischer Ereignisse,
grosser und grosser, so dass beide Religionen mehr und mehr
die Fiihlung und das Verstandniss fiir einander verloren und
sich Urteile iibereinander von Gefuhlsstimmungen diktieren
liessen. Die Aufgabe des objektiv urteilenden Forschers
ist es, sich von polemischen Stimmungen fernhaltend die im
heutigen Islam tatsachlich vorhandenen Werte zu erfassen
und zu wiirdigen. Die vorliegende Arbeit lasst das indi-
viduelle, aussere Leben des Muslim mit seinen Sitten und
Gebrauchen ausser acht, ebenso das soziale und politische,
ferner von seinem inneren Leben das aesthetische und in-
tellektuelle (Kunst und die Weltanschauung) um nur sein
ethisches zu beriicksichtigen.

Ebenso wie der Islam durch Vergeistigung iiberlieferter
Formen seine Weltanschauung der modernen Zeit angepasst

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 211

hat1 oder doch wenigstens Neigung zeigt, sich ihr anzu-
passen, kann er auch seine Lebensanschauung (Ethik) weiter-
entwickeln und sie den Forderungen der Neuzeit annahern.
Dass dies in der Tat der Fall ist, haben die bekannten Studien
liber die islamische Mystik in den letzten Jahren gezeigt2.
Das hier zu behandelnde Problem lautet daher : enthalt
die islamische Ethik Lehren und Satzungen, die unserer
heutigen Gesinnungsethik gleichwertig sind, oder enthalt
sie wenigstens Ansatze, die in der Richtung auf eine solche
verinnerlichte Ethik der personlichen Uberzeugung und
Gesinnung entwickelt werden konnten ? Diese Gedanken
werden durch die Beantwortung anderer Fragen geklart :
Hat der Islam den Wert und die Wtirde der menschlichen
Personlichkeit erkannt ? Hat er solche Ideale aufgestellt,
die den geistigen Werten den entschiedenen Vorrang vor
den materiellen geben ? Lehrt er die allgemeine Menschen-
liebe ? Solche und ahnliche Fragen wird man geneigt sein,
mit dem Hinweis darauf zu beantworten, dass die Despotien
des Orientes die Menschenwiirde immer mit Fiissen getreten
haben, dass sie die menschliche Personlichkeit missachteten,
den Armen und Schwachen unterdrlickten. Darauf ist zu
entgegnen : Wir wollen unser Augenmerk darauf richten,
ob vielleicht \mprivaten Leben hochste sittliche Ideale auf-
gekeimt sind, trotzdem im politischen Leben die Verbrechen
der Despotic das Aufbliihen solcher Ideale mit materiellen,
brutalen Mitteln zu verhindern geeignet waren. Zudem

1 Vgl. die Arbeiten des Verfassers : (i) Die kulturelle Entwicklungs-
fahigkeit des Islam atif geistigem Gebiete (Bonn, Cohen, 1915). (2) Die

islamische Geisteskultur (Leipzig, 1915) in Lander und Volker der Turkei,
Schriften des Deutschen Vorderasienkomitees, hrsgeg. von H. Grothe. (3) Zur
Weltanschauung des Orients, einige Gedanken zu mystischen Versen Askeris
in der Zeitschrift Das neue Deutschland, hrsgeg. v. Graborvsky, 7, 272 ff.,
15 April, 1919. (4) Die mystische Weltanschauung nach A skeri : eine Studie
ilber das liberale Monchtum im Islam in Beitrdge zur Kenntniss des Orients,
J5» 32~5X (I9I8). (5) Muhammed Abduh (1905), sein Leben und seine
theologisch-philosophische Gedankenwelt : eine Studie zu den Reformbestre-
bungen im modernen Egypten in denselben Beitragen, 13, 83-114; 14, 74-
128. (6) Auch die mittelalterliche Weltlehre des Orients war bereits voll
von idealen Gedanken. Derselbe : Die religiose Gedankenwelt der gebildeten
Mushme im heutigen Islam (Halle, 1916).

2 Die Werke von Nicholson, Macdonald, Goldziher u. and. sind zu
bekannt, als dass sie einer besonderen Aufzahlung bediirften. Die fuhrenden
islamischen Zeitschriften in Europa verfolgten in Einzelfragen die dadurch
aufgeworfenen Probleme.

14—2

212 M. HORTEN

kommt es uns auf die Lehre, die theoretische Grundlage
der Kultur an, die uns immerhin einige Hoffnung idealen
Aufschwunges fur die Zukunft geben. Das Volk und die
gebildeten Kreise des Orientes haben neben den Regierungs-
kreisen ein Eigenleben gefuhrt und ihre eigene Kultur
entwickelt. Die Quellen, die uns diese erschliessen, stromen
ausserordentlich reichlich, so dass es nur die Schwierigkeit
der Auswahl zu iiberwinden gilt. Die folgende Studie fusst
auf der Auswahl von Prophetenspriichen, die Nabaham
verfasste unter dem Titel Samail ar-rasull.

Das Problem stellt sich also nicht so, dass die Ethik der
islamischen Philosophen, Theologen, gebildeten Laien,
M ystiker zu untersuchen ware. Das in alien diesen Schichten,
die aufs starkste von Christentum, Hellenismus und Buddh-
ismus beeinflusst sind, die islamische Ethik das gewiinschte
und von edlen Menschen erwartete Ideal erreicht, ist be-
kannt. Es handelt sich darum, ob auch im breiten Volke
solche Ideale vorhanden sind, die das Menschenleben auf
das Geistige und den Altruismus einstellen, das Streben
nach Materiellem und den Egoismus wie Utilitarismus iiber-
windend oder doch massigend.

Von den unendlich vielen Punkten, die das System der
Ethik ausmachen, mogen folgende herausgenommen worden,
die das Wesentliche beleuchten : (i) Personlichkeit und
Menschen wiirde ; (2) die Reinheit der Absicht ; (3) der
Heroismus im Beispiele des Propheten, in den Beziehungen
des Menschen zu (a) Gott, (b) den Nachsten, und (c) sich

1 Beirut, 1310= 1892, als Quelle analysiert in des Verfassers (i) Die
religiose Gedankenwelt des Volkes im heutigen Islam (Halle, 1917, S. xxvi f. ;
vgl. von deraselben Aus der Welt- und Lebensanschauung der turkischen
fahrenden Sdnger in Der Neue Orient, 2, 143-48, November, 1917. Die
turkischen Troubadours denken und empfinden wie die Monche des Islam.
(2) Die sittlich-religiosen Ideale der Bektaschi-Monche nach Mahmud AH
Hilmi, ebenda, i, 293 ff., Juni, 1917. (3) Die Geheimlehre der Jezidi, der
sogenannten " Teufelsanbeter," ebenda, 2, 1050°., April, 1918. (4) Die
Geheimlehre der Drusen in Korrespondenzblatt fur Anthropologie, Ethnologie
und Urgeschichte, Sitzung vom n Dezember, 1917; auch Sitzungsberichte
der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft zu Bonn, 1917, S. 28-39 — reich an
gnostisch-mystischen Ideen. (5) Mystische Texte aus dem Islam. Drei
Gedichte des Ibnu-l-^Arabi 11240 (nach Nicholson, Tarjumdn al-ashwdq],
Bonn, 1912 in Kleine Texte fur Vorlesungen u. Ubungen,hrsgzg. v.Lietzmann,
No. 105. (6) Monchtum und Monchsleben im Islam nach Scharani in
Beitrdge tur Kenntniss des Orients, hrsgeg. v. Grothe, 12, 64-129 (1915).

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 2 1 3

selbst ; (4) die Skala der Lebensgiiter ; (5) Eigenschaften
des Sittlichen im allgemeinen (a) Innerlichkeit (die Ethik
des Islam ist eine Gesinnungsethik), (&) Ernst, (c] Einheit
und Harmonic der Krafte. Dass die dem Propheten in den
Mund gelegten Ausspruche nicht als historische Quelle
gelten konnen, sondern nur nach ihrer inhaltlich-systema-
tischen Seite in Betracht kommen, bedarf keiner besonderen
Rechtfertigung3.

Dass der Muslim Wiirde und Wert der menschlichen
Person kennt und achtet, ergibt sich aus seiner Hochschatz-
ung der Gerechtigkeit. Heisst es doch in einem bekannten
Sprichworte : " Die Gerechtigkeit (insaf) ist die Halfte
(nisf) der Religion." Der Sinn dieser Tugend besagt die
" gleichmassige Verteilung" ohne Ansehung der Person.
Der Machtige steht dem Schwachen, der Reiche dem Armen
in seinen Forderungen auf Gerechtigkeit gleich, und wenn
ein Muslim auch alle seine rituellen Pflichten zeitlebens
treu erftillte, aber gegen seinen Nachsten ungerecht war,
wird er am jiingsten Tage von der Himmelsbrucke in das
Hollenfeuer gestossen2. In noch hoherem Masse ist die

1 In einer umfassenderen Darstellung miissten noch eine grosse Anzahl
anderer Probleme zur Sprache kommen, z. B., (i) die Einstellung des
Muslims zu Welt und Leben, (2) die Motivationen der Handlungen,
(3) das Pflichtbewusstsein, (4) Kriterien und Prinzipien des sittlich Guten,
(5) Autonomie und Heteronomie (Gesetzlichkeit), (6) Sinn des ethischen
Lebens, (7) ethische Werturteile und Wertempfindungen, (8) Auffassungen
von Lohn und Strafe, (9) ethische Ideale, (10) die Tugendlehre, (n) das
sittliche Verhaltnis zur Umwelt, (12) das System der ethischen Ziele
(Gliickseligkeit — Muhammad — Gott). Dieser ganze Komplex ist in den
Kahmen der Weltanschauung des Orientalen hineinzustellen und durch die
Aufhellung des Wesens und der Grundgedanken zu einer klaren Einheit
zusammenzufassen, die zugleich noch auf den gesamten psychischen
Organismus zu beziehen ist (Erleben, Bewusstsein, Empfinden, Gefiihl,
Vorstellen, Wollen, Denken). Durch diese Betrachtungsweisen wird uns
letzthin die Eigenart der orientalischen Kultur und ihres Tragers, des
orientalischen Menschentypus (seine Seelenform) verstandlich werden.
In den Quellen die uns der Orient zur Verfiigung stellt, ist ein geradezu
unerschopfliches Material fiir solche ethischen und kulturwissenschaftlichen
Untersuchungen enthalten.

2 Horten, Die religiose Gedankenwelt d. Volkes, 339, 20; 354, 10 u. ;
279, 17; 285, 21 (ungerechtes Gut); 292, 6 u. (unbezahlte Schulden) ;
298, 14 u., als Ideal symbolisiert in der "Wage der Gerechtigkeit," 339-
348, u. der Gerichtsverhandlung am jungsten Tage, 346, 5 u., auch dem
" Ausgleiche der Werke," 347. Auf den sechs unteren Bogen der Himmels-
brucke wird der Muslim nach seinen rituellen Pflichten gefragt, auf dem

214 M. HORTEN

muslimische Nachstenliebe ein Gradmesser fur Menschen-
achtung im Islam, da sie tiber den Kreis desstreng Gesetz-
lichen hinausgreift und mehr als das Recht der Gerechtigkeit
auf die Herzensbeziehungen des Menschen zum Menschen
schliessen lasst. Die Religion des Islam zeigt sich hier in
ihrem tieferen voluntarisch-sittlichen Erleben und in ihren
Auswirkungen in den Handlungen des sozialen Lebens,
zugleich aber auch in ihrer Hochwertigkeit als menschen-
verbriidernde Macht. " Keiner ist in wahrem Sinne ein
Glaubiger, bis er fiir seinen Bruder (Mitmenschen) das
wiinscht (und zu..tun bestrebt ist), was er fiir sich selbst
wiinscht." Das Ubel von Hass und Feindschaft zwischen
den Menschen wird an seiner W^trzel gefasst. Wir sind
nicht nur zu ausseren Handlungen der Nachstenliebe
verpflichtet wie zur Armensteuer, sondern miissen unsere
Gesinnung dementsprechend reinigen und heiligen : das
selbstlose Wohlwollen gegen den Nachsten gibt dem auss-
eren Werke erst seinen Wert und ohne dies ist das Wesen des
wahren Islam undenkbar. In Folge dessen wird die selbst-
lose Nachstenliebe schlechthin als das Wesen des Islam
bezeichnet. Den Propheten (Sha'rani, Lavakih, Kairo, 1308,
S. 71, 8) fragte man : " Welcher Islam ist der beste ?" (ob
der hi. Krieg oder irgendein anderes gutes Werk). Der
Prophet: " Spende jedem (Bediirftigen), sowohl den du
kennst als auch den du nicht kennst, Speise und Gruss."
Die Nachstenliebe in materiellen Giitern und in der Gesin-
nung des Wohlwollens ist ebenso wichtig und ebenso allge-
mein auszuiiben wie die Pflicht des Griissens, und dieser
Heroismus ist identisch mit der edelsten Form des Islam
selbst.

In diesen Ziigen findet sich eine reine Menschenliebe
ausgesprochen, die sich auf die erkannte Menschenwiirde
als solche stiitzt, sich daher auf alle Menschen erstreckt,
ohne sich konfessionell oder national einzuengen. Offenbar
sprechen sich in solchen AussprUchen, die der heutige Islam

siebenten, dem hochsten Bogen nach seiner Gerechtigkeit. Die Erfiillung
der rituellen Pflichten schiitzt ihn also nicht vor der Verdammnis, wenn er
sich durch Ungerechtigkeit verging. Die Frage nach dieser ist die letzte
und wichtigste. Das Uberhandnehmen der Ungerechtigkeit wird als ein
Zeichen des Herannahens des Weltendes, also des tiefsten Grades des
sittlichen Verfalles angesehen (ebd. 303, i, 5). Das Idealreich am Ende
der Zeiten wird das der Gerechtigkeit genannt (ebd. 307, 8u.).

Entwicklungsfdhigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 2 1 5

dem Propheten in den Mund legt, die er also als gottliche
Satzung und Offenbarung empfindet, Stimmungen aus, die
als Unterlage fur die hochsten sittlichen Ideale dienen
konnen. " Der beste der Menschen ist, wer dem Nachsten
am meisten nutzt und hilft " (153, 10). " Die Religion ist
der gute Rat, den wir dem Nachsten erteilen" (153, 3 u.).
Die uneingeschrankte Nachstenliebe wird daher als das
Ausschlaggebende im Islam betrachtet, auf Grund dessen
Gott die ewige Seligkeit verleiht (Ibnu-l-'Arabl, muhadarat,
Kairo, 1306, 2, 178, 23): " Gott macht den reich, der auf
ihn vertraut, und erlost den, der seinen Geschopfen Gutes
erweist." Daher ist (151, 3 u.) "der Islam gleichbedeutend
mit edlen ethischen Eigenschaften " (Selbstbeherrschung
ebenso wie Selbstlosigkeit). Sie miissen sich besonders im
Unglucke zeigen (154, 5): " Besuch' alle zwei oder drei
Tage den Kranken ; dann mehrt sich die gegenseitige Liebe."

Der Begriff der Absicht ist ein Kernpunkt der islami-
schen Moral, die dadurch zeigt, dass sie eine Gesinnungsmoral
ist. Die Absicht ist nicht nur eine rituelle — in dieser hat
man den Gegenstand der rituellen Handlung zu formulieren,
die man vollziehen will — sondern auch eine moralise he. In
dem besonderen Gerichte, das gleich nach dem Tode statt-
findet, tritt die Seele, die sich vom Korper getrennt hat,
vor Gott mit den Worten1: " Ich komme zu Dir mit Dir
selbst." Bei ihrem Handeln war die Seele von keinem
andern als von Gott erfiillt. Nur Ihn erstrebte sie in ihrer
"Absicht," indem sie sich von alien weltlichen und aussergott-
lichen Zielen abwandte. Damit ist der bekannte Heroismus
der Mystiker wesensgleich, der jede Spur von Egoismus und
Weltlichkeit dem Polytheismus (shirk} gleichsetzt ; denn
wahlt man etwas anderes als Gott zum Ziele seines
Strebens, so setzt man ein Geschopf an der Stelle des hoch-
sten Wesens oder einen zweiten Gott an die Stelle des
ersten. Jeder Egoismus gilt also nach dieser extremen
Formulierung als die grosste und unverzeihbarste Siinde,
als der schlimmste Abfall von der wahren Religion.

Der Heroismus ist der sicherste und tiefst sondierende
Massstab einer Ethik, durch den ihre hochsten Ideale, inner-
sten Motive, letzten Ziele, kennzeichnenden Eigenschaften,

1 Ad-dourra al-fahira, la perle prtcieuse^ ed. Lucien Gautier (1878),
S. 17, 2.

2l6 M. HORTEN

Wertungen bezuglich der unendlichen Skala der Lebens-
gtiter, Kriterien des Guten, Prinzipien und Wesen am
klarsten aufgedeckt werden. Der Heroismus ist die Bltite,
die aus den geheimnisvollen Kraften der Gesinnung, des
Erlebens, der Einstellung zu Welt und Menschenleben em-
porgesprosst ist. Der Muslim iibertragt seine ethischen
Ideale auf die Person Muhammads und gestaltet diese zu
einem Spiegelbilde seines eigenen hochsten sittlichen
Wollens und Strebens um, und diese Idealgestalt ist dann
der Vorbild, dessen Nachfolge die grosse Lebenspflicht des
Glaubigen ist (vgl. die Parallelbildung der Nachfolge
Christi). Der Prophet war nach einer Aussage Alis (93, 10)
der freigebigste, weitherzigste, wahrste, treuste, mildeste,
selbstloseste Mensch, und nach Anas (93, 5) der gottes-
furchtigste, edelste, mutigste, gerechteste, enthaltsamste
Mann, geduldig in der Ertragung der Fehler des Nachsten,
ein treuer Freund (94 u.), von gewinnendem Wesen (95, 4),
voll Wohlwollen gegen seinen Diener (99, 7), nachsichtig
(100, 10), leutselig, liebenswurdig, mitleidsvoll, bescheiden,
ohne Stolz, Zorn, Hinterhaltigkeit (93, 7). In der Ver-
sammlung konnte man ihn von den andern ausserlich nicht
unterscheiden (119, i). Er ermahnte sie (120, 8): " Seid
bescheiden, gerecht, nicht hochmlitig gegeneinander und
bleibt treue Diener Gottes und unter euch B ruder." Taglich
(i 14, 9) erkundigte er sich, ob ein Kranker in der Stadt sei,
den er besuchen konne, ob ein Leichenbegangnis stattfmde,
um sich ihm anzuschliessen, und ob jemand sich durch
einen Traum bedriickt fiihle, um sich diesen erzahlen zu
lassen. Sein selbstloser Edelsinn liess ihn keine Bitte
Bediirftiger abschlagen (121, 10). Wenn er etwas nicht
gewahren konnte, schwieg er, da er es nicht iiber sich brachte,
nein zu sagen. Besitz der ihm zufiel verteilte er noch vor
Sonnenuntergang (122, 6). Ein fuhlendes Herz hatte er
fur Kinder (97, 8 ff., in, 6 u.). Mit ihnen war er der
ergotzlichste Unterhalter und Scherzmacher. SogarGegner
und Feinde suchte er durch Wohltaten zu gewinnen (vgl.
das christliche "gliihende Kohlen auf dem Haupte des
Feindes haufen "). Selbst nach der Niederlage von Uhud
wollte er seinen Feinden nicht fluchen (101, i) : " Ich bin
nicht gesandt worden," so sagte er, " um zu fluchen, sondern
als Prediger und Zeichen gottlicher Barmherzigkeit,"

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 217

Die hochsten Ideale sind fur den Muslim die religiosen,
die kulminieren in der Liebe zu Gott (10, 2). Sie ist die
Tugend, in der das Gliick der beiden Wohnorte (des Dies-
seits und Jenseits) beruht. Daher sieht Gott (Ibnu-l-'Arabl,
I.e., i, 101, 9 u., no, i u.) auf die Gesinnung, das Herz :
" Die vorziiglichste Anrufung Gottes ist die des Herzens ;
denn dieses ist der Ort, auf den Gott blickt"

Abgesehen von der vertieften und durchgeistigten
Religion ist es der Gedanke der selbstlosen Nachstenliebe, in
der uns der Kern des islamischen Heroismus entgegentritt.
Gott ist " der selbstlose Spender alles Guten " (£avad), und
daher ist " das selbstlose Geben " (gild) eine Tugend, in der
der Mensch sich Gott zum Vorbilde nehmen muss. Ein
Prophetenwort (152, 12) versichert uns, dass die heroische
Nachstenliebe uns den Eintritt in das Paradies erwirkt :
" Drei Dinge sind es, die bewirken, dass Gott den Menschen,
der sie beobachtet, nur leicht zur Rechenschaft zieht und in
das Paradies einfiihrt : wenn du (i) dem Gutes erweisest,
der dir Boses zufiigte (dem etwas schenkest, der dir etwas
geraubt hat), (2) dem verzeihst, der dir Unrecht zufiigte
und (3) mit dem in Verbindung zu bleiben suchst, der sich
von dir getrennt hat." Die Pflege der verwandtschaftlichen
Beziehungen (silatu-l-rahimi} ist heiligste Pflicht, und diese
bleibt auch dann noch bestehen, wenn die Gegenseite sich
durch Abbruch dieser Beziehungen (kat'u-l-rahimi) ver-
siindigt hat. In diesem Sinne versteht man auch das
bekannte tiirkische Sprichwort : " Tu' das Gute und wirf es
ins Meer. Wenn die Fische es nicht erfahren, so weiss es
doch der Schopfer1." Die Selbstlosigkeit in Bezug auf die
diesseitigen Gliter wird als Gipfel ethischen Handelns
empfunden. Die Hoffnung auf jenseitige Gliter tritt nicht
als ein Abbruch an diesem Heroismus auf, wird nicht als
verkappter Egoismus und Abfall vom Ideal empfunden.
Dennoch wird auch hier noch eine Steigerung als moglich
empfunden, in der der Gebende sogar sein jenseitiges Gliick
fur den Augenblick ausser acht zu lassen scheint (durra, 94,
3, 97). Am jiingsten Gerichte erscheint jemand vor Gott, der
kein gutes Werk besitzt, auf Grund dessen ihn Gott in den

1 Man hat (Der Islam, 6, 103 zu No. 156) eine literarische Abhangigkeit
von Eccl. n, i betont, darf danach aber nicht den Sinn dieses Sprich-
wortes im heutigen sittlichen Leben der Orientalen missverstehen.

2l8 M. HORTEN

Himmel aufnehmen kann. Mit der Erlaubnis Gottes darf
er sich ein solches von anderen geben lassen, damit es den
Ausschlag auf der Wage der Gerechtigkeit gebe. Er geht
nun zu solchen, die reich an guten Werken sind, in der
Hoffnung, von ihnen am ehesten ein solches zum Geschenk
zu erhalten. Aber sie wollen ihm keines mitgeben. Er
wendet sich dann zu den Armen, und es zeigt sich, dass
auch im Jenseits die Reichen geiziger sind als die Armen.
Jemand der nur ein einziges gutes Werk besitzt, tritt ihm
dieses sein ganzes moralisches Besitztum ab, obwohl er sich
dadurch der Gefahr aussetzt, selbst die ewige Seligkeit zu
verlieren. Da lasst Gott beide in den Himmel eingehen.
Ebenso entscheidet Gott liber den gegen seine Eltern un-
gehorsamen Sohn, der sich anbietet, die Strafe seines Vaters
zu tragen, damit dieser selig werde. Beide dlirfen das
Paradies betreten.

Am jiingsten Tage peinigt eine grosse Hitze die Men-
schen, indem die Sonne mit ihrer Glut ihnen nahekommt.
Der Thron Gottes sendet nun seine Schatten liber solche
aus, die besondere gute Werke vollbracht haben, unter
diesen liber einen solchen, der^^s-^/zWohltaten spendete,
sodass seine Linke nicht wusste, was seine Rechte tat (christ.
Einfl. Wolff, Muhammedanische Eschatologie, 70, 8).

Eine selbstlose Nachstenliebe libt Muhammad nicht nur
in diesem sondern auch in jenem Leben, indem er am
jiingsten Tage durch seine Flirbitte den Verdammten das
ewige Heil zu erwirken oder ihre Qual zu lindern sucht,
selbst wenn sie Gegner und Feinde des Islamgewesen sind
(Kommentar des Bagurl zur Burda des Buslri, Kairo, 1326,
S. 21 u.). — Wer (157, i) in grosszugiger Weise die Nach-
stenliebe auslibte wird nur eine leichte Prufung vor Gott zu
bestehen haben und in den Himmel eingehen.

Gute und Wohlwollen gegenliber den Menschen ist
daher ein Grundsatz des sozialen Verhaltens. " Gewinnet
die Menschen durch den guten Charakter " (151, 10). " Ich
bin gesandt worden," so sagte in vorbildlichem Sinne der
Prophet (152, 4), " um die Menschen mit Gute zugewinnen."
"Jedes gute Werk am Nachsten ist ein Almosen " (d. h.
besitzt das hohe Verdienst eineseigentlichen Pflichtalmosens;
J55» 5)- Daher haben wir die Pflicht, von dem Nachsten
nur Gutes zu sagen : " Bewahre deine Zunge, es sei denn

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 2 1 9

im Guten " (i 50, 3). Da dem ausseren Verhalten das innere
entsprechen muss, ist es eine grundsatzliche Forderung,
Gutes liber den Nachsten zu denken^. Der Gedanke der
feinen Rucksichtnahme gegen den Nachsten lasst sich eben-
falls in diesen Rahmen stellen (Tausend und eine Nacht oft,
Ibnu-l-'Arabi, I.e. i, 172,21): " Als Zeichen vollkommenen
Glaubens gilt es, dass man sich nicht um das kiimmert, was
einen nichts angeht." Man soil keinem lastig fallen.

Die Menschen sollen eine Gruppe bilden, die durch die
Liebe geeint wird, und von dieser gilt (155, 5) : " Eine Ver-
sammlung von solchen, die sich lieben, wird nie zu enge."
Dass diese Menschenliebe nicht nur den Muslimen gilt
sondern alien Menschen, geht schon aus den genannten
Texten und ihrem allgemeinen Sinne hervor, wird aber dazu
noch aus solchen Prophetenausspruchen bestatigt, die das
Wohltun gegen die eigenen Glaubensgenossen als die vor-
ziiglichere Handlung hinstellen. Die Wohltat gegen die
andersglaubigen wird also als eine gute Tat vorangesetzt,
die nichts an ihrer Gute verliert, wenn eine andere Hand-
lung besser ist (150, 5 u.) : " Die vorzuglichste Guttat ist
eine Freude, die du einem Muslim bereitest."

Der Heroismus auf individual-ethischem Gebiete ist
ebenfalls im Islam mit aller Entschiedenheit vertreten
worden. Die Selbstbekampfung ist die schwerste Pflicht
nach den Worten des Propheten (150, 12): "Der gefahr-
lichste (am scharfsten angreifende) Feind ist dein eigenes
Ich, deine sinnliche Seele zwischen deinen beiden Seiten."
Die Geduld ist als typische und heroische Tugend des
Orientalen bekannt. Ebenso werden als religiose Pflichten
empfohlen Niichternheit (Weinverbot), Bescheidenheit und
Demut im Gliicke. Mit andern soil man sich beraten (155,
i u.) und nicht in Selbstiiberschatzung nach eigenem Kopfe
handeln. Falsches Gerede ist zu vermeiden und die Wahr-
haftigkeit zu pflegen (150, 12; 154, i) : "Sag die Wahrheit,
selbst wenn sie bitter ist." Die innere Wahrheit des ganzen
Lebens als Ubereinstimmung von Gesinnung, Wort und
Handeln ist anzustreben. " Keiner ist ein wahrer Gottes-
glaubiger, bis bei ihm Herz und Zunge ubereinstimmt."

1 In dem tezjlnu-l-varakat (jetzt Der Islam, 9) fol. 5, 2 wird der 'ihsanu-
z-zanni als eine strenge Pflicht und darin von grosserer Strenge als das
sittlich "Bessere" (ahsan) bezeichnet.

220 M. HORTEN

Die aussere Haltung muss diesem entsprechen : " Tadelns-
wert ist die Kleidung, die der Welt, der Herrschsucht (41,
i), Ruhmsucht und dem Stolze dient. " Wende dich," so
sprach der Prophet (150, 8), "von den Genlissen der Welt
ab ; dann wird Gott dich lieben." " Zufriedenheit ist ein
unversiegbarer Schatz " (155, i). Die Steigerung dieser
Geringschatzung der Welt zur Absage an sie und sogar
Weltflucht wird dem Muhammad in den Mund gelegt (155,
7) : " Sei in der Welt wie ein Fremder und Wanderer und
rechne dich selbst zu den Bewohnern der Graber."

Die Skala der Lebensguter, wie sie das Wertempfinden
des Muslims aufstellt, gibt uns einen tiefen Einblick in sein
Seelenleben, Welterleben und ethisches Bewusstsein, und
zeigt uns auf diese Weise die Art des orientalischen Men-
schentypus, zugleich auch auf seine letzten Zielsetzungen,
die transzendente sind, hinweisend. Aufderhochsten Stufe
dieser Leiter der Lebenswerte steht die Religion, und deren
schonste Bliite ist die Mystik, in der die Religion und Gott
die tiefsten Krafte des Menschen erfasst und ausgestaltet.
An zweiter Stelle steht alles Ethische, auf das die Wissen-
schaft ('Urn zumeist als Theologie verstanden), Kunst und
die materiellen Gliter folgen. In der Lehre vom Mdrtyrer
zeigt sich diese Stufenfolge. Der Muslim ist verpflichtet
flir seinen Glauben alle Diesseitswerte hinzugeben. Auch
die schiltische Lehre von der takljah (der ausserlichen
Verleugnung des Glaubens trotz innerer Anhanglichkeit)
widerspricht dieser Lehre nur scheinbar. Auch die Schiiten
haben zahlreiche Martyrer. Dadurch ist erkennbar dass
der Muslim seine Religion als einen Schatz betrachtet, der
mit irdischen Giitern nicht verglichen werden kann und
einer anderen Ordnung als diese angehort. Beide Reiche
sind inkommensurabel. Dabei durchdringen die Jenseits-
werte das Diesseitsleben und sollen es mit den Ausblicken
auf jene hohere Ordnung beleben. Die Wlirde des Martyrers
wird daher in iiberschwanglicher Weise hervorgehoben
(Bagurl zu SanusT's Katechismus, oft) : seine Wunden duf-
ten am jiingsten Tage wie Moschus ; flir ihn wird bestandig
(nicht nur beim jiingsten Gerichte) Flirbitte eingelegt ; die
Verwesung erreicht ihn nicht ; mit dem Propheten und
grossten Heiligen hat er beim jiingsten Gerichte das Recht,
Flirbitte bei Gott flir die Slinder einzulegen, usw. In alien

Entwicklungsfdhigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 22 1

solchen Urteilen zeigt sich ein Wertempfinden, dass der
gesamten Lebensgiiterreihe des Irdischen das Jenseitig-
Geistige, wie auf einer ganz anderen Ebene liegend, tiber-
geordnet wird. Von den Diesseitsgutern werden solche
vorgezogen und hoher bewertet, die den religiosen am
nachsten verwandt sind und zu ihnen eine innere Zuordnung
haben.

Die ausseren, zeremoniellen Handlungen, die der Aus-
senstehende zuerst von Islam kennen lernt, sind in der
sittlichenAuffassung des Muslim Nebensache im Vergleich zu
den inneren Handlungen : der Richtung der Seele auf Gott
und das Gute. Daraus ergibt sich zugleich der sittliche
Ernst, der aus der Lebensauffassung des Muslim spricht. Die
sittliche Gesinnung wird in vielen Prophetenausspriichen als
Wesen des Glaubens bezeichnet, d. h. als das Heiligste, was
der Muslim kennt. Schon die Freude am Guten und das
Betriibtsein iiber das Bose gelten (156, 5 u.) als Hauptinhalt
des Glaubens. Dieser besteht nach einer anderen Tradition
(152, i) aus zwei Teilen, aus Dank gegen Gott und Geduld.

Aus dem Gesagten ergibt sich die Einheit und harmo-
nische Rhythmik der ethischen Krafte ; denn die Religion
ist das einigende Band der moralischen Strebungen und
Triebe, diezusammenfassendeKraftunddas allbeherrschende
Motiv, das die Zielsetzungen einheitlich leitet. Diese in das
ganze System der Handlungen eindringende und es durch-
dringende Einheit ist der religiose Gedanke, der alle Ziel-
setzungen auf ein transzendentes Gut richtet. Die irdischen
Giiter werden danach beurteilt, ob sie von den jenseitigen
ablenken — dann sind sie bose — oder zu ihnen fiihren — dann
sind sie gute. "Was wenig ist, aber geniigt, ist besser als
das Uppige, das von Gott ablenkt " (155, 4u.). Indem die
natiirlichen Tugenden unter religiosem Gesichtspunkte und
als zum Wesen des Islam gehorig betrachtet werden, wird
die ganze Sphare des Natiirlichen durch das Ubernatiirliche
geheiligt : " Der Islam ist identisch mit edlem Ckarakter"

OS1* 3U-)-.

Die Einheitlichkeit dieser sittlichen Ordnung ist ein

Symbol und Ausdruck fur die Einheitlichkeit des Welter-
lebens, das der Orientale besitzt. Seine Abgeklartheit,
Ruhe und Beschaulichkeit fallen dem unruhigen und hastigen
Abendlander auf. Diese innere Ruhe, die eine gewisse

222

M. HORTEN

Uberlegenheit iiber die kleinen Ereignisse des Alltags
bedeutet, wurzelt darin, dass der Orientale das Weltziel mit
dem Lebensziele in Einklang bringt. Gott ist das Ziel der
Welt und des Einzellebens. Jeder Muslim strebt nach der
Vereinigung mit Gott (vusul) und dem Erschauen Gottes
(ruj'ak). Der Vermittler ist die ins Ubernaturliche gestei-

g^rte mystische Person Muhammads, die fur den einzelnen
laubigen eine geistige Kraft bedeutet, eine Quelle von
Hilfen und Gnaden, ein Zie/dem er sich nahern soil (8, 1 1).
Dieses Streben ist Liebe. Die Liebe zu Gott, die das Grund-
motiv alles Handelns ist, wird also geleitet durch die Liebe
zur mystischen Person des Propheten (9, TO), und nach dieser
bemisst Gott sogar die Art und Stufe der ewigen Seligkeit
des Glaubigen (9, 14) : " Das ewige Gliick und die Wonne
der Seligen wie auch ihre Stufen im Himmel werden be-
messen nach der Grosse der Liebe die der Mensch dem
Propheten weiht."

In der islamischen Ethik offenbart sich ein Genius, dem
es gelungen ist, die schweren Fesseln der Gesetzesreligion
zu erleichtern und zu vergeistigen und der materiellen Aus-
senwelt der Religion eine Innenwelt und eine Seele zu geben,
und nach dieser Seele muss man Islam und Orient beurteilen.
Die Erkenntnis dieser wird meines Erachtens nicht so sehr
durch Herbeischaffung neuen Materials an Texten und
Tatsachen gefordert werden als durch die kulturwissen-
schaftliche und psychologische Durchdringung der bereits
zuganglichen Materials. Die Ethik kann nur im Rahmen
der Gesamtkultur des Orientes verstanden werden, denn der
Orientale erlebt seine sittliche Lebensordnung als Teil der
Ganzheit von Welt und Dasein, in der er gestellt ist. In
seiner Weltanschauung sucht er alles in einem Bilde zu
vereinigen, und aus diesem entnimmt er die Motive seiner
Handlungen. So fiigt sich alles zu einer harmonischen Ein-
heit, die freilich ihre Verschiedenheiten aufweisen wird nach
Rassen,Zeiten, Provinzen und schliesslich Individuen, ferner
nach politischen, sozialen, privaten und wirtschaftlichen
Verhaltnissen. In dieser Untersuchung sollten nur die
allg-emeinsten Zuge, Krafte, Lebenstendenzen und Lebens-
gefiihle der islamischen Ethik an einzelnen Tatsachen des
Orientalischen Geisteslebens nachgewiesen werden, damit
man aus ihnen ihre Entwicklungsfahigkeit beurteile. Das

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 223

Orientalische Lebenist inmittelalterlichen Formelnbefangen.
Wenn sich nun herausstellt, das deren Geist mit dem unserer
europaischen Kultur in wesentlichen Ziigen iibereinstimmt,
so wird man ein inneres Verstandnis (trotz noch so starker
ausserer Verschiedenheit) zwischen Orient und Okzident
nicht fiir unmb'glich, ja sogar als wahrscheinlich und natur-
gemass betrachten, unddamit ist der Begriff der " Entwick-
lungsfahigkeit " gegeben. Wenn zwei Welten bestehen, die
wie Morgenland und Abendland in ihren Tiefen so wesent-
liche Fiihlung mit einander haben, wenn sie auch an der
Oberflache verschiedene Formen zeigen, so muss es moglich
sein, dass beide zu einer Verstandigung gelangen, und die
wahren Fortschritte der Kultur, die nicht nur triigerische
Aussenseite und Schein sind, wird der Orient als mit seinem
VVesen iibereinstimmend erkennen und annehmen.

M. HORTEN.

SOME REMARKS ON THE DlWAN
OF NIZAMI

'Awfl,ed. Browne, n, p. 397, and Dawlatshah, ed. Browne,
p. 129, affirm in their biography of the Persian poet NizamI,
that he left besides the famous Khamsa also a dlwan or col-
lection of minor poems of which they give different specimens.
The same thing is attested by the poet JamI in his Beharistan,
ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p. 98, who cites the same^aWthat
also is recorded by the former. Prof. Browne in discussing
these testimonies (A literary history of Persia, n, p. 402)
observes however with special reference to Dawlatshah: "but
it must be remembered that there were several other poets
of this name, whom this very inaccurate biographer is quite
capable of confusing with the subject of the present notice.
If such a dlwan ever existed in reality it appears long ago
to have been lost and forgotten."

We may safely agree with Prof. Browne in his verdict
on the accuracy of Dawlatshah, but there remain the testi-
monies of 'Awfl and JamI and above all that of NizamI himself
(Laila u Majnun, ed. Bombay, p. 8) which was considered
as decisive by Bacher in his well-known biography of the
poet. He states therein expressly that he himself arranged
his dlwan before the composition of the Laila u Majnun,
i.e. before the year 584 (1188). The fact that the dlwan
once existed is consequently beyond doubt, and that the above
named biographers have derived their extracts from it is very
probable. I f it yet existed in their life-time we should wonder,
if no copy had been handed down to us. With a view to
ascertain this question I examined the catalogues of Persian
MSS published in Europe and found mentioned three copies,
viz. two in the Bodleian Library at Oxford (Cat. nos. 6 1 8, 6 1 9)
and one in the Prussian National Library at Berlin (Pertsch
no. 69 1,2). From the description by the authors of the cata-
logues it resulted that the work contained in these copies
was the same, and those of Oxford being unaccessible to me,
I solicited from the Director of the Berlin Library the loan
of the MS in question. It is with much gratitude that I can

Some remarks on the Diwan of Nizami 225

record here that the MS was graciously sent to me to be con-
sulted at leisure here at Utrecht.

As to this MS, which belongs to the collection Sprenger,
I have almost nothing to add to the description in the Berlin
Catalogue. The volume contains first the dlwan of Zahlr ad-
dm Faryabl ; that of Nizami written in a fine ta'lik character,
quite different from that of the former part of the MS, occupies
only 43 folia (fol. U5b-i57b). There is neither introduction
nor subscription ; the poems are arranged in the usual man-
ner : kasldas, ghazals arranged alphabetically according to
the rhyme words, kit* as and ruba'ls. The limited number of
poems contained in the vol. confirmed at once the statement
of 'Awfl and JamI that save for the mathnawis very little
poetry has been handed down from Nizami, and proved that
Dawlatshah, speaking of 20,000 verses, has grossly exag-
gerated. But strange to say, the dlwdn does not contain the
verses mentioned by the former, though those mentioned by
the latter are to be found on fol. i36a. It appears therefore
that we have really before us the dlwan arranged by the poet
himself about 584 (1188) and that the verses cited by
'Awfi are missing in the dlwan because they were com-
posed at a later date. However, this conclusion needs fuller
probation, particularly because the first kaslda contains at the
end a statement which is hardly consistent with this date,
though it makes it not impossible. It runs as follows :

The poem is accordingly a direct imitation of another com-
posed by Kamal, by whom scarcely any other person can
be meant than Kamal ad-din Isma'il IspahanI, who died at
a much later date than Nizami, viz. in 1237. But as he was
already among the panegyrists of the Khwarizmshah Takash
(ti 199) a chronological difficulty need not be admitted, least
of all, if the same poet is referred to by Nizami, Khusrau u
Shlrln, ed. Bombay, p. 43, under the designation ^U* ^^\^.
Kamal, it is well known, bore the surname ^jUJ! J^U.. F°r
the rest, no allusion whatsoever to known names or dates
occurs in the poems that is inconsistent with the life-time of
Nizami. The kasldas, not even amounting to a dozen, are
not, as is frequently the case, panegyrics on some princes or

B. P. V. 15

226 M. TH. HOUTSMA

emirs, but religious hymns with a more or less pronounced
Sufi character. The same remark applies to the poems of a
different kind, ghazals and ruba'ls occurring in the dlwan,
that cited by Dawlatshah being really a very good specimen
of the spirit that pervades this poetry. One single example
bearing on the sense of JU^, occurring fol. i36b, may there-
fore suffice :

JlU JU»-fr jt

The following, written on fol. i5ia, is more moralizing

5' J1-

After perusing these verses we may easily explain why the
dlwan has never acquired the immense popularity of the
poet'sjKhamsa and has been handed down only in a few copies.
Nizami is, as Prof. Browne remarks, the acknowledged master
of romantic mathnawl, he is perhaps equally great as a
didactical poet, but he is not specially distinguished in other

1 The dissimilarity of the rhyme-word is in this case not strictly regarded
as a fault, ^ and yi being interchangeable. As to the vowel cf. the rhyme-
word of the following verse and the example cited from Nizami himself by
Vullers, Lex. pers. lat. I, 830*.

Some remarks on the Diwan of Nizami 227

forms of verse, such zs*kasidas,ghazals or ruba'ls, that make
the contents of a dlwan. When he condescends to write
panegyrics, e.g. in the dedications of his greater poems, he
is nearly insupportable and addresses (Kkusrau u Shlrln,
ed. Bombay, p. 10) to Kizil Arslan verses like this :

for which he was severely criticized by a pedant who observed
that the rhyme was deficient, as the last word should cor-
rectly be pronounced haluk. The cow, replied our Sheikh,
cares not for the rules of grammar. See the Nigaristan of
Ghaffarl, ed. Bombay, 1275, p. 223.

That the dlwan contains really the work of the great
Nizami and not that of another poet of the same name is
clear from the fact that not only his name, but also his
domicile Ganja is occasionally mentioned in the poems. If
not the work of him, it should possibly be considered as a
forgery, but I see no indication why it should be such. There
occurs absolutely nothing in the dlwan that may not have
been said by Nizami. The spirit that pervades it is the same
that is also conspicuous in his earliest work, the Makkzan
al-Asrar, quite in accordance with the fact that both date
from the time of his youth. What is the case with the printed
edition published at Agra (1283), mentioned in the Oxford
Catalogue and said there to be quite different from that which
we possess in MS, I do not know, as I never saw the volume.
If genuine, which appears very doubtful, it may contain a
later redaction, as we have learnt from the extracts given by
'Awfi and JamI that not all the poetry handed down from
Nizami has been collected in the MSS of his dlwan.

1 The Bombay ed. has oU.

M. TH. HOUTSMA.

15—2

LES MOSAFIRIDES DE L'ADHERBAIDjAN

Un certain nombre de publications recentes relatives a
Thistoire de TArm^nie ont attire 1'attention sur les petites
dynasties musulmanes qui, voisines des pays habite's par les
Arme'niens, n'ont vecu qu'en se reconnaissant vassales des
Bouides d'abord, des Seldjouqides ensuite1. L'enchevetre-
ment de ces Iitats feodaux est extreme, et leur histoire est
obscure. On nous saura gre d'avoir rassemble ici un certain
nombre de faits qui aideront a fixer des dates, et par suite a
e*claircir un certain nombre de points, sur lesquels les donn^es
des historiens arme'niens et byzantins sont insuffisantes.

La dynastie des Mosafirides a regne" en Adherbaidjan
dans la seconde moitie du Xe siecle de 1'ere chretienne et la
premiere moide* du XIe. Ellese compose de huit princes2,
et fut renversee par les Seldjouqides en 1064. La table
ge"ne"alogique suivante aidera a comprendre leur succession.

MOSAFIRIDES.
i. Sallar Mohammed ben Mosafir ed-Deilemi.

I I

2. el-Marzoban Ier. 4. Wehsoftdhan.

I _ I

| | | | 5- Ismail.

3. Djestan. Ibrahim. Nagir. Kaikhosrau.

6. el-Marzoban II.

7. Ibrahim.

8. Abou-<Jalih Djestan.

1 Histoire universelle, par 6tienne Asolik deTardn, traduite de 1'armenien
et annotee par Fr. Macler; Paris, 1917 (dans les Publications de 1'^cole
des Langues orientales vivantes). — J. Laurent, LArmenie entre Byzance et
r Islam depuis la conquete arabe jusqu'en 886; Paris, 1918 (these de
doctorat-es-lettres). — Du meme, Byzance et les Turcs Seldjouddes dans
1'Asie occidentale jusqu'en 1081 ; Paris, 1913 (these complementaire).—
J. de Morgan, Histoire du peuple armlnien\ Nancy— Paris-Strasbourg, 1919.

2 La liste en est donnee en marge du Ta'rtkh de Monedjdjim-Bachi,
t. ii, p. 505.

Les Mosdfirides de £ Adherbaidjdn 229

SALLAR MOHAMMED BEN MOSAFIR.

Ce chef here"ditaire de la principaute' de Taram1 dans les
montagnes du Deilem portait le surnom de Sallar ou Salar,
"ge'ne'ral2" qu'il tenait de ses ancetres3. Voici, pour les
commencements de son pouvoir, ce que raconte Ibn-el-Athir4
sous I'anne'e 330 (941) : "L Adherbaidjan etait alors soumis &
Daisam ben Ibrahim le Kurde5, ancien compagnonde Yousouf
ben Abi 's-Sadj6, qui 1'avait servi et avait vu grandir son
pouvoir au point de s'emparer de cette province : c'e"tait un

1 Canton dans les montagnes qui dominent Qazwtn au nord, tres
fertile, bien arrose, et couvert de villages florissants, au rapport de Yaqout,
qui 1'avait traverse. Les Arabes ecrivent Tarm (cf. un vers de Motanabbi
cite par Yaqout, et d'apres lui par Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de la
Perse, p. 392; voir aussi Istakhri, p.- 204; Ibn-Hauqal, pp. 267, 268;
Maraud, t. i, p. 195, et t. ii, p. 202), mais ils connaissent 1'ancienne
orthographe persane taram, Barbier de Meynard, op. laud., p. 131 ;
Moqaddesi, pp. 51, 355, 360 (vocalise ici tdrim). Les Persans modernes
appellent cette region Taramein, "les deux Taram," 1'inferieur et le superieur
(Hamd-ullah Mostaufi, Nozhat el-Qoloub, ed. Le Strange, p. 65 ; cite par
Barbier de Meynard, id. op., p. 392, note i). (Jani' ed-Daula Hasan-Khan,
dans son Mir' at el-boldan, t. i, p. 334, indique ces differentes graphics.

2 Forme dialectale pour ser-dar • le groupe rd devient / gemine ou avec
allongement de la voyelle precedente comme dans sard>sal. Cf. F. Justi,
Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 280.

3 En 316 (928) nous trouvons Sallar, fils d'Aswar, comme seigneur de
Chamiran, forteresse du Taram (Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 142 ; Mas'oudi,
Prairies tfor, t. ix, p. 16). Asfar ben Chiroye, officier gilani de la suite
du Samanide Nac,r, fils d'Ahmed (Defremery, Samanides, p. 131 et suivantes)
s'etait rendu impopulaire par ses cruautes. II avait parmi ses meilleurs
lieutenants Mardawidj ben Ziyar le De'ilemite, fondateur de la dynastie des
Ziyarides, qu'il chargea d'une mission aupres de Sallar pour 1'inviter a lui
obeir, mais Sallar et Mardawidj s'entendirent pour conspirer centre Asfar
et marcherent sur Qazwin ou etait le gouverneur samanide, qui s'enfuit et
ne tarda pas a etre tue (trois versions differentes sur les circonstances de
sa mort dans Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 143). La forteresse de Chamiran est
appelee Samiran par Yaqout, t. iii, p. 148 (cf. Barbier de Meynard,
Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 318) ; G. le Strange, Eastern Caliphate, p. 226.

4 Chronicon, ed. Tornberg, t. viii, p. 289 ; abrege dans Ibn-Khaldoun,
Tdrikh, t. iii, p. 413 ; Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 64 et suiv.

5 Daisam ben Sadalawaih (Sadaloye) dans Ibn-Hauqal, p. 236, ce qui
prouve qu'a cote du nom musulman de son pere avait persiste son npm
iranien.

6 Sur ce prince voir Defremery, Memoire sur la famille des Sadjides,
dans le Journal asiatique de 1847, P- 37 et suivantes du tirage a part.

230 CL. HUART

Kharidjite1 ainsi que son pere, qui avait <£te un adepte de
Haroun ech-Chari (le Kharidjite)2; quand celui-ci fut tue", il
s'enfuit en Adherbaidjan et y epousa la fille d'un chef des
Kurdes de cette province ; il en eut Daisam. Se joignant
alors a Ibn Abi 's-Sadj, il s'e"leva, sa situation grandit ; il
progressa au point de posseder 1' Adherbaidjan apres Yousouf
ben Abi 's-Sadj3. La plus grande partie de ses troupes etait
composee de Kurdes, sauf quelques petits groupes de
Deitemites, provenant de Farmed de Wouchmgir4, qui
1'avaient accompagne en Adherbaidjan,

" II arriva ensuite que ces (mercenaires) Kurdes devin-
rent forts, preponderants, et dominerent certaines de ses
forteresses et des regions de ces pays ; il jugea a propos de
s'appuyer contre eux sur les De"il£mites, dont il chercha a
augmenter le nombre5 ; parmi eux se trouvaient Qa'louk ben
Mohammed ben Mosanr, 'All ben el-Fadl6, et d'autres.
Daisam les couvrit de bienfaits, arracha aux Kurdes les

1 Chart, pi. chorat. Sur ce surnom des Kharidjites, voir Motahhar ben
Tahir el-Maqdisi, Livre de la Creation, t. v, p. 142.

2 Ce chef Kharidjite, surnomme el-Waziqi, entra a Mossoul et y fit la
priere solennelle en 272 (885), puis il fut vaincu par el-Mo'tadid en 283
(896). Cf. Tabari, Annales, iii, pp. 2108, 2149.

3 Ibn-Khaldoun, t iii, p. 413, a ici un passage qui ne se trouve pas
dans Ibn-el-Athir a cet endroit : " Es-Saikari, lieutenant de Wouchmgir dans
le Djabal ('Iraq-'adjami) vint en Tannee (3)26 et le vainquit (c'est a dire
Yousouf) en Adherbaidjan ; puis il se rendit aupres de Wouchmgir et lui
garantit 1 obeissance [ainsi que la remise d'] une [certaine] somme, en lui
demandant des renforts qu'il lui envoya sous la forme d'une armee de
Dei'le'mites qui le suivirent ; es-Saikari le vainquit, le chassa, et regna dans
le pays." C'est le resume de ce qu'a ecrit Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 261, ou
Tornberg a imprime ^j££J d'apres une note marginale ; le texte du MS.
U porte igjX*~JI, lec^on voisine de celle d'Ibn-Khaldoun. Ibn-Isfandiyar,
p. 217, Zehir-ed-din, p. 175, et Ibn-Miskawaih, Tadjarib el-omam, t. vi, p. 3,
ont aussi Lachkari.

4 Frere de Mardawidj, fondateur de la dynastie des Ziyarides. Cf.
A. Querry, Le Cabousname ou Livre de Cabous (Paris, 1886), p. vi ;
Defremery, Samanides, pp. 252, 253; P. M. Sykes, A History of Persia, t. ii,
p. 92 ; P. Horn, Geschichte Irans, pp. 564, 565 \ Ibn-Isfandiyar, History of
Tabaristan, trad. Browne, p. 217.

B^»v^« *£^i j£d>.<l3. Ibn-Khaldoun, fa. tit., a^oJbjJI <J>« jJS5Clwl3. Ibn-
Miskawaih (t. vi, p. 65) se sert de 1'expression^JbjJt Sji& £>* ^^jb> Qui est
claire.

6 Ibn-Miskawaih (t. vi, p. 65) ajoute Asfar ben Siyadouli. 'Ali ben
el-Fadl ^$+*)\ etait un general de Bodjkem que celui-ci avait chasse de
son armee pour un acte qui lui avait deplu.

Les Mosdfirides de r Adherbaidjdn 231

territoires ou ils s'etaient arroge" la preponderance, et fit
arreter un certain nombre de leurs chefs.

" II avait pour ministre Abou '1-Qasim 'Ali ben Dja'far,
un indigene1; ses ennemis le d^noncerent ; Daisam lui fit
peur, et il s'enfuit dans le canton de Taram aupres de
Mohammed ben Mosafir ; arrive aupres de celui-ci, il vit
que ses deux fils, Wehsoudhan et el-Marzoban, s'e"taient
fach^s avec lui et s'e"taient empar^s de quelques-unes de
ses forteresses2 ; la cause de cette brouille e"tait les mauvais
traitements que leur pere leur avait reserves3, ainsi qu'a
d'autres. Ensuite4 les deux fils incarcererent leur pere
Mohammed ben Mosafir et firent main basse sur ses biens
et ses tresors ; quant a lui, il resta seul, abandonne", sans
argent ni bagages, dans une autre forteresse. 'Ali ben
Dja'far s'etant rendu compte de la situation, se rapprocha
d'el-Marzoban et se mit a son service ; il excita sa convoitise
a 1'egard de I'Adherbaidjan, et lui garantit qu'il lui en facili-
terait la conquete5 et lui procurerait ainsi des sommes
considerables dont il connaissait les modalit^s.

1 Un des secretaires de 1'Adherbaidjan, dit Ibn-Miskawaih, loco laud.

2 Seulement de la forteresse de Chamiran, sa residence, dit Ibn-
Miskawaih.

3 Pour des difficultes peu considerables j~£* v*"!; J**J» ajoute Ibn-
Miskawa'ih ; et cela, dit-il, a cause de son mauvais caractere

4 Ibn-el-Athir resume par ce seul mot les details que Ton trouve dans
Ibn-Miskawaih : " Wehsoddhan se facha centre lui et rejoignit son frere
el-Marzoban, qui se trouvait dans une des forteresses de son pere dans le
canton de Taram. Mohammed ben Mosafir comprit qu'il ne lui serait
possible de se saisir de son fils qu'apres 1'avoir separe de son frere, et il
ecrivit a el-Marzoban pour le mander aupres de lui. 'Je ne resterat pas
dans la forteresse apres son depart,' lui dit Wehsoudhan. . . 'Sors avec moi/
lui repliqua el-Marzoban. Quand ils eurent fait une partie de la route, ils
se saisirent d'un messager que leur pere envoyait secretement a la garnison
de la forteresse, lui ordonnant d'arreter Wehsoudhan des le depart d'el-
Marzoban, et de le surveiller, ainsi que le chateau. Ils s'etonnerent de ce
fait, et le mecontentement les reunit centre leur pere. Arrives a la forteresse
ou demeurait leur pere, il se trouva qu'il s'etait rendu dans une autre place.
Ils informerent alors leur mere Kharasouye de la lettre envoy ee par leur

pere ; celle-ci, qui etait une femme intelligente *}>»•, les aida a s'emparer
du chateau ou se trouvaient les provisions et les tresors de leur pere.
Quand Mohammed ben Mosafir apprit cela, il ne sut que faire et resta
dans la forteresse ou il s'etait rendu, isole et prive de ses rich esses."

5 Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 66.

232 CL. HUART

" El-Marzoban le prit comme ministre ; ce qui rapprochait
ces deux personnages, en plus de ce que nous venons de
mentionner, c'est qu'ils etaient tous deux Chi'ites. 'All ben
Dja'far e"tait un missionnaire isma'ilien, et el-Marzoban e"tait
fort connu pour sa qualit£ de Chi'ite1 ; tandis que Daisam,
comme nous 1'avons vu, e"tait Kharidjite et detestait 'All, de
sorte que les Deilemites qui le servaient se d^gouterent de
lui.

" 'All ben Dja'far entreprit de correspondre avec ceux
dont il savait qu'ils se detachaient de Daisam, et chercha a
se les attirer, de sorte qu'un grand nombre des compagnons
de celui-ci re"ponderent affirmativement a ses ouvertures
et que leurs cceurs se desaffectionnerent, en particulier les
Deilemites.

" El-Marzoban marcha sur TAdherbaidjan ; Daisam se
porta a son rencontre ; quand les armees furent en presence,
pretes a combattre, les Deilemites se joignirent a el-
Marzoban2, suivis de beaucoup de Kurdes qui reclamerent
une sauvegarde. El-Marzoban chargea contre les troupes
de Daisam, qui s'enfuit, suivi d'une petite troupe, enArm^nie,
ou il chercha refuge aupres de Hadjiq ben ed-Dirani3, a
raison de I'amiti^ qui existait entre eux4 ; le prince armenien
le traita avec g£nerosite\ Daisam recommen^a a entretenir
de bons rapports avec les Kurdes, et ses compagnons lui
sugg^rerent d'^loigner les Dell^mites a raison de 1'opposition

1 El-Marzoban etait tenu par 1'engagement qu'il avait pris a 1'egard des

#
Batiniyya^oTrtjJ b^st* (les Isma'iliens), de sorte qu'il lui permit de precher

publiquement cette doctrine (Ibn-Miskawaih, toe. at.).

2 Au nombre d'environ deux mille hommes (Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 67).

3 Khatchik Gagik, roi du Vaspourakan (province de Van), re'gna de 914 a
943. II e'tait ie fils de la soeur de Sembat Ier, roi bagratide d'Ani, laquelle avait
epouse Grigor Derenik (Asolik de Taron, Histoire, trad. Macler, p. 17, n. 2).
Le surnom de son pere, lu detram, indiquerait queique fonction ecclesiastique
dans un cloitre (de'ir) • en Syrie, ce mot signifie " prepose d'un couvent "
(Cuche), mais il est plus probable que c'est le surnom de son pere, Derenik,
qui a e'te ainsi transforme par les auteurs arabes par fausse assimilation a
un mot de leur langue. Ibn-Hauqal (Biblioth. geogr. ar., t. ii, p. 250) lit
" Ibn-ed-Dirani, roi de Zawazan, de Van et de Wastan." II est devenu ed-
Diwani dans 1'edition imprimee d'Ibn-Khaldoun, loc. cit.

Apres avoir combattu son oncle Sembat dans les rangs des Musulmans,
il avait ete installe sur le trone de Vaspourakan par Yousouf, frere d'Afchin,
general du Khalife Moqtadir-billah. Cf. J. de Morgan, Histoire, p. 135 ;
Asolik, trad. Macler, p. 17.

Les Mosdfirides de r Adherbaidjdn 233

que ceux-ci lui faisaient tant au sujet de la difference d'origine
que de celle de religion; mais il ne les e"couta pas1."

Mis'ar ben Mohalhil, dont le re"cit nous a etc" conserv6
par Yaqout, nous a transmis de curieux details sur les
constructions entreprises par Mohammed ben Mosafir.
"J 'arrivals dans la citadelle du roi du De"ilem, connue sous
le nom de Samiran ; je n'ai Hen vu de mieux construit et de
plus vaste, parmi les residences royales ; car on y compte
plus de 2,850 palais et maisons de differentes dimensions.
Son premier possesseur, Mohammed ben Mosafir, avait
1'habitude, lorsqu'il voyait un travail bien execute" et solide,
de s'informer du nom de 1'ouvrier ; il lui envoyait une somme
d'argent pour le capter, et lui en promettait le double s'il
voulait se rendre a sa cour. Lorsqu'il se 1'etait attache", il
1'empechait de sortir de la citadelle pour le reste de ses
jours. En outre, il prenait les fils de ses propres sujets et
les employait a ces travaux. C'e"tait un prince riche et
e"conome, qui e"pargnait sur ses defenses, bien qu'il possedat
de gros revenus et des tresors considerables. A la fin ses
enfants, mus par un sentiment de pitie a la vue de tous ces
hommes qu'il traitait comme des captifs, se revolterent contre
lui. Un jour qu'il etait a la chasse, ils fermerent les portes
de la citadelle et refuserent de le recevoir ; il fut contraint
de se retrancher dans un autre de ses chateaux-forts. Tous
les ouvriers employe's par lui, au nombre de cinq mille
environ, furent mis en liberte et repandirent les benedictions
sur leurs liberateurs2."

II.

EL-MARZOBAN, FILS DE MOHAMMED BEN MOSAFIR.

" El-Marzoban3 regna en Adherbaidjan et sa situation se
maintint jusqu'a ce qu'il se brouilla avec son ministre 'Ali

1 II reconnut, dit Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 67, la faute qu'il avait com-
mise en augmentant le nombre des Deilemites ; un cadi eloquent lui avait

conseille de ne pas enroler Ja^j^j *^l plus de cinq cents hommes [de cette
origine], mais il lui avait desobei.

2 Traduction de Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 319.
C'est en 331 (943) que ce voyageur visita Samiran. Voir G. le Strange,
Eastern Caliphate, p. 226.

3 Mohammed ben Mosafir epousa la fille de Djestan ben Wehsoudhan,
qui regna de 251 (865) a 304 (916), et appartenait a la dynastie des

234 CL. HUART

ben Dja'far pour les motifs suivants. Le ministre1 suivait
une mauvaise ligne de conduite a Tegard des compagnons
d'el-Marzoban2, qui s'entr'aiderent contre lui ; il s'en apergut,
et con^ut une machination contre el-Marzoban en lui faisant
entrevoir les profits considerables qu'il tirerait d'une ex-
pe"dition contre Tebriz : le prince lui adjoignit un corps de
Deile" mites qu'il envoya contre cette ville3; mais le ministre
changea d'opinion a 1'egard des habitants de la cite et leur
fit connaitre qu'el-Marzoban 1'avait envoye" pour s'emparer
de leurs biens ; il leur persuada de mettre a mort les
De"ilemites qu'ils avaient aupres d'eux, et d'ecrire a Daisam
pour lui demander de venir les rejoindre. Us entrerent dans
ces vues ; il I'^crivit a Daisam, et les habitants de la ville
attaquerent brusquement les Deilemites et les massacrerent.
" Daisam se mit en route pour Tebriz avec les troupes
qu'il avait pu rassembler. El-Marzoban avait mal agi a
1'^gard des Kurdes qui lui avaient demand^ sa sauvegarde;
lorsque ceux-ci apprirent la marche de Daisam sur Tebriz,
ils se joignirent a lui. A cette nouvelle, el-Marzoban se
repentit d'avoir fache 'Ali ben Dja'far4, puis il rassembla ses
troupes et se mit en route pour Tebriz ; une rencontre entre
lui et Daisam eut lieu hors de la ville ; ce dernier fut mis
en de"route, ainsi que les Kurdes qui 1'accompagnaient ; ils
revinrent sur leurs pas et se fortifierent6 dans Tebriz, ou ils
furent assie"ges par el-Marzoban, qui se mit a entretenir une
correspondance avec 'Ali ben Dja'far pour ameliorer la
situation, en lui prodiguant des serments pour ce qu'il pourrait
de"sirer. ' Je ne demande, parmi toutes ces offres,' repondit

Wehsoudhanides ou Djestanides, dont on peut voir le tableau dans Stokvis,
Manuel, t. i, p. 125. II eut d'elle el-Marzoban.

1 Ce ministre avait pour secretaire un certain Abou-Sa'id 'Isa ben
Mousa surnomme 'Iskoube, qui le denonQa et excita el-Marzoban a s'emparer
de ses biens (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 68).

2 Non tous ses compagnons, mais un certain groupe de sa suite, comme
le dit Ibn-Miskawaih, loc. laud.

3 Sous les ordres de Djestan ben Charmzan, de Mohammed ben
Ibrahim, de Dekir (Dhekir?) ben Awresfanah, et du chambellan el-Hasan
ben Mohammed el-Mohallebi, entoures de gens de confiance (Ibn-
Miskawaih, loc. cit.).

4 Et d'avoir ecout£ ses ennemis. II prit alors pour ministre Ahmed ben
'Abdallah ben Mahmoud, le revetit d'une robe d'honneur et lui donna le
titre d'el-Mokhtar (Ibn-Miskawaih, p. 69).

5 Corriger \^ 0 .am *» du texte imprime en t^i

Les Mosafirides de r Adherba'idjdn 235

'Ali, 'que la se"curite et la resignation de mes fonctions.'
Le prince, ayant accept^ ces conditions, promit de les exe" cuter
sous serment.

" Le siege ayant reduit Daisam a la gene, il quitta Tabriz
pour Ard^bil1. 'All ben Dja'far rejoignit alors el-Marzoban,
et ils se rendirent a Arde"bil en laissant des troupes pour
continuer le siege de Tabriz tout en entreprenant celui
d'Ardebil2. Quand le siege se prolongea, Daisam demanda
la paix3 et envoya des negociateurs a el-Marzoban a cet
effet4; celui-ci acquies^a a ses propositions : ils conclurent la
paix et el-Marzobanentra a Ardebil, traita Daisam genereuse-
ment et avec de grands honneurs, et fut fidele a ses promesses.
C'est alors que Tut demoli le mur d'enceinte de la ville, pour
punir les habitants d'avoir pris parti pour Daisam5. A partir
de ce moment, le prone fut dit au nom d 'el-Marzoban dans
toutes les mosquees de I'Adherbaidjan6.

1 El-Marzoban n'osa pas le poursuivre immediatement, par crainte de
le voir se retourner centre lui a la tete de ses mendiants ({a'dltkihi), pendant
que les habitants de Tebriz feraient une sortie sur ses derrieres ; il remit
cette operation a plus tard (Ibn-Miskawai'h, pp. 69-70).

2 Avec la portion principale de 1'armee (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 70).

3 Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 72. A la suite des intrigues d'Abou 'Abdallah
Mohammed ben Ahmed en-No'aimi qu'il avait pris pour ministre a la place
d' 'Ali ben Dja'far et qu'el-Marzoban avait mis dans ses interets en lui
promettant le poste de vizir. D'ailleurs la place etait reellement reduite a
la derniere extremite (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 70—71).

4 C'etaient les principaux et les notables de la ville. Sur le conseil
d'en-No'aimi, el-Marzoban les fit arreter, de sorte que les habitants, se
voyant prive's de leurs chefs, se souleverent et obligerent Daisam a faire la
paix (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 71).

5 Ibn-Hauqal, p. 237. Le geographic arabe nous a transmis des details
curieux sur ce demantelement. " C'etait une muraille merveilleuse que le
Sallar el-Marzoban fit detruire, apres avoir fait inscrire une exception dans
la capitulation qu'il accorda aux habitants, et dont il s'autorisa pour cette
demolition. L'operation fut effectuee par les negociants et les proprietaires
de cette ville ; on vit des riches, vetus de leurs plus beaux vetements, saisir
la pioche et travailler a cette ceuvre ; de meme les negociants transportaient
la terre et les pierres dans leurs manteaux ou le pan de la mousseline de
leurs turbans ; car on ne les laissait se livrer a cette operation que vetus de
vetements somptueux de Merw et de ceux appeles monayyar, de sorte qu'ils
s'en trouverent totalement depouilles et que toute trace en disparut, ayant
etc reduits a la misere par le pillage de leurs biens, 1'exageration que Ton
mit a les poursuivre, et leur dispersion dans les diverses regions, car ils
etaient des fauteurs de rebellion et de troubles." Auparavant, les biens des
notables avaient ete confisques, ce qui produisit des sommes enormes (Ibn-
Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 71).

6 Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 72.

236 CL. HUART

" Ensuite Daisam, peu rassure a l'e"gard d'el-Marzoban,
lui demanda Fautorisation de retourner dans son chateau du
canton de Taram pour y habiter lui et sa famille, en se con-
tentant des revenus qu'il pourrait en tirer1, sans lui imposer
autre chose ; el-Marzoban y consentit, et Daisam s'e"tablit
avec sa famille dans son chateau."

C'est pendant le regne d'el-Marzoban que les Russes
firent l'expe"dition fameuse qui mit en leur pouvoir la ville
de Berda'a2. Deja, en 301 (913), ils avaient dirige une
premiere entreprise contre Ardebil3. En 332 (943-944),
c'etait un ndib (lieutenant) d'el-Marzoban qui cornmandait
la ville. " Les Russes, arrives par mer," dit Ibn-el-Athir4,
"avaient remonte" le cours du Korr (Cyrus) jusqu'a Berda'a;
le ndib s'etait porte a leur rencontre a la tete d'une armee
de cinq mille hommes composee de De"ilemites et de volon-
taires5,mais les musulmans (volontaires) furent mis enderoute
en un instant et les De"ile"mites massacres jusqu'au dernier6.
Les Russes entrerent dans la ville et s'y comporterent bien ;
mais la populace les attaquait a coups de pierres7 et les
injuriait, tandis que les gens raisonnables s'en abstenaient.
Quand cette situation eut dure" quelque temps, les Russes or-
donnerent a la population de sortir sous dix jours8, mais ceux
seuls qui avaient des montures s'en allerent ; la plupart resta
apres le delai imparti. Alors les Russes en massacrerent
un grand nombre, firent prisonniers quelques milliers, ras-
semblerent le reste dans la mosque"e cathedrale9 en leur

1 Trente mille dinars par an (Ibn-Miskawai'h, loco laud.).

2 Sur cette ville, voir Le Strange, Eastern Caliphate^ p. 1 7 7 et suivantes ;
Yaqoilt, t. i, p. 558 ; Encyclopedic de /'fs/am, t. i, p. 672. Nous neciterons
que pour memoire Fr. Erdmann, Expeditio Russorum Berdaam versus^ im-
prime a Kazan de 1826 a 1832, d'apres VIskender-ndme du poete persan
Nizhami.

3 Defremery, Sadjides, p. 46 du tirage a part.
* T. viii, p. 308.

6 Au rapport d'lbn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 100, ces troupes se composaient
de 300 Deilemites, autant de fa'lotik et de Kurdes, et environ cinq mille
volontaires.

6 Sauf les cavaliers, dit Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 101 [parce qu'ils purent
s'enfuir].

7 Pour preter main-forte aux troupes du Sultan qui entouraient encore
la ville (Ibn-Miskawaih, loc. laud.).

3 Trois jours dans Ibn-Miskawaih, ibid.

9 Dont ils ouvrirent les portes (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 102).

Les Mosdfirides de r Adherbaidjdn 237

disant de racheter leur vie. Un chre'tien1 s'interposa et fixa
une rangon de vingt dirhems pour chaque homme ; les gens
raisonnables accepterent2 ; quand les Russes virent qu'ils ne
pouvaient venir a bout de ces gens, ils les massacrerent
jusqu'au dernier; il n'en rechappa que ceux qui re"ussirent
a fuir3. Les Russes reduisirent les prisonniers en esclavage
et choisirent parmi les femmes celles qui leur plurent.

"Apres que les Russes eurent agi comme nous venons
de le dire, cela parut epouvantable aux musulmans ; ils se
souleverent au son de la trompette ; el-Marzoban rassembla
le peuple et Texcita a combattre ; le nombre de ceux qui se
placerent sous ses ordres se monta a trente mille hommes.
II partit a leur tete, mais il ne chercha pas a register aux
Russes : il les attaquait tantot le matin, tantot le soir, et
chaque fois il en revenait en de"route. Cela dura de nom-
breux jours. Or les Russes s'^taient diriges du cote de
Meragha et mangerent trop de fruits, de sorte que la
dyssenterie les atteignit et que les maladies, suivies de mort,
se multiplierent parmi eux.

" Lorsqu'el-Marzoban vit que cette situation se pro-
longeait, il eut recours a la ruse ; il combina une embuscade
(de la fagon suivante) : il marcherait contre 1'ennemi avec
ses troupes, puis reculerait devant l.ui, et au moment ou les
soldats en embuscade se montreraient, il attaquerait de
nouveau. II communiqua ce projet a ses compagnons et
disposa I'embuscade, puis il se porta a la rencontre des
Russes4 et les attaqua ; ensuite el- Marzobanet ses compagnons
reculerent, poursuivis par les Russes ; ils d^passerent [dans
leur retraite] le lieu de I'embuscade ; les troupes continuerent
a fuir, sans que personne s'occupat de son voisin. El-
Marzoban a raconte lui-meme cette aventure : ' Je criai
aux hommes de revenir a la charge, mais ils n'en firent rien,

1 C'etait un secretaire de cette ville, nomme Ibn-Sam'oun (Ibn-
Miskawaih, ibid.).

2 Mais non les autres, qui accusaient Ibn-Sam'oun de les soumettre a
la capitation. Le secretaire retira alors ses offres (Ibn-Miskawaih, ibid.).

3 Par un conduit souterrain e'troit qui amenait 1'eau a la mosquee, ou
encore ceux qui se racheterent en sacrifiant leurs tresors. Quand il ne resta
plus rien a prendre dans les maisons ou les boutiques, les Russes remettaient
a leur prisonnier un morceau d'argile scelle pour le mettre a 1'abri de toute
revendication ulterieure (Ibn-Miskawa'ih, ibid.).

4 Ils etaient a pied, et leur chef etait monte' sur un ane (Ibn-Miskawaih,
p. 104).

238 CL. HUART

a cause de la peur qu'ils avaient des Russes. Je compris que
si les hommes continuaient leur deroute, les Russes en
tueraient la plus grande partie, puis se retourneraient centre
1'embuscade, la decouvriraient et tueraient jusqu'au dernier
ceux qui en faisaient partie. Je revins alors a la charge,
suivi seulement de mon frere et de mon compagnon \_pdkib,
son ministre]1, et je m'accoutumai a l'ide"e de perir martyr
de la foi. A ce moment la plupart des Deilemites, pris de
honte, se retournerent et chargerent ; nous bataillames avec
les Russes et nous criames a Fembuscade le mot de ralliement
convenu entre nous. Celle-ci sortit derriere 1'ennemi, et nous
nous battimes pour tout de bon ; nous tuames beaucoup de
Russes2, parmi lesquels leur chef: le reste se reTugia dans
la citadelle de la ville, qu'on appelle Chahristan, ou on avait
accumule des provisions considerables et ou ils avaient
enferme leurs prisonniers, femmes et enfants, ainsi que leurs
richesses.' El-Marzoban les assiegea et s'arma de patience.
" La nouvelle lui parvint alors que Abou 'Abdallah el-
Hoseln ben Said ben Hamdan, cousin de Na^ir-ed-daula3,
avait e*te envoy e par celui-ci pours'emparerde 1'Adherbaidjan
et etait deja parvenu a Salmas. El-Marzoban laissa des
troupes4 pour continuer le blocus des Russes, rejoignit le
Hamdanide et lui livra combat ; puis la neige se mit a
tomber, et les troupes du Hamdanide se debanderent, parce
que le plus grand nombre entre elles se composait de
Bedouins. Ensuite le Hamdanide regutune lettre de Nac^ir-
ed-daula 1'informant de la mort de Touzoun5, lui faisant
savoir qu'il avait 1'intention de se rendre a Bagdad6, et lui
ordonnant de venir le rejoindre ; ce qu'il fit.

1 Suivant Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 104, il etait suivi de son frere, de sa
garde particuliere (kha^a) et de ses esclaves (ghilmari).

2 Sept cents, dit Ibn-Miskawaih, loc. cit.

3 Sur le fondateur de la dynastie des Hamdanides a Alep, voir Cl. Huart,
Histoiredes Arabes, t. i, pp. 315, 316, 327, 328, 341.

4 Cinq cents Deilemites, mille cinq cents cavaliers Kurdes, deux mille
volontaires (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 105).

5 Emir du Deilem devenu emir-el-omara, qui fit aveugler le Khalife
el-Mottaqi et le remplac.a par el-Mostakfi (Cl. Huart, id. op., t. i, p. 315 ;
Al-Fakhri, ed. H. Derenbourg, p. 385 ; trad. Amar, p. 492 et note 2. II
mourut en 334 (945), non a Hit, comme le dit M. Amar, mais dans sa
maison de Bagdad, au mois de Moharrem ; cf. Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 1 18).

6 Pour y combattre Mo'izz-ed-daula qui venait de s'en emparer (Ibn-
Miskawaih, ibid.).

Les Mosdfirides de rAdherbaidjdn 239

" Quant aux troupes d'el-Marzoban, elles continuerent
d'assieger les Russes, de plus en plus la proie de la maladie.
Lorsque ceux-ci enterraient un homme, ils d^posaient ses
armes aupres de lui1; les Musulmans, apres le depart des
Russes [fouillerent les tombes et] se procurerent £norme-
ment de ces armes. Les Russes sortirent la nuit de la
citadelle, apres avoir charge" sur leurs epaules les richesses
et autres objets qu'ils voulaient emporter2, gagnerent les
bords du Korr, s'embarquerent dans leurs navires et par-
tirent. Les gens d'el-Marzoban furent impuissants a les
poursuivre et a leur reprendre leur butin ; ils les laisserent
aller, et Dieu purifia le pays de leur presence."

En 337 (948), el-Marzoban se mit en marche vers Rei.
" II avait appris, en effet, que les troupes du Khorasan
menaient une expedition contre cette ville et que leur avance
de"tournait loin de lui 1'attention de Rokn-ed-daula3. Ensuite
il avait envoy^ un messager a Mo'izz-ed-daula4 : celui-ci lui
avait fait raser la barbe et 1'avait couvert d'injures ainsi que
son maitre, car ce messager e"tait sot. El-Marzoban jugea
1'injure grave et se mit a rassembler ses troupes ; un des
generaux de Rokn-ed-daula5 avait reclame sa sauvegarde et
lui avait fait entrevoir la conquete de Rei, en 1'informant
qu'il avait derriere lui d'autres generaux qui attendaient sa
venue. Confirme" dans ses ambitions, il se trouva en outre
que Nagir-ed-daula lui envoya un messager pour promettre
de Faider et lui conseiller de commencer par Bagdad ; mais
el-Marzoban fut d'un avis different. II fit venir son pere,
ainsi que son frere Abou-Ma^our Wehsoudhan, et leur
demanda conseil a ce sujet ; son pere lui deconseilla de songer

1 Abou '1-Hasan Mohammed ben 'Abd el-Melik el-Hamdani (non el-
Hamadhani comme le dit de Goeje dans sa preface de *Artby Tabarl
continuatus\ auteur d'un supplement aux Annales de Tabari conserve en
manuscrit a la Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds arabe, N° 1469, t. i (unique),
f. 90 v°, donne un recit tres abrege de ces evenements ; il ajoute pourtant
ce detail, " qu'on enterrait avec le Russe sa femme, et son esclave s'il
1'aimait." Cf. Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 106, 1. i.

2 Ils brulerent le reste et emmenerent ce qu'ils voulurent de femmes et
d'enfants (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 106).

3 Frere de Mo'izz-ed-daula.

4 Ahmed ben Bouye s'etait empare de Bagdad le n djoumada I 334
(19 decembre 945), avait regu du Khalife le titre de Mo'izz-ed-daula, et
etait devenu le veritable maitre du Khalifat. Cl. Huart, op. at., t. i, p. 315 ;
Sykes, History of Persia, t. ii, p. 94.

5 'Ali ben Djawanqoula; dans Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 174.

240 CL. HUART

a Re"i, mais il n'agrea pas cette maniere de voir ; lorsqu'il
prit conge de lui, son pere se mit a pleurer : ' Ou te
chercherai-je, mon cher fils, apres cette journ^e ? ' lui dit-il.
El-Marzoban repondit: 'Ou dans le palais du gouverne-
ment a Rei, ou parmi les morts.'

" Informe" de cette attaque, Rokn-ed-daula e"crivit a ses
deux freres 'Imad-ed-daula et Mo'izz-ed-daulapour re"clamer
leur secours ; le premier lui envoya deux mille cavaliers1, et
le second une armee sous le commandement de Subuk-
Tegin, leTurc2, ainsi qu'un engagement, de la part du Khalife
el-Moti'-lillah, promettant le gouvernement du Khorasan a
Rokn-ed-daula.

" Quand 1'armee fut arrived a Dinawar, les Deilemites
se revolterent contre Subuk-Tegin et entourerent de nuit sa
tente ; mais il enfourcha un cheval de rechange (nauba) et fut
sauv6 ; les Turcs se rassemblerent autour de lui, et les
De'ile'mites reconnurent qu'ils n'etaient pas en force pour
reussir ; ils revinrent a lui et le supplierent [de leur par-
donner] ; il agre"a leurs excuses.

" Rokn-ed-daula avait commenc^ a ruser avec el-Mar-
zobin ; il lui avait ecrit avec soumission et en le couvrant
d'honneurs ; il lui demandait de renoncer a son attaque, a
la condition qu'il lui livrerait les villes de Zendjan, d'Abhar
et de Qazwin.

" Les envoyes allerent et vinrent a ce sujet jusqu'a
1'arriv^e des renforts expe" die's par 'Imad-ed-daula et Mo'izz-
ed-daula ; alors Rokn-ed-daula prit avec lui Mohammed
ben (Abd-er-Razzaq3, et el- Hasan ben el-Firozan4 lui envoya
des troupes sous les ordres de Mohammed ben Makan5.
Lorsque le rassemblement fut nombreux, il fit arreter et
incarce"rer un groupe de g£ne"raux qu'il soup9onnait, et partit

1 Sous le commandement du chambellan Bars (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi,

P- 175)-

2 Chambellan de Mo'izz-ed-daula (Defremery, Samanides, p. 255 ; Ibn-
Miskawa'ih, loc. cit.\

3 Ce personnage s'etait re'volte contre Nouh le Samanide a Nichapour,
dont il &ait probablement le gouverneur (Zhahir-eddin, ed. Dorn, p. 182,
1. 14).

4 General des Samanides, fils d'un oncle paternel de Makan et sa
creature. (Cf. Defremery, Samanides, p. 250, n. 75 ; Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi,
P- 35, 1- 7-)

5 Sur ce personnage, chef des troupes de Khorasan, voir Defre'mery,
Samanides, pp. 151, 152.

Les Mosdfirides de F Adherba'idjdn 241

pour Qazwin. El-Marzoban reconnut qu'il ne pourrait avoir
raison de lui, mais il refusa de s'en retourner ; la rencontre
eut lieu, 1'armee d'el-Marzoban1 fut mise en de>oute, lui-
meme fait prisonnier2 et transport^ a Someiram3, ou il fut
enferm^. Rokn-ed-daula s'en retourna, et Mohammed ben
'Abd-er-Razzaq s'e"tablit dans les cantons de I'Adherbaidjan.
"Quant aux compagnons d'el-Marzoban4, ils se rassem-
blerent autour de son pere Mohammed ben Mosafir et le
chargerent de les commander. Son fils Wehsoudhan s'enfuit
d'aupres de lui et se reTugia dans une forteresse qui lui ap-
partenait. Mohammed agit mal a 1'egard de Farmed, et les
soldats voulurent le mettre a mort : il s'enfuit aupres de son
fils Wehsoudhan qui le fit enfermer dans une prison e"troite5
oil il resta jusqu'a sa mort6. Wehsoudhan, embarrass^ dans
ses affaires, appela [a son aide] Daisam le Kurde, parce que
les Kurdes lui obe"issaient ; il lui donna des forces et 1'expedia
contre Mohammed ben 'Abd-er-Razzaq7 ; dans la rencontre
qui eut lieu, Daisam fut mis en d^route ; Mohammed ben
'Abd-er-Razzaq devint fort, s'^tablit dans les cantons de
I'Adherbaidjan et y per^ut les impots ; puis il retourna a

1 Elle se composait ce jour-la de cinq mille Deilemites, Gils et Kurdes
(Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 175).

2 Apres etre reste ferme au centre, les deux ailes etant en deroute, avoir
vu tomber devant lui son beau-pere Beli-wedend Asfdjan ^jla^A*j! ju^ j^^j,
et capturer 'All ben Micheki surnomme Bollat, Mohammed ben Ibrahim
et un certain nombre de ses principaux lieutenants (Ibn-Miskawaih, loco
laud.).

3 Ville de T'lraq-'adjemi, situee a mi-chemin entre Chiraz et Ispahan,
sur la limite de la province du Fars (Yaqout, dans Barbier de Meynard,
Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 321). Ibn-el-Athir a passe sous silence tout un
chapitre d'Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 176-178, ou celui-ci rapporte les paroles
memes du vizir Abou '1-Fadl ben el-'Amid, charge de conduire le prison-
nier a destination par la route d'Ispahan.

4 lichappes au desastre, tels que Djestan ben Charmzan, 'Ali ben el-
Fadl, Chah-Firouz ben Kurdoye, et deux mille hommes de troupe (Ibn-
Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 178-179).

5 La forteresse de Sisadjan ou il se trouvait lui-meme (Ibn-Miskawai'h,
t. vi, p. 179), a seize parasanges d'Ardebil (Yaqout, dans Barbier de
Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 335; Igtakhri, p. 193; Ibn-Hauqal,
p. 252).

6 II mourut avant que son fils el-Marzoban s'echappat de sa prison de
Someiram (Ibn-Miskawaih, ibid.). Get evenement est decrit en detail plus
loin.

7 Nomme gouverneur de I'Adherbaidjan par Rokn-ed-daula (Ibn-
Miskawaih, ibid.).

B.P.V. 16

242 CL. HUART

R<£i en 338 (949), entretint une correspondance avec Te'mir
Nouh1, lui envoya des presents et lui demanda pardon ;
celui-ci accueillit ses excuses et e*crivit a Wouchmgir de con-
clure une treve avec lui, ce qui fut fait. Ensuite Mohammed
retourna a Tous en 339 (950), lorsque Man9our s'en vint
attaquer R&V

En 341 (952) Daisam ben Ibrahim Abou-Salim s'enfuit
de I'Adherbaidjan ; nous venons de raconter la conquete
qu'il en avait faite. Quant a la cause de sa fuite, c'est que
Rokn-ed-daula avait fait arreter un de ses gene"raux nomine"
'Ali ben Micheki ; celui-ci s'^vada et gagna la montagne ;
il y recruta des partisans, se rendit aupres de Wehsoudhan,
fils d'el-Marzoban, et s'entendit avec lui ; ils se preterent
un concours mutuel contre Dai'sam. Ensuite el-Marzoban,
comme nous le verrons plus loin, s'empara de la forteresse
de Some'iram ; des lettres, ou il annon^ait sa de'livrance,
parvinrent a son frere et a 'Ali ben Micheki ; il e"crivit de
meme aux Deil^mites pour les mettre de son parti. Or
Daisam ne connaissait pas son evasion ; il pensait que
Wehsoudhan et 'Ali ben Micheki le combattaient [seuls].
II avait un ministre connu sous le nom d'Abou-'Abdallah
en-No'aimi; d^sireux de lui confisquer sa fortune, il le fit
arreter, et prit pour secretaire un homme qui ^crivit a ce
ministre ; celui-ci, usant de ruse, re"pondit affirmativement a
tout ce qu'il demandait et le lui garantit au moyen d'une
somme d'argent ; alors Dai'sam le mit en liberte, lui livra son
secretaire et le re"tablit dans sa situation. Puis Daisam
partit, le laissant a Ardebil comme son lieutenant pour y
percevoir 1'argent qu'il lui avait prodigue. Apres cela en-
No'aimi fit mettre a mort ce secretaire et s'enfuit, avec tout
ce qu'il poss^dait, aupres d' *Ali ben Micheki.

" Daisam etait dans les environs de Zendjan quand cette
nouvelle lui parvint. II retourna a Ard^bil, mais les Deil6-
mites essayerent de provoquer des troubles dirige"s contre
lui, et il leur distribua les sommes d'argent qu'il poss^dait.
La nouvelle lui etant arriv^e qu' 'Ali ben Micheki marchait
sur Ard^bil a la tete d'une troupe peu nombreuse, il courut
a sa rencontre ; dans la bataille qui fut livre"e, les Deitemites

1 Nofih, fils de Na<gr, le Samanide.

2 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 360-361. II s'agit de Mangotir, fils de Qara-
Tegin, qui attaqua Re'i en 339. Cf. Defre'mery, Samanides^ pp. 147-148.

Les Mosdfirides de PAdherbaidjan 243

le quitterent pour se joindre a 'Ali ; Daisam, en de*route,
s'enfuit en Armenie entoure d'un petit nombre de Kurdes.
Les rois d'Arme'nie lui porterent quelque chose dont il se
saisit.

" La, il apprit le depart d'el-Marzoban, sorti de la forte-
resse de Som&ram, pour Ard£bil, sa conqu£te de 1'Adher-
baidjan, et 1'envoi d'un corps expe"ditionnaire de son cote".
Le sejour lui devenant impossible, il s'enfuit d'Arm^nie vers
Mossoul et Bagdad, ou il arriva en 1'ann^e 342 (953)1.
Mo'izz-ed-daula le regut avec honneur et le traita g6ne"reuse-
ment2 ; il sejourna aupres du Bouide, menant une vie
agre"able.

" Puis sa famille et ses compagnons, rested en Adher-
baidjan, lui e"crivirent pour re"clamer sa presence ; il partit
de Bagdad en 343 (954), apres avoir demande" a Mo'izz-ed-
daula le secours d'une armee ; mais celui-ci ne put acce"der
a cette demande, parce que el-Marzoban avait fait la paix
avec Rokn-ed-daula et avait meme Spouse sa fille ; il n'etait
pas possible a Mo'izz de se mettre en opposition avec son
frere.

" Dai'sam se rendit d'abord aupres de Nagir-ed-daula ben
Hamdin a Mossoul, lui demandant un appui qui lui fut
refus^ ; puis il alia trouver Se"if-ed-daula en Syrie, et il
sejourna aupres de lui jusqu'en 344 (955).

" II arriva qu'une groupe [de mecontents] se revolta
centre el-Marzoban a Bab el-Abwab (Derbend) et que
celui-ci se mit en marche pour le reduire. Alors un chef des
Kurdes de 1'Adherbaidjan envoya [un messager] a Daisam
pour lui demander de venir dans cette province pour le
soutenir contre celui qui y re"gnait : en consequence, il s'y
rendit et s'y empara de la ville de Salmas. El-Marzoban
envoya contre lui un de ses g£n£raux qui le combattit ; mais
les troupes de ce general se joignirent a celles de Daisam,
et le general s'enfuit, tandis que Daisam entrait a Salmas.

" Quand el-Marzoban eut termine 1'affaire de ceux qui
s'etaient revokes contre lui, il revint en Adherbaidjan ;
Daisam, ayant senti qu'il approchait, quitta Salmas et se

1 Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 199.

2 II lui conceda un fief rapportant cinquante mille dinars par an (Ibn-
Miskawaih, ibid.}.

1 6 — 2

244 CL. HUART

rendit en Arme'nie aupres d'Ibn-ed-Dirani1 et d'lbn-Hadjiq2,
parce qu'il avait confiance en eux : el-Marzoban ecrivit alors
a Ibn-ed-Dirani en lui ordonnant de se saisir de sa per-
sonne ; le prince arme'nien s'en deTendit d'abord, puis par
crainte d'el-Marzoban, il fit arreter son hote ; el-Marzoban
lui ordonna alors de le lui envoyer ; Ibn-ed-Dirani refusa
d'abord, puis il fut contraint de le livrer. Une fois en
possession de son ennemi, el-Marzoban lui fit creverv les
yeux et le rendit aveugle, puis il le garda en prison. A la
mort d'el-Marzoban, Tun de ses partisans mita mort Daisam
par crainte des malheurs qu'il pourrait provoquer."

EL-MARZOBAN S'EMPARE DE SOMEIRAM.

" Nous avons parle" de la captivite d'el-Marzoban et de
son emprisonnement a Someiram : voici comment il fut
delivre3. Sa mere Kharasoye e"tait la fille de Djestan ben
Wehsoudhan le roi ; elle re"unit un certain nombre d'individus
pour travailler a sa de"livrance4. Ces gens se rendirent a
Someiram en se faisant passer pour des negociants a qui el-
Marzoban aurait pris des marchandises precieuses, sans
qu'ils en eussent rec^u le prix. I Is entrerent en corres-
pondance avec 1'administrateur de Someiram, connu sous
le nom de Chir Asfar5, et lui firent connaitre I1 injustice dont
ils avaient a se plaindre de la part d'el-Marzoban ; ils lui
demanderent de les mettre en rapports avec celui-ci pour
qu'ils pussent discuter les comptes avec lui et pour recevoir
de lui une lettre autographe, adresse"e a sa mere, anno^ant
la remise des biens a leurs proprietaires.

1 Khatchik Gagik, roi du Vaspourakan, dont il a etc question plus haut.

2 S'il n'y a pas d'erreur dans le texte, ce serait un fils dudit Gagik.

3 Tout d'abord, il s'e'tait refuse a prendre de la nourriture et de la
boisson; Rokn-ed-daula, informe de la situation, ordonna de lui envoyer
son cuisinier habituel, dans lequel il avait confiance ; une fois que celui-ci
fut rendu a destination, el-Marzoban voulut se servir de lui pour s'echapper ;
comme ce cuisinier etait un homme leger, il laissa transpirer son secret, et
le gouverneur le fit pre'cipiter du haut des tours (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi,
p. 200).

* C'etaient des individus qui s'etaient refugies aupres d'elle. Ibn-
Miskawai'h donne les noms de deux d'entre eux, mais ils sont illisibles.

5 C'est ainsi qu'ecrit Ibn-Miskawaih ; le Bechir Asfar d'Ibn-el-Athir
provient d'une preposition malencontreuse qui s'est trouvee sous sa plume
la premiere fois qu'il a cite ce nom, et que les copistes ont servilement
reproduite les autres fois.

Les Mosafirides de rAdherbaidjdn 245

" Chir Asfar fut pris de compassion pour eux et leur
facilita une entrevue. Us re"clamerent done leur bien a el-
Marzoban qui nia d'abord ; puis 1'un d'entre eux lui fit un
signe de 1'ceil ; il comprit, reconnut sa dette et leur dit :
'[Laissez-moi] reflechir a ce qui vous appartient, car je n'en
connais pas la quantiteV En consequence, ils sejournerent
en cet endroit et prodiguerent 1'argent a Chir Asfar et a ses
troupes, et leurgarantirent des sommes importantes qu'ils leur
payeraient lors du reglement du compte avec el-Marzoban.
Pour cette raison, ils se mirent a entrer dans la forteresse
sans autorisation, eurent des entrevues frequentes avec le
prisonnier, et lui firent parvenir des sommes provenant de
sa mere, ainsi que des nouvelles ; ils apprirent aussi de lui
quelle etait sa situation.

u Or Chir Asfar avait un esclave imberbe, d'un beau
visage, qui portait son bouclier et son javelot. El-Marzoban
manifesta une violente passion pour ce jeune garden, et lui
fit present de sommes considerables sur 1'argent provenant
de sa mere ; il s'accorda avec lui pour ce qu'il desirait, et
celui-ci lui fit parvenir une cotte de mailles et des limes avec
lesquelles il lima ses fers ; puis el-Marzoban, cet esclave et
les pretendus negociants venus pour le delivrer s'entendirent
pour tuer Chir Asfar a un jour qui fut fixe Or Chir Asfar
allait rendre visite a el-Marzoban chaque semaine, ce jour-la,
pour 1'examiner, ainsi que ses chaines, et lui conseiller la
patience, puis il s'en retournait.

" Au jour fixe, un de ces negociants entra et s'assit aupres
du prisonnier, tandis qu'un autre allait tenir compagnie au
portier, et que le reste se tenait a la porte de la forteresse
en attendant les cris [anno^ant la r^ussite de 1'entreprise].
Chir Asfar etant entre aupres d'el-Marzoban, celui-ci le
traita aimablement, lui demanda de le relacher, el lui prodigua
des sommes d'argent considerables et des fiefs en grand
nombre, mais le gouverneur les refusa : 'Je ne trahirai
jamais Rokn-ed-daula,' dit-il. Alors el-Marzoban, qui avait
retire ses pieds des entraves, se leva et s'avan^a vers la
porte ; il prit le bouclier et le javelot au jeune esclave, revint
aupres de Chir Asfar et le tua, aide par le ne"gociant qui
etait aupres de lui. De son cote, rhomme qui tenait com-
pagnie au portier sauta sur celui-ci et le tua. Ceux qui
attendaient a la porte entrerent aupres d'el-Marzoban, tandis

246 CL. HUART

que la garnison de la forteresse £tait dispersee1. Entendant
le bruit des voix, les soldats se rassemblerent, mais ils virent
leur chef tu^, et ils implorerent la grace d'el-Marzoban, qui
la leur accorda et les fit sortir de la forteresse. Ses partisans
et d'autres encore se reunirent aupres de lui ; ses troupes
devinreht considerables ; il sortit [de sa prison], alia rejoindre
sa mere et son frere et reprit ses possessions, com me nous
avons raconte" plus haut2."

En 346 (957) au mois de ramadan (novembre-decembre),
el-Marzoban mourut en Adherbaidjan3. " Quand il fut sur
le point de trepasser, il l£gua son royaume a Wehsoudhan
son frere, et apres celui-ci a son propre fils Djestan. II
avait ordonne" pr^c^demment a ses lieutenants, gouverneurs
de forteresses, de ne remettre celles-ci, apres sa mort, qu'a
son fils Djestan, ou si celui-ci mourait, a son autre fils
Ibrahim ; si ce dernier mourait, a un autre fils nomme' Nacjr4;
et enfin, s'il n'en restait aucun [a ce moment-la], a son frere
Wehsoudhan.

" Quand il eut pris les dispositions testamentaires, dont
nous venons de parler, en faveur de son frere, il lui fit con-
naitre des signes convenus entre lui et ses lieutenants pour
qu'il put entrer en possession des forteresses. A sa mort,
son frere Wehsoudhan envoya aux lieutenants son cachet et
les signes convenus ; mais les gouverneurs lui exhiberent le
premier testament, et Wehsoudhan pensa que son frere
1' avait trompe en cela5. II sejourna [d'abord] avec ses neveux,
qui s'emparerent du pouvoir a son exclusion, puis il sortit
d'Arde"bil a la maniere d'un fuyard pour se rendre a Tiram.
Djestan prit en mains Tautorit^, et ses freres lui obeirent ;
il choisit pour ministre Aboti-'Abdallah en-No'aimi ; tous
les generaux de son pere vinrent le retrouver, sauf Djestan

1 Et occupde k jouer au trictrac (Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 204).

2 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 375-378.

3 Cf. Abou'1-Fida, ed. de Constantinople, t. ii, p. 107.

4 II avait un quatrieme fils nomme Kai-Khosrau ^.,»>ai>,;g-», mais il
n'avait pas fait mention de lui a cause de son bas age (Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi,
p. 220).

5 II y avait un autre fait, passe sous silence par Ibn-el-Athir. Ibrahim
etait marie a la fille de Walgin ben Khorchidh, grand personnage du
Deilem, qu'el-Marzoban avait fait emprisonner a Ardebil; a la mort de
celui-ci, 1'epouse d'lbrahim lui parla de son pere et 1'amena a se rendre en
personne a Ardebil pour mettre le captif en liberte' sans 1'autorisation de
Wehsoudhan, ce qui facha celui-ci (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 221).

Les Mosdfirides de rAdherbaidjdn 247

ben Charmzan, qui songea a s'emparer de 1'Armenie dont
il etait le gouverneur. Wehsoudhan commen^a a semer la
zizanie entre ses neveux et a les mettre en disaccord ; il
excita centre eux leurs ennemis, jusqu'a ce qu'il atteignit
son but et en fit mettre a mort plusieurs1." El-Marzoban
avait e"te conside>e par ses contemporains comme roi de
I'Arm^nie, de 1'Arran et de I'Adherbaidjan ; c'est pourquoi
le ge"ographe Ibn-Hauqal a r6uni ces trois provinces sous
une meme rubrique2.

III.

DJESTAN, FILS D'EL-MARZOBAN.

" En 349 (960), parut en Adherbaidjan3 Ishaq, Tun des
enfants de 'Isa ben el-Moktafi-billah, qui se d6cerna le titre
d'el-Mostadjir-billah et precha en faveur d'el-Mortada4, de
la famille de Mohammed ; il revetit le froc des derviches,
fit montre de justice, ordonna de pratiquer le bien et d'eviter
le mal ; ses adeptes se multiplierent5. La cause de son
apparition fut que Djestan, fils d'el-Marzoban, maitre de
cette contree, abandonna la ligne de conduite de son pere
dans le traitement de 1'armee, s'occupa de jeu et prit conseil
aupres des femmes. Djestan ben Charmzan etait a Ourou-
miyya ou il s'^tait fortifie, et Wehsoudhan a Taram excitait
la discorde entre ses neveux. Ensuite Djestan ben el-
Marzoban fit arreter son ministre en-No'aimi, lequel etait
allie par manage avec le secretaire de Djestan ben Charmzan,
qui se nommait Abou '1- Hasan 'Ob&dallah ben Mohammed
ben Hamdoye ; celui-ci fut tres fache de 1'arrestation d'en-
No'aimi, et il amena son maitre, Djestan ben Charmzan, a
entretenir une correspondance avec Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban,
qui etait en Arm^nie ; par cette correspondance, il lui faisait

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 388-389.

2 Ibn-Hauqal, p. 236.

3 " Dans la region de 1'Armenie," dit Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 234. Le
nom d'lshaq ne se trouve que dans ce dernier auteur, et seulement a la
p. 237, avant-derniere ligne.

4 II preta serment a Rida, dit Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 394.

5 II avait commence par se rendre dans le pays des Gils (le Gilan) et
s'e'tait appuye sur une groupe de Deilemites Ma'ro&fiyya, Mosawwida et
Sunnites, tous musulmans, qui se revolterent et marcherent sur 1'Adher-
baidjan, ou il put s'emparer d'un certain nombre de villes, entre autres
celles qui s'etaient placees sous la souverainete de Sallar le D^ilemite [c'est
a dire Djestan]. Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 234-235.

248 CL. HUART

entrevoir le pouvoir. Celui-ci vint le rejoindre, et ils mar-
cherent sur Meragha, dont ils s'emparerent. Quand Djestan
ben el-Marzoban, qui s'e'tait rendu a Berda'a1, apprit cette
nouvelle, il revint a Ardebil et envoya un messager au fils
de Charmzan et a son ministre Abou '1-Hasan, il fit la paix
avec eux et leur garantit la mise en liberte" d'en-No'aimi ;
ceux-ci [en revanche] renonceraient a seconder les entre-
prises d' Ibrahim, tandis que lui preterait son concours a
Djestan ben Charmzan et au frere de ce dernier, Nifaq
ben Charmzan2. Ceux-ci echangerent des correspondances
et tomberent d'accord pour 1'attaquer. Puis en-No'aimi
s'enfuit des prisons de Djestan ben el-Marzoban et partit
pour Mouqan, d'ou il ^crivit au fils d' 'Isa ben el-Moktafi-
billah et excita sa convoitise a Fendroit du Khalifat, lui pro-
mettant de recruter des soldats pour lui et de le mettre en
possession de 1'Adherbaidjan. Quand il fut assez fort, il
marcha sur F'lraq; il avait avec lui trois cents hommes en-
viron3. Djestan ben Charmzan le rejoignit, ce qui augmenta
ses forces ; le peuple lui preta le serment d'allegeance, et son
importance devint serieuse. Alors Djestan et Ibrahim, tous
deux fils d'el-Marzoban, marcherent contre eux pour les
combattre : quand ils se trouverent en presence, les troupes
d'el-Mostadjir se debanderent4 ; il fut fait prisonnier et

1 Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 236.

2 Ce nom n'existe pas : il est le resultat d'une inadvertance d'Ibn-el-Athir,
car voici ce que dit le texte d'Ibn-Miskawaih : " Djestan ben Charmzan
et son secretaire exciterent la convoitise de chacun des deux freres, c'est a
dire Ibrahim et Djestan, tous deux fils d'el-Marzoban, [en leur faisant
croire] qu'ils etaient avec lui, jusqu'a ce qu'ils eurent acheve la construction
du mur d'enceinte d'Ouroumiyya et de la citadelle inaccessible a 1'interieur
de la ville et eurent multiplie leurs efforts pour y re'unir des provisions et
des armes. Alors les deux freres s'apergurent en meme temps de 1'intention
du fils de Charmzan d'user d'hypocrisie (nifaq} et d'inimitie [a leur egard]."
Cela change un peu le sens de la phrase suivante dans Ibn-el-Athir.

3 C'etaient des Mosawwida (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 237).

4 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 394-395. El-Hamdani, qui re'sume ces evene-
ments en trois lignes, appelle cet aventurier Abou-Nacr ben el-Moktafi,
f. 1 14 v°. Ibn-Miskawaih donne le de'tail de la bataille : " Lorsque Djestan
[ben Charmzan, qui commandait 1'armee de 1'anti-Khalife] eut range son
armee, il s'avanga vers ses troupes en leur recommandant de ne pas quitter
les rangs, de garder le bon ordre, et de ne pas charger avant qu'il leur
en eut donne 1'autorisation. II y avait parmi elles el-Fadl ben Ahmed el-
Karkani el Qahbatani; ce sont une categoric de Kurdes; avec Djestan
[fils d'el-Marzoban] se trouvait une autre categoric de Kurdes nommes el-
Hedamaniyya. Ceux-ci se porterent a la rencontre des premiers, et les

Les Mosdfirides de F Adherbatdjdn 249

execut^ ; on dit aussi qu'il fut tu£ pendant la bataille ; d'autres
affirment qu'il mourut de mort naturelle1.

" Quant a Wehsoudhan, lorsqu'il constata le dissentiment
qui regnait parmi ses neveux, et qu'il vit que chacun d'eux
ne s'occupait que de tromper son voisin, il 6crivit a Ibrahim,
apres 1'incident d'el-Mostadjir, et le pria de venir le voir ;
celui-ci lui rendit visite ; son oncle le traita ge"ne"reusement
et le combla de presents de nature a le satisfaire. II £crivit
aussi a N^ir, son autre neveu, et chercha a le seduire ;
celui-ci quitta alors son frere Djestan et partit pour Mouqan.
Or les troupes jugerent que sa presence £tait un bon moyen
d'acquerir des richesses : la plupart d'entre elles abandon-
nerent Djestan et allerent rejoindre son frere N^ir, de sorte
que celui-ci, grace a leur presence, devint plus fort que son
frere Djestan et put s'emparer d'Arde"bil2.

"Apres cela, les soldats re"clamerent de Fargent a Na^ir,
mais il ne put leur en donner. Son oncle Wehsoudhan cessa
de lui fournir des secours ; il comprit alors que celui-ci le
trompait ; il 6crivit a son frere Djestan, et ils firent la paix ;
ils se reunirent, mais ils £taient tous deux extremement
depourvus d'argent et dans le trouble des affaires. Les chefs
des diverses regions s'emparerent de ce qu'ils avaient sous
la main ; Djestan et Na^ir furent contraints de se rendre
aupres de leur oncle Wehsoudhan avec leur mere ; ils lui
ecriverent a ce sujet, prirent de lui des engagements et enfin
se rendirent aupres de lui.

" Quand ils furent arrives, il rompit ses engagements,
les trompa, fit arreter Djestan, Nicir, et leur mere, prit
possession de I'arme'e, en donna le commandement a son fils
Isma'il, lui confia la plus grande partie de ses forteresses,
produisit ses richesses et satisfit les troupes.

lignes de Djestan ben Charmzan furent enfoncees ; il quitta alors la place
qu'il occupait avec les Deilemites pour reprocher a el-Fadl d'avoir desobei
a ses ordres et le ramener vers lui ; mais il trouva qu'il s'etait eloigne, et il
le suivit ; ses troupes ne douterent pas qu'il ne s'enfuit, et le suivirent, de
sorte que la deroute devint certaine. Les Hedamaniyya et les soldats de
Djestan et Ibrahim les poursuivirent, et Djestan ben Charmzan fut con-
traint de se retirer a Ouroumiyya."

1 "On ne sait pas ce qu'il advint de lui," dit Ibn-Miskawaih, /./. ;
" toutefois j'ai entendu dire qu'il ayait etc tue ; j'ai entendu dire aussi qu'il
etait decede' de mort subite dans sa prison."

2 Djestan dut se refugier dans la forteresse de Biz (?), Ibn-Miskawa'ih,
t. vi, p. 238.

250 CL. HUART

" Ibrahim 6tait parti pour I'Arm^nie ; il se prepara a
disputer le terrain a Isma'il et a delivrer ses deux freres de
la prison ou les tenait leur oncle Wehsoudhan. Quand celui-
ci sut cela et constatait que le peuple se re"unissait autour de
la personne de son neveu, il se hata de faire mettre a mort
Djestan, Na$ir, et leur mere ; il ecrivit a Djestan ben
Charmzan et lui demanda d'aller a la rencontre d' Ibrahim ;
il lui fournit des renforts en hommes et des subsides en
argent. Celui-ci agit en consequence, de sorte qu' Ibrahim
fut contraint d'enfuir et de rentrer en Arme'nie. Le fils de
Charmzan s'empara de son arm^e, de la ville de Me"ragha,
ainsi que de celle d'Ouroumiyya."

IV.

WEHSOUDHAN BEN MOHAMMED BEN MOSAFIR.

"En 355 (966), Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban fut mis en
deroute et chasse de 1' Adherbaidjan a Rei. En voici la cause :
lorsqu'Ibrihim fut mis en fuite par Djestan ben Charmzan,
comme nous 1'avons dit, en 349, il se rendit en Armenie et
commen^a a s'y preparer et a s'y equiper pour revenir en
Adherba'idjan ; les rois d' Armenie etaient [alors] des Arme-
niens et des Kurdes. II ecrivit a Djestan ben Charmzan et
fit la paix avec lui. Un grand nombre de gens vinrent le
rejoindre. II arriva qu' I small, fils de son oncle Wehsoudhan,
mourut ; alors Ibrahim partit pour Arde"bil et s'en empara.
Abou '1-Qasim ben Micheki se rendit aupres de Wehsoudhan
et resta aupres de lui.

" Ibrahim se mit en marche dans la direction de son oncle
Wehsoudhan pour reclamer de lui la vengeance de la mort
de ses freres ; son oncle eut peur de lui et partit, accompagne'
du fils de Micheki, pour le D£tlem. Ibrahim s'empara des
Etats de son oncle, fit battre (khabbata) ses partisans, et
confisqua les richesses sur lesquelles il put mettre la main.
Wehsoudhan rassembla des hommes, retourna a sa forteresse
dans le Taram, et envoya Abou '1-Qasim ben Micheki, a la
tete de troupes, dans la direction d' Ibrahim; une bataille
formidable s'engagea ; Ibrihim fut mis en deroute; on le
poursuivit, mais on ne 1'atteignit pas ; il continua de marcher
seul jusqu'a ce qu'il arrivat a R£i aupres de Rokn-ed-daula,
qui le traita genereusement ; celui-ci avait epouse" la soeur

Les Mosdfirides de rAdherbaidjdn 251

d' Ibrahim; il de"ploya une grande magnificence a son £gard
et lui fit des presents splendides1.

" Cette meme anne"e, Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban 6tait
avec Rokn-ed-daula et 1'aida a combattre ces Khorasaniens
qui pillaient et ddvastaient le pays sous le pre"texte de lever
des impots pour la razzia2.

" Cette meme annee encore, Ibrahim revint en Adher-
baidjan et reprit cette province. Lorsque Rokn-ed-daula se
fut arret£ a la resolution de combattre les Khorasaniens, il
e"quipa des troupes qu'il fournit a Ibrahim, en lui donnant
com me compagnon \ostddk Abou '1-Fadl ben el- 'Amid3,
charge de le ramener dans sa province et de disposer en sa
faveur les chefs des diverses regions. Celui-ci 1'accompagna
done, s'empara de la province, disposa en sa faveur le chef
Djestan ben Charmzan et Famena a lui obeir, ainsi que
d'autres chefs Kurdes; il le mit en possession du territoire.

" Ibn-el-'Amid, en arrivant dans cette province, constata
ses productions abondantes, Fampleur de ses eaux, et vit ce
que cela rapportait a Ibrahim4; mais il e"tablit que c'e"tait
peu, a raison de sa mauvaise administration, et parce que
tout le monde y prenait sa part (wa-tama'i 'n-ndsi fihi), le
prince e"tant occupe* avec la boisson et les femmes. II fit
connaitre la situation a Rokn-ed-daula et lui insinua de lui
confier a lui-meme une partie de la province, moyennant le
paiement de ce que le prince pouvait en tirer et percevoir ;

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 420; Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 281-282.

2 Ibn-Miskawaih, qui &ait alors le bibliothecaire du ministre Abou'l-
Fadl ben el- 'Amid, donne des details curieux et precis sur cette attaque,
t. vi, pp. 283-290.

3 Celebre ministre de Rokn-ed-daula, surnomme le second Djahizh ; il
fut un epistolier remarquable : on 1'appelait ostadh " le Maitre," et Ibn-
Miskawaih ajoute a ce titre haqqan " reellement." On dit que le ministre
Ibn 'Abbad re^ut le surnom de (J!ahib parce qu'il etait son compagnon
habituel ; toutefois e9-(Jabi donne une autre explication. II a regu les
louanges de Motenabbi. On a plac£ sa mort a Rei ou a Bagdad en 359
(969) ou 360 (970). Cf. Defre'mery, Samanides, p. 258, note 92 ; Ibn-
Khallikan, trad, de Slane, t. iii, p. 256 et suivantes; t. i, p. 213. El-
Hamdani place sa mort a Rei en 360, f. 132 v°, tandis qu'Ibn-el-Athir,
t. viii, p. 446, le fait mourir a Hamadhan en 359 ; mais Ibn-Miskawaih,
t. vi, p. 349, te'moin oculaire, donne la date precise : nuit precedant le
jeudi, 6 gafar 360 (8 decembre 970) ; c'est, en consequence, le lieu et la
date qu'il convient de retenir.

4 Voir dans Ibn-Hauqal, p. 254, des renseignements interessants sur le
montant des impots de la province en 344.

252 CL. HUART

car la situation ne se maintiendrait pas dans son e"tat actuel,
et la province lui serait enleve"e. Rokn-ed-daula refusa
[d'acquiescer a cette proposition] : ' Je ne veux pas qu'on
medise de moi,' dit-il, ' et qu'on puisse pretendre que je veux
tondre un h6te qui m'a demande ma protection/ II ordonna
a Abou'1-Fadl de revenir et de remettre le pays a Ibrahim,
ce qui fut fait ; puis Abou'1-Fadl raconta a Rokn-ed-daula
ce qu'il avait vu, et le mit en garde contre la perte de la
province. On sait cequi arriva : Ibrahim fut fait prisonnier
et incarceTe"1." C'est ce qui permit a Rokn-ed-daula de dire
en 364 (974-975) : ' J'ai aide Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban, et
je 1'ai retabli en Adherbaidjan ; j'ai envoye mon ministre et
mes troupes a son secours, et je ne lui ai pas demande un
seul dirhem : tout cela en vue de la bonne renomm^e et
pour la sauvegarde de la ge"nerosite"V"

En 379 (989), Fakhr-ed-daula, fils de Rokn-ed-daula,
s'empara de Samiran, ou se trouvait un enfant en bas age,
Nouh ben Wehsoudhan, qui etaitsous latutelle de sa mere ;
le Bouide epousa celle-ci et devint ainsi maitre de cette cita-
delle3. C'est vers cette epoque que la forteresse fut visite"e
par Moqaddasi, qui 1'appelle Samiroum et a remarque ses
murailles, ornees de figures representant des lions dores, le
soleil et la lune4.

IBRAH!M II BEN EL-MARZOBAN II.

L'histoire ne nous apprend rien ni sur la fin du regne de
Wehsoudan, ni sur celui de son petit-fils et successeur el-
Marzoban II, fils de cet Ismail qui mourut avant son pere
Wehsoudhan. Nous passonsdirectement au regne d' Ibrahim,
fils d'el-Marzoban 1 1, contemporain de Mahmoud ben Subuk-
Tegin, qui avait re$u du Khalife le titre de Y^min-ed-daula
et avait fonde la dynastie des Ghaznevides.

" En 420 (1029), Ibrahim avait pour domaine [les terri-

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 422, qui abrege le texte d'lbn-Miskawai'h, t. vi,
pp. 293-294.

2 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 480.

3 Yaqoftt, t. iii, p. 149; Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse,
P- 3i9-

4 G. le Strange, Eastern Caliphate, p. 226 ; Moqaddasi, p. 360.

Les Mosafirides de rAdherbaidjdn 253

toires de] Serdjihan1, Zendjan, Abhar, Chehrizour2, et autres
places, dont il s'^tait empar£ apres la mort de Fakhr-ed-
daula le Bouide. Quand le sultan Mahmoud s'empara de
Rei, il envoya el-Marzoban ben el-Hasan ben Kharanis,
descendant des rois du D£ilem, qui s'etait refugie" aupres de
lui, vers le pays du Salar Ibrahim, pour le conque"rir. II s'y
rendit, et chercha a gagner les Deile'mites ; certains d'entre
eux eurent de 1'inclination pour lui.

" II arriva que Mahmoud retourna au Khor^san ; alors
le Salar Ibrahim partit pour Qazwin ou se trouvait 1'armee
du sultan ghaznevide : il la combattit, tua un grand nombre
de soldats : le reste s'enfuit. II avait etc aide dans cette
operation par les habitants du pays ; il se rendit aussi dans
un endroit pres de Serdjihan, entoure de rivieres et de
montagnes ; il s'y fortifia.

" Mas'oud, fils de Mahmoud, qui etait a Re"i, apprit ce
qui s'etait passe; il partit en hate pour le rejoindre; il y eut
entre eux des e'venements ou la victoire resta au Salar
Ibrahim. Puis Mas'oud envoya des messagers a une groupe
[de soldats] de 1'armee de celui-ci et chercha a les attirer a
prix d'argent ; ils acceuillirent ses ouvertures et lui indi-
querent le point faible du Salar, et ils conduisirent une partie
de 1'armee de ce dernier dans un chemin encaisse, en.se
pla^ant derriere elle ; ils tomberent sur le Salar Ibrahim le
ier ramadan pendant que Mas'oud 1'attaquait par devant
alors que [les traitres] se trouvaient sur ses derrieres ; le
Salar et ses partisans, troubles, s'enfuirent et chacun chercha
un refuge [de son cote] ; Ibrahim se cacha dans un endroit
qui fut denonce" par une femme preposee aux bagages
(sawddiyya\ Mas'oud le fit prisonnier et 1'amena devant
Serdjihan, ou se trouvait son fils, et il lui demanda de lui
livrer la forteresse, mais il s'y refusa. Alors le Ghaznevide

1 Place forte dans les montagnes du Dei'lem, dominant la plaine de
Qazwin, ainsi que les villes de Zendjan et d' Abhar. Elle a e'te detruite par
les Mongols, au rapport de Hamdullah Mustaufi. Cf. Barbier de Meynard,
Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 307 et note i ; Yaqout, t. iii, p. 70 ; Le Strange,
Eastern Caliphate, p. 223. Cette forteresse formidable a ete ruinee par
les Mongols et remplacee depuis par (Jain-Qal'a. Cf. Mustaufi, Nuzhat-
el-Qploub, p. 64.

2 Chehrizour est situee entre Irbil et Hamadhan, en plein Kurdistan.
Elle parait assez eloignee des territoires occupes par les Mosafirides; sa
mention est peut-etre le resultat d'une erreur.

254

CL. HUART

abandonna son attaque, prit possession de ses autres chateaux
et territoires, ainsi que de ses richesses ; il attribua une
certaine somme au fils etabli a Serdjihan, ainsi qu'aux chefs
Kurdes des environs ; puis il rentra a ReK1."

En 427 (1036), 'Ala-ed-daula, battu par les troupes de
Mas'oud le GhazneVide qui formaient la garnison d'Ispahan
sous les ordres d'Abou-Sehl el-Hamdouni, le ministre, se
refugia a Boroudjird et de la a Taram, ou le fils du Salar
refusa de le recevoir: "Je n'ai pas la force," lui dit-il, " de
m'opposer aux Khorasaniens (c'est-a-dire aux troupes du
Ghaznevide)." Alors il renonga a son projet2.

En 434 (1042-1043), Toghrul-beg le Seldjouqide, con-
tinuant ses conquetes, envoya un message au Salar de Taram
pour 1'inviter a le reconnaitre comme suzerain et lui demanda
de lui envoyer deux cent mille dinars ; la situation fut e" tablie
entre eux sur la base de la vassalite', moyennant le paiement
de quelque argent3.

En 438 (1046), Nagir-i Khosrau visita Chamiran. Le
prince qui y regnait se nommait Djestan fils d' Ibrahim et
portait le surnom d'Abou-Qalih ; les pieces officielles lui
donnaient les titres de marzobdn du Deilem et de Gil des
Gils. Le chateau e"tait occupe par une garnison de mille
hommes pris dans les families les plus considerables du pays.
La se"curite etait grande dans la region ou le prince possedait
de nombreuses forteresses ; on n'osait y commettre de vols4.

C'est la derniere fois que Ton trouve mentionn^s les
Mosafirides ; ils se sont probablement maintenus dans leur
territoire montagneux, mais ils ne jouent plus aucun role :
les Seldjouqides ont constitue" un grand empire qui r^tablit
encore une fois, pour quelque temps, Tunit^ de 1'Iran.

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. ix, pp. 262-263.

2 Id. opus, t. ix, p. 304.
8 Id. opus, t. ix, p. 348.

4 Ch. Schefer, Voyage de Nassiri Khosrau, pp. 15-16.

CL. HUART.

INDEX

Abhar, 240, 253

Aboii- 'Abdallah el-Hosein ben
Sa'id ben Hamdan, cousin de
Nagir-ed-daula le Hamdanide, 238

Abou - « Abdallah en - No'aimi,
ministre de Dai'sam, puis de
Djestan, 242, 246

Abou '1-Fadl ben el-'Amid,
ministre de Rokn-ed-daula, 251,
252 — Voir Ibn-el-'Amid

Abou '1-Hasan 'Obeidallah ben
Mohammed ben Hamdoye, secre-
taire de Djestan ben Charmzan,
247, 248

Abou '1-Qasim 'All ben Dja'far,
ministre de Dai'sam, 231, 232

Abou '1-Qasim ben Micheki, 250

Abou-Sehl el-Hamdouni, ministre,

254
Adherbaidjan, 228-233, 238>

241-243, 246-248, 250-252
'Ala-ed-daula, 254
< Ali ben Dja'far (Abou '1-Qasim).

ministre de Dai'sam, 231, 232, 235
*Ali ben el-Fadl, chef de"ilemite,

230
<Ali ben Micheki, general de

Rokn-ed-daula, 242, 243
Ardebil, 235, 236, 242, 243, 246,

248-250
Armenie, 228, 232, 243, 244, 248-

250

Armeniens, 228
Arran, 247

Bab el-Abwab (Derbend), 243
Bagdad, 238, 239, 243
Bedouins, 238
Berda'a, 236, 248
Boroudjird, 254
Boui'des, 228

(Ja'louk ben Mohammed ben
Mosanr, chef deilemite, 230

Chabristan, citadelle de Berda'a,
238

Chamiran, 254 — Voir Samiran

Chehrizour, 253
Chir Asfar, administrateur de
Someiram, 244, 245

Dai'sam ben Ibrahim (Abou-Salim)

le Kurde, 229-232, 234-236,

241-244

Deilem, 229, 233, 250, 253, 254
Deilemites, 230, 232, 234, 236,

238, 240, 242, 253
Dinawar, 240
Djestan ben Charmzan, 246-248,

250, 251
Djestan, fils d'Ibrahim (Abo<}-

£alih), 254
Djest^n, fils d'el-Marzoban, 246-

250
Djestan ben Wehsoudhan (de la

dynastie des Wehsoudhanides),

244

Fakhr-ed-daula, fils de Rokn-ed-
daula, le Bouide, 252, 253

Ghaznevides, 252
Gil des Gils, 254

Hadjiq ben ed-Dtran! (Khatchik

Gagik, roi d' Armenie), 232
Haroun ech-Chari (le Kharidjite),

230
el -H

asan ben el-Firozan, 240

Ibn Abi 's-Sadj (Yousouf), 230

— Voir Yousouf
Ibn-el-'Amid, ministre de Rokn-

ed-daula, 251, 252 — Voir Abou

'1-Fadl
Ibn-ed-Dirani, 244 — Voir H£d-

j*q

Ibn-H^djiq, 244
Ibn-Hauqal, cite, 247
Ibrahim, fils d'el-Marzoban, 246-

248, 250-252
Ibrahim II, 252, 253
'Imad-ed-daula le Bouide, 240
Iran, 254

256

INDEX

'Iraq, 248

Ishaq, fils d"Isa ben el-Moktafi,
pre'tendant ail khalifat sous le
nomd'el-Mostadjir-billah,247,248

Isma'il, fils de Wehsoudhan, 249,
250

Ispahan, 254

Kharasoye, mere d'el-Marzoban,

244

Kharidjites, 230, 232
Khorasan, 239, 240, 253
Khoras^niens, 251, 254
Korr (Cyrus), fleuve, 236, 239
Kurdes, 230, 232, 234, 241, 243,

250, 251, 254

Mahmoud ben Subuk-Tegin,

Ye'min-ed-daula, 252, 253
Man9our, fils de Qara-Tegin, 242
el-Marzoban, fils de Mohammed

ben el-Mosafir, 231-247
el-Marzoban II, fils d'lsma'il, 252
el-Marzoban ben el-^asan ben

Kharanis, 253
Mas'oud, fils de Mahmoud le

Ghaznevide, 253, 254
Meragha, 237, 248, 250^
Mis'ar ben Mohalhil, cite, 233
Mohammed ben 'Abd-er-Razzaq,

240-242

Mohammed ben Makan, 240
Mohammed ben Mosafir, 229,

231, 233, 241
Mo'izz-ed-daula le Bouide, 239,

240, 243

Moqaddasi, cite, 252
el-Mortada, de la famille de

Mohammed, 247
Mosafirides, 228
Mossoul, 243
el-Mostadjir-billah, pre'tendant

au khalifat, 247, 248, 249
el-Moti'-lillah, khalife abbaside,

240
Moiiqan, 248, 249

Na9ir, fils d'el-Marzoban, 246, 249,
250

N^ir-ed-daula le Hamdanide,

238, 239, 243

Na9ir-i Khosrau, cite, 254
Nifaq ben Charmzan, 248 et note 2
en-No'aimi, 242, 247, 248 — Voir

Abou-'Abdallah
Nouh le Samanide, 242
Nouh ben Wehsoudhan, 252

Ouroumiyya, 247, 249
Qazwin, 240, 241, 253

Rei, 239-241, 250, 253, 254
Rokn-ed-daula le Bouide, 239-

243, 245, 250-252
Russes, 236-239

Sallar, ou Salar, 229
Salmas, 238, 243
Samiran, 233, 252
Samiroum, 252 — Voir Samiran
Seif-ed-daula le Hamdanide, 243
Seldjouqides, 228*, 254
Serdjihan, 253, 254 ~
Someiram, 241—244
Subuk-Tegin le Turc, 240
Syrie, 243

Taram, 229, 231, 236, 246, 247,

250, 254
Tebriz, 234

Toghrul-beg le Seldjouqide, 254
Tous, 242
Touzoun, 238
Turcs, 240

Wehsoudhan (Abou-Man9our),
fils de Mohammed ben el-Mosafir,
231, 239, 241, 242, 246-249, 250
et suivantes

Wouchmgir, frere de Mardawidj,
230, 242

Yaqout, cite, 233 et passim
Yousouf ben Abi 's-Sadj, 229, 230
— Voir Ibn Abi 's-Sadj

Zendjan, 240, 242, 253

A VISIT TO THE TOMB OF BABA TAHIR
AT HAMADAN

'The Persians,' says Herodotus, 'honor their birthday
above all other days,' and it is a pleasure to join in honoring
the birthday of my friend Edward G. Browne, whose
scholarly work in the field of Iran has made him half a
Persian.

During my fourth visit to the country which is so dear
to his heart, I spent a week once again at Hamadan. Amid
the busy days devoted to work connected with the American-
Persian Relief Commission, more than a year and a half
ago, I found one forenoon free to devote to visiting the
tomb of the poet Baba Tahir 'Uryan, 'the Naked' and half-
mad dervish, whose quatrains in the earlier half of the
eleventh century have made him noted as one of the pre-
decessors of 'Umar Khayyam. For a knowledge of his
verses and dialect we owe much to Professor Browne, as
well as to Huart, Heron-Allen, Mrs E. C. Brenton, Mirza
Mehdy Khan, and others. But I do not happen to know
of any description of the tomb where the dust of Baba Tahir
has rested for nearly a thousand years.

I mounted my horse betimes in the morning and, accom-
panied by a ghulam, cantered off to make a sort of pious
pilgrimage to the tomb which lies near to the outskirts of
the northwestern section of the city. As I rode along, there
kept running through my memory some of Baba Tahir's
quatrains which I had long ago jingled into verse because
they caught my fancy on account of their simplicity. Among
them I recalled these on love :

I am your taper weeping tears of fire,

What else save that is a heart burned by desire ?

All night I burn, all day I mourn in grief,
Such nights and days 'tis thou who dost inspire.

Or again this to his sweetheart :

Thy tangled locks stream o'er thy cheek with art —
Rose joined with jasmine — never found apart.

But when thou dost those tangled strands divide,
Clinging to every strand thou'lt find a heart.

B. P. v. 17

258 A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON

And once more, those lines beginning Agar dil dilbarah
dilbar, etc., playing throughout on 'heart' and 'sweetheart,'
which may possibly have something of a Sufi tinge :

If heart is sweetheart, what's my sweetheart's name ?
And whence heart's name, if sweetheart be the same ?

Heart and sweetheart blend all in one, I see ;
Nor know I which — sweetheart or heart — to claim.

Yet a touch of bitterness or disappointment mars the
finer poetic strain of the following quatrain :

Seven days blush tulips on the hilltop ledge,
Seven days bloom violets on the streamlet's edge.

This truth I shall proclaim from town to town : —
' Seven days can rose-cheeked damsels keep a pledge ! ' 1

Musing thus as my horse ambled along I found myself
unexpectedly at the tomb, which stands slightly above the
roadside.

There is nothing whatsoever impressive about the struc-
ture. It is a low building of brick, fifty feet square and
about fourteen feet high2. There was no imposing fa9ade
or any evidence of the tomb's ever having been surmounted
by a dome ; only a small cupola-like elevation, built of mud
and brick, rose above the righthand edge of the roof, and
served apparently for ventilation, while a low conical con-
struction of clay was erected on the ground close by the
righthand corner of the building. The double-arched portal,
which served as an entrance, was flanked on either side by
arched recesses in the wall, the one of which, to the right,
had a small latticed window, the other, to the left, an iron-
grated doorway. A scraggy tree in front offered the only
semblance of shade.

Passing around to the left side of the tomb, whose wall
rested here on a basement of rough brickwork, as the ground
sloped a little on this side, there were noticed five window-
spaces. The one nearer to the front and the two which were
nearer the rear were shielded alike by rather artistic iron
gratings ; the two smaller ones in the middle were screened
by a lattice of brick that admitted light into the interior.

1 For the Persian text of the quatrains which are here rendered, see
Heron-Allen, The Lament of B aba Tahiry nos. 52, 40, 31, 50, London, 1902.

2 The measurements of the base, as I took them in inches, were : front
600 in., sides 600 in., rear 450 in. ; thus the back is somewhat narrower
than the front.

A Visit to the Tomb of B aba Tahir at Hamadan 259

Piercing the basement-wall itself was a low crumbling arch
of brick, not more than two feet high exposed, that formed
an opening through which one could peer down into the
dark impenetrable recess where was once the grave over
which the tomb was probably later erected.

The rear of the building, which was slightly narrower
than the front, had two wooden doors, one on the extreme
right and one in the middle, with an iron-screened window
between them and two similarly screened windows to the
left of the middle door. A small flower-garden at the back,
enclosed by a wooden railing, showed signs of attention
being given to the place.

The fourth side of the tomb had no windows, but three
wooden doors, and at a distance of ten feet from the wall
was built a low square structure that served as a room or
1 pavilion ' for a dervish (ptaq-i darvlsh it was called).
There were some unmarked graves on this side ; a few
flowers and vines conveyed again the impression of a certain
amount of care. A couple of hundred yards distant was a
domed grave, the earthly tenant of which had lived some
eight hundred years ago, as I understood, and was named
Khoris ? (Khurah ?) ibn 'All, so far as I could catch the
name.

By this time the Mullah in charge of the tomb had
arrived from his home, not far away, having been sent for
by the attendants. He was a kindly-disposed man, of about
forty-five, and immediately unlocked the iron-studded doors
into the tomb itself, and I stood in a moment within the
place hallowed by Baba Tahir's memory.

The room was spacious, twenty-five feet square, and
took up one half of the building ; the remaining half, to the
right, was given up to an unoccupied chamber. The vestibule
to the sanctum was a hallway, running parallel with the front
as far as the wall of this chamber ; it measured twenty-five
feet in length by nine feet eight inches in breadth, and the
floor was covered over with matting. A lattice screen of
wood1, to which were tied bits of rags and shreds of ribbons
that pilgrims had attached as souvenirs or as talismans for
luck, enclosed the sepulchral space where stood three sar-
cophagi or cenotaphs made of gach. The eye, glancing
upward, observed that the low vaulted roof, about thirteen
1 This screen measured 70 in. high by 99 in. long.

17—2

260 A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON

feet high, was covered with a dull plaster that showed in
spots the brickwork underneath, and was supported by
pointed archways in the walls, while some broad honeycomb
designs in the plaster, together with seven small niches for
effect, lent the only architectural decorative feature. A door
into the empty chamber on the right let in additional light.

Of the three sarcophagi, the one farthest to the right
was a low cenotaph covered with an elaborately inscribed
stone that bore the name Hajji Mlrza 'All.

The middle oblong cenotaph of gach, undoubtedly
directly over the grave itself, was that of Baba Tahir. It
measured six feet nine inches in length, two feet ten inches
in width, and one foot six and a half inches in height ; but
there was no inscription giving the dead poet's name. On
the top there was merely a box containing old copies of the
Qur'an, and near this stood a common blue European lamp,
probably of Russian make, such as would be used in the
kitchen or bedroom of a farmhouse. That was all !

The third sarcophagus, the one close to the left, being
only two feet away and matching it exactly in style though
slightly smaller in size, had also an interest, because it was
stated to be that of Baba Tahir's sister, Fatima Layla (here
pronounced * Lill '). The base of a metal candlestick, from
which the taper had disappeared, stood at the foot.

A flood of light — for the hour had now reached noon —
made the whole sepulchre bright and sunny. There was
little suggestion of the ' narrow grave' (gur-i tang), with
its 'pillow of brick, clay, or stone,' or any of the added
gruesome accompaniments which Baba Tahir pictured all
too graphically in a gloomy quatrain forecasting his final
resting place1. Far be it from saying that the place * might
make one almost in love with death,' as Shelley said of the
resting place of Keats in the Protestant Cemetery at Rome ;
but there was a marked simplicity in it all, suitable to the
simplicity which characterized Baba Tahir's own verses.

I mounted my horse once more and rode away, carrying
with me these thoughts of the scene and living memories
of the dervish quatrain-poet of nearly a thousand years ago.

1 For this unpleasant quatrain see Cl. Huart, Nouveaux Quatrains de
Baba Tahir 'Urydn, no. 8, in Spiegel Memorial Volume, p. 295, Bombay,
1908.

A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON.

The Tomb of Baba Tahir at Hamadan

Baba Tahir's Sarcophagus

THE USE OF WRITING FOR THE PRE-
SERVATION OF ANCIENT ARABIC
POETRY

We rely for our more intimate knowledge of Ancient
Arabian civilisation upon two main sources, the traditions of
the prophet collected by a host of men who made it their
special profession, and in a higher degree the poems of the
poets who flourished before the time of Muhammed and for
about a century later. The interest in the latter died away
at a fairly early date and became the field of labour for a
rather limited number of philologists who collected and
commented the poems. These commentaries together with
the biographical literature connected with the life of the
Prophet and the traditionists form the second basis for our
knowledge of this civilisation which finally played such an
important part in the history of the human race.

While it became a practice for the traditionists to establish
an unbroken chain of authorities down to the Prophet him-
self, this was not done for poetry, except in a few cases, to
judge from the collections of poems handed down to us, and
we generally have to be content with the assertion that
certain readings were those of al-Asma% Abu 'Amr ash-
Shaibani, Ibnal-A'rabi, Muhammad ibn Habib, al-Mufaddal,
Abu 'Ubaida and a few other grammarians. These gram-
marians, though cited as final authorities, are frequently said
to have collected the Dlwan or collection of poems of a
certain poet; very seldom, however, we learn whence they
collected these poems. At the time the grammarians took
the older poets in hand, the taste for poetry had already
changed considerably ; we can ascertain this with a fair
amount of certainty from the style employed by the poets
contemporary with them of whom I need mention only
Abu Nuwas, Abu Tammam and al-Buhturi; in addition
anthologies had come into fashion. The ancient poetry was
at the turn of the 2nd century of the Hijra the field for
word-hunters which laid the foundation for the Arabic

262 F. KRENKOW

dictionaries of the 3rd and 4th centuries, and it was the merit
of these grammarians to have preserved so many ancient
collections of poems which would otherwise have perished,
as the interest which evoked this early poetry had faded
away with the memory of those times. Had not these
grammarians and their pupils put these diwans on paper,
practically the whole of this poetry would have perished
within a further fifty years.

If we accept this assertion as substantially true, we must
enquire how much of the older poetry had been preserved
up to the time when the grammarians took in hand the work
of collecting and commenting. The general character of the
older Arabic poetry is such that the poems were composed
for some specific purpose, in general the praise of the tribe
of the poet ; in the later periods also of individuals. How-
ever, we find among the most ancient poems already some
which apparently were composed to display the poet's art
in composing works of a literary style in which he employed
high-sounding words and difficult rhymes, which no doubt
met with applause as this style in certain directions grew
into a mania for cramming a poem with so many unusual
words that it became almost unintelligible to an ordinary
audience ; the poets who might be cited as examples are
Tirimmah, al-'Ajjaj and Ru'ba.

The method for making a poem widely known was the
recital of the poem by the poet himself or by one of his
followers or pupils, called the carrier (Rawl) ; the poet him-
self being " the one endowed with knowledge " (Sha'ir).
We find frequent references in Arabic literature to the
recital of the poems by the poets themselves, and I refer
only to the account given in the Kitab al-Agham1 of the
recital of the Mu'allaqa by al-Harith ibn Hilliza before
King an-Nu'man and that of the Burdah by Ka'b ibn Zuhair
before the Prophet. I have, however, to go to later times
to get a further glimpse into the activity of the poets and
their manner of reciting. In the Kitab al-Faraj ba'd ash-
Shidda of Tanukhi2 the poet al-Buhturi relates that he re-
cited to the caliph al-Mu'tazz some verses while the latter
was in prison. These verses the poet had originally dedicated
to Muhammad ibn Yusuf ath-Thaghrl, then in prison, and
1 Agh. ix, 178. 2 Vol. i, 89-90.

Writing for the preservation of Ancient Arabic Poetry 263

now made al-Mu'tazz believe that they were composed for
him. Al-Mu'tazz took the sheet of paper (**3pt) on which the
poem was written and handed it to a servant who was present
for him to keep in safety. Later, when he had obtained his
freedom and become caliph, al-Mu'tazz was reminded of the
poem and counting the verses rewarded the poet with one
thousand dinars for each verse ; 6000 dinars for the six
verses.

The poetess Laila al-Akhyaliyya1 had a poetical quarrel
with the poet an-Nabigha of the tribe of Ja'da and after the
customary practice she attacked the tribe of the poet with
her lampoons. They, therefore, held a public council and
decided to lodge complaint against the offender with the
ruler of al-Madina, by which probably the caliph 'Omar or
'Othman is meant. This being reported to Laila she com-
posed further verses as a complement to her satire in which
she says :

News has reached me that a tribe at Shauran is urging forward jaded
riding camels.

Night and morning is their embassy journeying with a sheet of writing
to get me flogged. What a bad piece of work (on their part) !

It appears that the people who were to lodge the com-
plaint brought the offending piece of poetry with them in
writing.

Qaisaba ibn Kulthum as-Sakunl2, a South Arabian chief,
while intending to perform the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba in
the_time before Islam, fell into captivity amongst the tribe
of 'Amir b. 'Uqail where he pined for several years. The
poet Abut-Tamahan al-Qaini happened to pass one day the
place where Qaisaba was kept in fetters, who learning that
Abut-Tamahan was about to journey to Yaman, made him
undo the covering of his saddle and wrote in Musnad or
Yamanite script verses which finally led to his rescue and
liberation.

It may be considered that these instances are isolated,
and that after all the poetry of the desert was handed down
by oral tradition and that the poems were composed and re-
membered first by the poet himself and finally transmitted
by his Rawl and, when the latter had died, by his tribesmen

1 Agh. iv, I347"11. Goldziher, Hutai'a, p. 19.

2 Agh. xi, 130-131.

264 F. KRENKOW

who had either an interest in the preservation of the poem
or admired it for the beauty of the diction.

But we can get a further insight that writing was not so
uncommon in Arabia as is generally assumed ; if we read
the verses of poets come down to us, we find there very
frequent references to writing and I give in the following
only a few typical examples ; also that the art of writing
had already attained a certain degree of perfection and that
the poets had a sense for the beauty of ornamental writing.
We find also that the older poets are not unacquainted
with the use of writing and shape of letters.

The Rajaz poet Abun-Najm says1:

I came from Ziyad like one who is bereft of reason,
My legs tracing different characters,
Writing on the road a Lam-Alif.

The author of the Khizana tells us that the poet was
blamed for revealing the fact that he knew writing, by whom
he does not say, but probably by the grammarians who had
put up the thesis that poets did not possess the knowledge
of writing.

Very frequently in the earlier verses of a long poem the
poet describing the deserted homestead compares the traces
with writing or even with illuminated title-pages such as
he may have seen in copies executed for wealthy lovers of
literature.

Abu Du'ad al-Kilabi says2:

To whom belong the remains of a dwelling like the title-page of a book,
in the low ground of Ufaq or the low ground of ad-Duhab ?

Al-Akhtal has seen old manuscripts3 :

Just as if they were, through the length of time which has passed,
decayed leaves of a book which are spread out.

1 Khiz. i, 48, Shawahid Mughni

J 0 - Of

2Bekri us14

ylijjt oi* jl ipl oi* * V&M o£i^> J& J
3 Dlwan, p. 156. 4

Writing for the preservation of Ancient Arabic Poetry 265

Qais ibn al-Khatlm says1:

Do you know the traces (of a dwelling) like the lines of gilded (parch-
ments) ?

the word madahib being explained as skins on which are
lines of writing in gold.

Here we have one kind of material used for writing upon,
while in the following verse of Imru'ul-Qais we get acquainted
with another kind. He says2:

To whom belong the traces of a dwelling-place which I saw and which ,

filled me with sorrow, resembling the hand-writing of a book upon South
Arabian palm-bast ?

Al-BatalyosI3 in his commentary informs us that the 'aslb
is the bast of the date palm stripped off the leaves and he
adds that the Muslims at the time of the Prophet were using
palm-bast and flat stones for writing, while Imru'ul-Qais >f
specially mentions palm-bast because the people of Yaman
were accustomed to write their deeds and agreements upon
this material.

Hatim of Tayyi'4 puts it even plainer that he himself and t
his audience were acquainted with writing and mentions
another writing material in the following verse :

Do you know the traces of dwellings and a dilapidated camp-trench
which is like thy handwriting upon thin leather scribed in lines?

Frequently we find, however, reference made to writing in
another script than Arabic, a fact which has been interpreted
as an admission of the poet's inability to read or write. The
comparison, however, in these cases is more subtle ; the poet
cannot make out the meaning of the traces of the dwelling
just as he is unable to read a foreign script. Instances of this
manner of allusion to writing are the following.

Ash-Shammakh a poet of early Islam says5:

Just as a Jewish Rabbi in Taima' writes Hebrew with his right hand,
then draws lines (for further writing).

1 Dlwan, ed. Kowalski, No. 4, v. i.

2 Dlwan, ed. Ahlwardt, 63, v. i.

3 Ed. Cairo, p. 100.

4 Dlwan, ed. Schulthess, 42, v. i

5 Dlwan, ed. Cairo, p. 26. 7

i J OOx

266 F. KRENKOW

But much earlier al-Harith ibn Hilliza refers to another
type of writing1 :

Whose were those homesteads at al-Habs which are effaced till their
visible traces look like parchment-deeds of the Persians ?

But if I could above refer to the poetal-Buhturi reciting
his poem from the written sheet, we are also told that the
poet 'Uqaila ibn Hubaira al-Asadi2 who lived to the time
of Mu'awiya handed the caliph a sheet (a*5;) on which he
had written his verses, which probably were too emphatic in
their expression to be recited publicly.

The poet Dur-Rumma when reciting his poems asks the
listener to write them down, for he says :

A book does not forget or alter words or phrases which have taken the
poet a long time to compose.

The text of his Diwan in the oldest manuscript goes
back to the poet himself.

We are further told3 thatan-Nu'man ibn al-Mundir, king
of al-Hira possessed a collection (Diwan) of the poems by
celebrated poets in his praise and that of his family and
that this collection finally got into possession of the Omayyad
kings, or at least partly.

In Sukkari's commentary to the poems of Zuhair ibn Abl
Sulma and his son Ka'b we are told that the collected poems
of the family of Zuhair were preserved among the Banu
Ghatafan because they resided among this tribe, though
belonging to the tribe of Muzaina.

We get, however, more information in other quarters.
Zubair ibn Bakkar relates4 on the authority of a son of
JanVa the daughter of al-Kuthayyir, who said that among
the books of his father containing the poems of Kuthayyir a
certain poem was found.

Finally Farazdaq5 tells us clearly that he possessed a
copy of the Diwan of the poet Labld ; that is, at a time
before the oldest grammarians who are credited with the
collecting of the ancient poems.

Still more important, however, is the fact that for all
ancient poems we have a large number of various readings.

1 Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Thorbecke, 26, v. i. 2 Khizana i, 343.

3 Jumahl, Tabaqat, ed. Hell, iolsff. 4 Agh. vm, 30 bottom.

5 Naq&id) p. 200. i.

Writing for the preservation of Ancient Arabic Poetry 267

A great number of these variants are no doubt due to care-
lessness in handing down, whether caused by errors of hearing
or writing, but there are quite a number of readings which
can only be due to different interpretation of the unpointed
letters of the very defective older Arabic script. Unfor-
tunately only very few of the ancient collections of poems
so far published contain really old glosses at first hand to
enable us to point out to students these very important
readings. I do not refer to the variants caused by careless
writing at later periods, but the variants quoted by the
earlier grammarians in the commentaries to the poems
edited. As examples I cite only the following, which could
be increased considerably by systematically going through
the Diwans edited up to the present.

_ . * Off. rt,t

Diwan 'Amir, ed. Lyall, 4, v. 2 Ojut and Uj-»t
7, v. 12 jL»^Jt and

Hudali poems, ed. Kosegarten, 20, v. 2 ^oJ^oJU and ^a

s 0 f f 0 f

21, v. 8 «UAW and »UJL» and »

0 t- x

21, v. 1 6 ^ti and

0 t- x 0 f. x

21 v. 21 <UA«Jt and

fix J

22 v. 2 ^Jiwt and

xxx xxx

22, v. 12 tjlkutf} and ^Usuoj and

xxO£ x x 0 £

Diwan 'Amr b. Qaml'a, i, v. 10 1 j^»J and tju»».t

xx0

Diwan Mutalammis, i, v. 4 ^LfcXo .and

x x

I have taken these passages at random, but in all cases
it is impossible that the variants can be anything but different
interpretations of the unpointed written text of the poems
at a time before the commentators began to explain the
poems.

I might even go further to suggest that the composition
of poems and the art of writing were clearly connected, and
probably the poet was also the person who wielded the magic
art of writing. In addition, the very rhymes of most Arabic
poems are more evident to the eye than to the ear. Some
poets took a pride in composing poems rhyming upon a

268 F. KRENKOW

letter which occurs only rarely at the end of words, as poems
rhyming upon the letters ^o b and j.

The Diwan of Abul-Aswad ad-Du'ali contains a small
poem, No. 20 in Reseller's edition1, rhyming upon the letter > ;
against the poet Abul-Jarud who, we are told, was unable
to answer with a poem upon the same rhyme. As Abul-
Aswad's life extended well into the time before Islam, we
must assume that his striving after unusual rhymes was
nothing new. It also seems to me to prove that letters and
not sounds played a great part in the art of poetry, and I
consider the subject important enough to be followed up
further, as we may get more insight into the civilisation of
Arabia before Islam.

I need hardly point out that frequent reference is made
in ancient poems to deeds and treaties being drawn up in
writing, also that from several poets we know that they
were Rawls of older poets and, we might add, their pupils
in this art. With the art of writing the pupil, if gifted,
was also initiated in the art of poetry. This might also
account to a great extent for the schematic trend of thought
with its recurring comparisons of the same subjects. Ancient
Arabic poetry as preserved to us was not the free effusion
of the soul, it was practically without exception an artificial
utterance of the mind, expressed more or less skilfully in
accordance with the talent of the poet.

1 W. Z. K. M. 1913, p. 382.

F. KRENKOW.

EIN TURKISCHES STREITGEDICHT
UBERDIE EHE

Im Jahre 1918 sandte mir G. Jacob eine kleine
armenisch-tiirkische Handschrift, die er seiner Erinnerung
nach vor etwa zwanzig Jahren in Konstantinopel durch
Vermittelung von Garabed Karakasch erhalten hat. Diese
Handschrift ist ziemlich deutlich geschrieben; sie ist wohl
um die Zeit, in der Jacob sich in Konstantinopel befand,
aufgezeichnet. Da ihr Inhalt mir der Beachtung wert
erscheint, teile ich hier den Text in Urschrift und Umschrift
mit und fiige eine deutsche Ubersetzung hinzu.

Der Text in armenischen Buchstaben ist eine genaue
Wiedergabe des Originals, dessen Schreibweise ich in alien
Einzelheiten beibehalten habe; der Aufzeichner ist nicht
immer konsequent gewesen, so z. B. in der Anfugung
enklitischer Worter wie dir und ki an das vorhergehende
Wort, im Gebrauche von itmek und etmek> virmek und
vermek u. a. m. Die Umschrift schliesst sich der Urschrift
getreu an ; nur ein paar Mai habe ich eine Verbesserung
angebracht und durch ( ) bezeichnet, wo mir der Aufzeich-
ner sich verschrieben zu haben scheint.

In der Umschrift habe ich dasselbe System befolgt
wie in meiner Schrift Das Maler spiel (Sitzungsberichte der
Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-
historische Klasse, Jahrgang 1918, 8. Abhandlung). Nach
dem armenischen Alphabet geordnet wiirde es sich also
folgendermaassen darstellen.

u, a fi i jj p r

l *u n k

kg t-t

<£ h m b HL. u

i^g us £o 0

2T/ ^v ^il

270 ENNO LITTMANN

Das velare n, fur das im Maler spiel ein eigenes Zeichen
gebraucht ist, wird hier einfach durch 'u n wiedergegeben.
Der i-Nachschlag des arabischen kaf wird hier durch £ (j)
bezeichnet.

jlul'
iT hit; h

•Y"*- ^

{||/i*_ ^utitj hnj«}hplfuiui hui^nJh li'liiini'h

B1DARININ. EVLI ILE BEKJARYN DASITANY.

1. Evlilerle bekjarlaryn evsafyn
Sojle fikr ejlejub qyldym dasitan
Iki qysmyn dahi dilerek affyn
Bir hosga nazm He idelim bejan

2. Evel evli idub bekjare itab
Dedi ne bu halin ejle bir hesab
Bir kerre dusunki ej hane harab
Bu hale irtikjab idermi insan

VON BIDARI EIN LIED UBER DEN EHEMANN UND
DEN EHELOSEN.

1. Der Ehemanner und der Ehelosen Eigenarten
Habe ich mir so iiberlegt und ein Gedicht gemacht.

Und indem wir auch beide Geschlechter um Verzeihung bitten,
Wollen wir nun in einem hiibschen Liede erzahlen.

2. Zuerst schalt der Ehemann den Ehelosen

Und sprach: "Was ist das mit dir? Gib dir einmal Rechenschaft !

Denke einmal daran, du Heimloser,

Darf ein Mensch sich durch einen solchen Zustand versiindigen ? '

Ein turkisches Streitgedicht ilber die Ehe 271

3« *'|£./?""Y* m fa in ji *lilf m/'fi u^ufliui njtn i// tin/ /i

"^f1 "lnt~ mjii^lilruM mnn ^oltui Ll^olih Jutn
°l^a on

rjii/jifni l^l^^ll u^tflt %/* "if*

3. Bekjar dedi ne dir bana bu azar
Sucum bekjarlyksa sojle asikjar
Lakin bu diinja dyr g(Jo)na g(jo)m var
Her kes birer jola olmada revan.

4. Evli dedi faqat bu jolun carpyq
Hem emr-i httdaje dejil mutabyq
Ger olmaq istersen hiirmete lajyq
Bekjar qalma evlen ben gibi heman

5. Bekjar dedi coq uzatma sozii kes
Senin gibi sasqyn dejil dir her kes
Bujola her kimki itm(e}zse heves
Basy dertden helas olmamys biran.

Der Ehelose sprach : " Was geht mich dieser Tadel an ?
Wenn die Ehelosigkeit meine Schuld ist, so sage es klar !
Aber so geht's in dieser Welt, sie ist von mancherlei Art ;
Ein jeder wandelt seinen eigenen Weg."

Der Ehemann sprach : " Doch dieser dein Weg ist krumm.

Auch dem Befehle Gottes entspricht er nicht.

Wenn du einer Frau wert sein willst,

So bleib nicht ehelos, sondern vermahle dich wie ich sofort ! "

Der Ehelose sprach : " Rede nicht viel ! Halt ein mit den Worten !

Nicht jeder ist solch ein Narr wie du.

Ein jeder, der diesen [meinen] Weg nicht begehrt,

Dessen Haupt ist nicht einen Augenblick frei von Schmerz."

272 ENNO LITTMANN

buiniuutuilt

6. Evli dedi bekjar olmagyla sen
Sanki berimisin derd u beladen
Lakin hie olmazsa bazy bazy ben
Coluq cogugumla siirerim devran

7. Bekjar dedi qary ekmek tuz ister
Mesel dir her seji derler diiz ister
Janylyb juz versen iki jilz ister
Bojle dir ekseri tajfe-ji nisvan

8. Evli dedi bu soz itmez bir pare
Sen evel gojniini virub serdare
Bir qanaat ehli qadyngyq are
Az coq qysmetini verirjaradan

6. Der Ehemann sprach : " Dadurch dass du ehelos bleibst,
Bist du so etwa frei von Schmerz und Ungemach ?
Aber ich wenigstens kann mir bin und wieder

Mit Weib und Kind die Zeit vertreiben."

7. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Frau will Brot und Salz.

Es gibt einen Spruch: 'Alles — so sagt man — will er recht haben;
Wenn du aus Versehen hundert gibst, so verlangt er zweihundert.'
So ist meistenteils die Zunft der Frauen."

8. Der Ehemann sprach : " Diese Worte sind keinen Pfennig wert
Vertraue du dich zunachst einem guten Freunde an

Und suche ein geniigsames Frauchen ;

Dann wird der Schopfer dir wenig oder viel zu Teil werden lassen."

Ein turkisches Streitgedicht ilber die Eke 273

9- ^\kgkuup tnljinji ufiir uljOa u^u/Utu

u{oj'bni-ll*li

nunl^ifl^u fj/

I iiini ii[iliiiiiiilt oiuuia li in ilium /i it/tiiiiti/i'

u£ utiiuntSu

fyftiT fiugkufb

9. Bekjar dedi bu s'oz bana birader
Bilmis olki itmez zerreze eser
Ol zengtri taqyb boinuma aher
Gihany basyma idemem zyndan.

i o . Evli dedi pekjanlysdyr efkjaryn
Asia zyndan olmaz jurdu qararyn
Hatda eger buldun ise ajaryn
Evin gennet olur iste ol zeman

ii. Bekjar dedi ben her seji sezerim
Sanma evlenibde jurek uzerim
Azade basyma serbest gezerim
Istedijim jerde iderim iskjan

9. Der Ehelose sprach : " Diese Worte machen auf mich, o Bruder,
Wisse es, nicht den geringsten Eindruck !

Ich mag nicht jene Kette an meinen Hals legen und schliesslich
Die Welt fur mich zum Gefangnis machen."

10. Der Ehemann sprach : "Ganz falsch sind deine Sorgen :
Keineswegs wird dein Haus und Heim ein Gefangnis.
Ja sogar, wenn du das Rechte findest,

So wird dein Haus zum Paradiese, siehe, zur selben Zeit ! "

11. Der Ehelose sprach : " Ich durchschaue alles ;

, Glaube nicht, dass ich durch Heirat [mein] Herz plage !
Frei, mein eigener Herr, ziehe ich dahin.
An jeder Statte, die ich wiinsche, siedle ich mich an."

B.P.V. 18

274 ENNO LITTMANN

12. ^t//t uil^uti uiu^t ulfli

/tuifyufh [fU

£pqni_
// ///y^//

inonpni, uinp uiififui

12. Evli dedi bilsen sen bu lezzeti
6ehenneme tergih idub genneti

Jaryndan tezi joq heman nijeti
Dejisilb tezewiig idersin inan

13. Bekjar dedi senin dedijin lezzet
En cogu alty aj surer nihajet
JBal ajlary geciib sonra aqybet
Game tebdil olur o hal nagehan

14. Evli dedi sozun dogru dyr amma
Bu hali bilerek genab-y mevla
Size bir masumgyq (e)jlejub ihda
Ikinizi dahi ejler saduman

12. Der Ehemann sprach : " Wenn du diese Wonne kenntest,
So wiirdest du der Holle das Paradies vorziehen

Und noch vor morgen sofort den Sinn
Andern und dich vermahlen, glaube es ! "

13. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Wonne, von der du sprichst,
Geht in allerhochstens sechs Monaten zu Ende.

Wenn die Honigmonde voriiber sind, dann schliesslich
Schlagt jener Zustand plotzlich in Kummer um."

14. Der Ehemann sprach : " Deine Rede ist wahr, jedoch
Da Gott der Herr dies alles weiss,

So macht er euch ein kleines Kindlein zum Geschenk
Und macht euch so alle beide gliicklich."

Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht uber die Ehe 275

uiuliuiuiU ri (ti'niiiii(i 111111111

£** 0£Ul£ III III Jill It

1 6. ^r vUi '' OUUi utut

[l'll II Itl'l, It'll

"|| in^ini ijutjiui Ofntujt P^UII

ui£uiifuiu ffauutb

15. Bekjar dedi o derd cekilmez hele
Cocu(q) aglar ider siibhedek nale
Bir jandan qoparyr qary velvele
Bu gajleje artyq sen olde dajan

1 6. IZvli dedi gevri olsa da anyn
Cekilir cun gilvesi dir hildanyn
Bejiidiikge artar omril insanyn
Vara vara olur taze Mr givan.

1 7. Bekjar dedi faqat omrun hie olur
Bir der iken iki olur uc olur
Anleri beslemek gajet gilc olur
Mesarifden g'ozun acamaz insan

15. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Qual ist doch unertraglich.
Das Kind weint und schreit bis zum Morgen.
Von einer Seite her erhebt die Frau ein Geheul.
Gegen solch ein Elend wehre du dich dann nur ! "

1 6. Der Ehemann sprach : " Wenn auch solch Ungemach besteht,
So wird es ertragen, da [dies] die Gnade Gottes ist :
Das Alter des Menschen nimmt zu, in dem Maasse, wie er heranwachst;
Und er wird mit der Zeit ein frischer Jiingling."

17. Der Ehelose sprach : " Dein Leben geht aber dahin.

Wenn du meinst, es ware nur ems, so werden es zwei, ja drei.

Die zu ernahren ist sehr schwer ;

Da kann vor Ausgaben der Mann sein Auge nicht auftun."

1 8— 2

276

1 8.

ENNO LITTMANN

fuuif9-

ftp

19.

nt,uni,u

iUuiui

2O.

°L

fuiuli ^^o^u

kiufu

1 8. Evli dedi bu dedijin hata dyr
Anlerin ryzgyny veren mevla dyr
Bekjarlyq bunlardan beter beladyr
Zira son deminde qalyr upurjan

19. Bekjar dedi ben bir zeni nejlerim
Giinde bes on tanesini pejlerim
Nerde aqsam ande sabah ejlerim
Sefa hususynda benim dir mejdan

20. Evli dedi bojle qalmaz bu ejjam
Bir giin hastelenub olursyn bi gjam
Belki ol dem senin meskjanyn engam
Ja han kosesi dir vejahod kulhan

18. Der Ehemann sprach : "Was du da sagst, ist Siin.de.
Wer ihren Unterhalt gibt, ist Gott der Herr.

Die Ehelosigkeit ist ein schlimmeres Ungemach, als jene [es sind] ;
Denn beim letzten Atemzuge bleibt [der Hagestolz] mutterseelenallein."

19. Der Ehelose sprach : "Was soil ich mit einer Frau machen?
Jeden Tag kann ich mir fiinf bis zehn von ihnen bestellen !

Wo ich den Abend [verbringe], dort verbringe ich auch den Morgen.
Im Bereiche des Vergniigens da gehort mir das Feld."

20. Der Ehemann sprach : "So bleibt es nicht immer.
Eines Tages wirst du krank und ungliicklich.
Vielleicht ist dann dein letzter Aufenthalt

Entweder einer Herberge Ecke oder ein Aschenhaufen."

Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht iiber die Ehe

21 ' G\£j»llU[l ill/, ill [i Ufty O^ "

22.

\\MJ_ uf

onni_ tnuiiult

nuinn

277

21. Bekjar dedi ben ol sozlere ujmam
Bilmedijim qusyn tiijlerin sojmam
Sag basymy kitab altyna qojmam
Bu jahsi halimi idememjaman

22. Evli dedi jahsi jaman demisler
Bu hususda cogu jalan demisler
Disi qus dyr juva japan demisler
Bu meselifikr et qyl vird-i zeban

23. Bekjar dedi var git be hej divane
Her vaqyt beladyr qary insane
Bir kere diisiinki fejlesofane

Hie qary qysmyna olur my guman

21. Der Ehelose sprach : " Nach solchen Worten richte ich mich nicht.
Einem Vogel, den ich nicht kenne, reiss ich die Federn nicht aus.
Mein heiles Haupt lege ich nicht auf den Ehekontrakt.

Dies mein schones Leben mache ich nicht zu einem elenden."

22. Der Ehemann sprach : " Man redet [viel] Gutes [und] Schlechtes.
[Aber] hieriiber pflegen die Meisten Liigen zu reden.

' Der weibliche Vogel ist's, der das Nest baut,' so sagt man.
An dies Sprichwort denk und das scharfe dir ein ! "

23. Der Ehelose sprach : " Ach geh doch, o du Narr !
Jederzeit ist die Frau fur den Mann ein Ungliick.
Denk doch nur einmal daran, ob den Philosophen
Je nach dem Frauengeschlechte der Sinn steht ! "

278 ENNO LITTMANN

24. 1W//* Ul^Ulfl "ff'l_ uljOtjflL^UflL-. Ul l/tl/ fllillllfl

25. *'!£./? ^"Y* m^unfi utjtb^

26. \^*£[b mljinfi uftunuj-fib <^u/^uj i^p "{[if

i uhi__i
///////// hp~ in hi ttb ^ onfiut^uftli

24. Evli dedi bil sozunii a murdar
Gumlesine birden ejleme azar
Anlerin icinde ojleleri var

Kim zaty melajyq dimemde sajan

25. Bekjar dedi dinle a balqabagy
Ojlesi dejildir qazyn ajagy
Melajyq dejil a hatda bajagy
Serlerinden qacar pabugsyz sejtan

26. Evli dedi sydqyn haqqa ver bir jol
Meraq itme sen tevekkul iizre ol
Bir helal sud emmisini ara bul
Qprqma itdijine olmazsyn pisman

24. Der Ehemann sprach : " Bedenk was du sagst, du Schmutzkerl !
Tadle doch nicht alle auf einmal !

Unter ihnen gibt es manch eine der Art,

Dass ich ihr Wesen als das eines Engels bezeichnen kann."

25. Der Ehelose sprach : " Hore, o du gelber Kiirbis,
So lauft der Hase nicht !

Nicht nur ein Engel, sondern sogar der Teufel
Lauft vor ihrer Bosheit barfuss da von."

26. Der Ehemann sprach : " Gib dem Rechte der Wahrheit die Ehre !
Sei nicht angstlich, fasse Gottvertrauen !

Geh hin, suche eine, die erlaubte Milch getrunken hat ;
Fiirchte nicht, dass du dein Tun bereuest."

Ein turkisches Streitgedicht uber die Eke

2 J. ^I|£.£?^"Y» uiljunfi y//yy/

279

\MJ

l.o

29.

ni tim ilium

ujhn

iiui[tf

27. Bekjar dedi qary isini saglar
Ojle soz sojler ki gijerin daglar
Ajda bir fistanym joq deji aglar
Sen insaf et buna dajanyrmy gan

28. Evli dedi vaqa bu soz gercek dir
Lakin esasyny bilmek gerek dir
Qarylary kotu iden erkek dir
Bunu teslim ider giimle aqilan

29. Bekjar dedi gel hemefkjar olalym
Vatyb bizim Bidarii bulalym
Bu hususda bir nasihat alalym
Zira milgerreb dir ol ehl-i ilrfan

27. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Frau setzt ihre Sache durch.
Sie redet solche Worte, dass sie dein Herz zerreisst.
Jeden Monat ruft sie weinend : ' Ich habe keinen Rock.'
Sei doch gerecht : ' Kann die Seele solches ertragen ? J "

28. Der Ehemann sprach : " In der Tat dies Wort 1st richtig.
Doch muss man auch die Griinde davon erkennen.
Wer die Frauen schlecht macht, das sind die Manner.
Das geben alle Verstandigen zu."

29. Der Ehelose sprach : " Komm, wie wollen uns verstandigen !
Wir wollen hingehen und unseren Bidari suchen.

Uber diese Frage wollen wir guten Rat uns holen ;
Denn erfahren ist jener Mann des Wissens.

280

ENNO LITTMANN

fUtn^ uiut[u[i ufn

30. Ejilere asla bicilmez qyjmet
Amma kotulerin geddine lanet
Gerek qary gerek erkek nihajet
Ikisinde dahi bulunur noqsan

30. Den Guten wird nie [ihr] Wert verkiirzt ;
Aber die Schlechten seien verflucht !
Sei es Frau, sei es Mann, im Grunde
Finden sich doch auch bei beiden Mangel."

Einegenauere Untersuchung liber Schrift, Sprache und
Inhalt dieses Streitgedichts muss hier unterbleiben. Uber
Schrift und Sprache des Armenisch-Tiirkischen vergleiche
man die Studien zum Armenisch-Tiirkischen von F. von
Kraelitz-Greifenhorst (Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserl. Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-histo-
rische Klasse, 168. Band, 3. Abhandlung, Wien 1912) sowie
Teil ii meiner oben genannten Schrift Das Malerspiel.
Die in unserem Streitgedichte vorkommenden Sprlich-
worter und spriichwortlichen Redensarten, wie z. B. in V. 7,
21, 22, 25, 26, miissten von einem genaueren Kenner des
volkstlimlichen tiirkischen Sprach turns auf Herkunft, Form
und Bedeutung untersucht werden. Der Fluch in V. 30
" Aber die Schlechten seien verflucht," wortlich " Aber tiber
der Schlechten Grossvater [sei] Fluch," ist wohl durch das
Arabische beeinflusst. Verwiinschungen wie " Gott ver-
fluche deinen Vater und deinen Grossvater," ja sogar auch
" und den Grossvater des Vaters deines Grossvaters " sind
miraus arabisch sprechenden Landern ganz bekannt. Hier
deuten auch die arabischen Worter gedd und lanet darauf
hin. Die gemeinen Fliiche des niederen tiirkischen Volks,
die meist mit sikdim endigen, durften natiirlich in ein
Gedicht, das zwareinige Schimpfworter enthalt (V. 24, 25),
aber im allgemeinen die gute Form wahrt, nicht aufge-
nommen werden; sie sind jedoch so bekannt, dass im
Neuarabischen ein neues Verbum saktam "fluchen" daraus
gebildet wurde, wie ich bei Schmidt- Kahle, Volkserzah-
lungen aus Palastina, Gottingen 1918, S. 282, angemerkt
habe.

Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht uber die Eke 281

Nur einige kurze Bemerkungen liber das Streitgedicht
als solches und liber das Thema unseres dasitan mogen hier
Platz finden.

Wie Elbe" in seinem ausgezeichneten Aufsatze Oder
persische Tenzonen (Verhandlungen des Flinften Interna-
tionalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Berlin, 1882, Zweiter
Theil, S. 48 ff.) nachgewiesen hat, stammt die literarische
Ausbildung der munazarcf " Streitgedicht, Tenzone " aus
Persien. Ihr erster und bedeutendster Vertreter war der
altere Asadi, der Zeitgenosse Firdausl's ; uber ihn vgl. auch
A Literary History of Persia from Fir daw si to Sa'di,
by Edward G. Browne, S. 148 f. Es ist wahrscheinlich,
dass Asadi der Erfmder dieser Literaturgattung ist. Natlir-
lich kann er an arabische naqaid angeknlipft haben ; aber
dies sind doch zunachst Dichterwettkampfe, wie sie aus
alien Landern bekannt sind und wie sie auch heute noch im
Orient vorkommen. Ein paar neuarabische Beispiele finden
sich in meiner Neuarabischen Volkspoesie (Abhandlungen
der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Got-
tingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, Neue Folge, Bd. v, Nro. 3,
1902), S. isof. ; sehr viele sind in meinen Tigre-Liedern
enthalten (Publications of the Princeton Expedition to
Abyssinia, Vol. in, iv, Leyden 1913-15). Andererseits sind
Erzahlungen von Kampfen zwischen Tieren, Baumen,
Naturgewalten im Orient auch wohl schon vor Asadi beim
Volke beliebt gewesen ; diese Erzahlungen konnen auch
eingestreute Verse enthalten haben. Ein Beispiel daflir—
aber aus ganz moderner Zeit — ware etwa The Tale of the
Ape and the Gazel in meinen soeben genannten Publica-
tions of the Princeton Expedition, Vol. n, p. 28 f. Dort
streiten sich Affe und Gazelle liber ihre Lebensweise, und
nachdem die Gazelle die Trinkstellen des Affen kennen
gelernt hat, ruft sie

" May thy drink be bad, o Ab-Gaharu !
My drink is the breeze, the stormy wind, too."

Der Affe aber antwortet

" May thy drink be bad, o little gazel !
My drink is the spring, the pit and the well."

In Geschichten wie dieser kann man primitive Vorstufen
zu der literarischen munazara des Asadi erkennen.

1 Arabisch auch mulataba, mufdhara und muhawara.

282

ENNO LITTMANN

Dieser verfasste seine Streitgedichte in der Form der
qaslda. Darin folgte ihm Fahr ud-Dm (n. Jahrh. n. Chr.)
dessen " Wettstreit zwischen Feder und Schwert " von Eth6
a. a. O., S. 118 ff. veroffentlicht und ubersetzt wurde. Dies
Thema scheint auch bei den Arabern frlih beliebt geworden
zu sein; denn Ahlwardt flihrt in seinem Verzeichnis der
Arabischen Handschriften der Kgl. Bibliothek zu Berlin,
Bd. vn, S. 555, eine ganze Reihe von Bearbeitungen auf,
deren eine, Nr. 8596, 2, bis ins n. Jahrh. n. Chr. zurlick-
reicht.

Uber den moglichen Zusammenhang des persischen
Streitgedichts mit den Tenzonen des mittelalterlichen Eu-
ropas, namentlich den prove^alischen und englischen, hat
Ethe* auf S. 51 ff. gehandelt. Er hat dann aber auch die
Weiterentwicklung des Streitgedichts innerhalb der per-
sischen Literatur in meisterhafter Weise kurz skizziert.

An diese Weiterentwicklung wird auch die Forschung
liber die modernen tlirkischen und arabischen munazarat
anzukniipfen haben. Wahrend aber im modernen Persien
die selbstandige munazara Lieder in Mathnavl- Baits bevor-
zugt, scheint die tlirkische und arabische, nach den mir
bekannten Beispielen zu urteilen, solche in Strofengedichten
gewahlt zu haben. Das Streitgedicht erfreut sich im
modernen Orient noch immer grosser Beliebtheit. So habe
ich in Cairo vier Streitgedichte in neuarabischer Sprache
aufgezeichnet : i. Streit zwischen Katze und Mausen; 2.
Streit zwischen Schuhmacher und Schulmeister; 3. Streit
zwischen Eisenbahn und Telegraph; 4. Streit zwischen
Telephon und Telegraph. Sie sind in kleinen meist schlecht
lithographierten Heftchen in Agypten gedruckt; ich habe
sie mir diktieren und erklaren lassen und hoffe sie mit
meinen anderen Cairiner Sammlungen aJJI *lw &\ einmal zu
veroffentlichen. Alle vier sind in vierzeiligen Strofen ge-
dichtet ; Nr. i hat durchgehenden Reim jeder einzelnen
Strofe, Nr. 2-4 haben die ubliche Form aaax, bbbx, cccx
u.s.w., also dieselbe Form wie unser dasitan^. Nach meinen

1 Das Streitgedicht von Schwiegermutter und Schwiegertochter, das ich
im Journal Asiatique, Juli-August 1903, herausgegeben habe, ist nach
demselben Prinzip gebaut, hat aber zwei Doppel verse als matta'-Strofe
und dann Strofen zu je vier Doppelversen mit Innenreim. Uber Schwieger-
mutter und Schwiegersohn in Abessinien vgl. auch Publ. Princet. Exped.
Vol. n, p. 61.

Ein tilrkisches Streitgedicht uber die Ehe 283

Erkundigungen werden sie aber nicht mehr munazara oder
ahnlich (s. oben S. 281) genannt, sondern einfach qissa
" Erzahlung."

Bei diesen neuarabischen Streitgedichten wird wie bei
vielen Erzeugnissen der yolksttimlichen Muse kein Ver-
fasser genannt. Aber die Uberschrift des tiirkischen dasitan
gibt einen gewissen Bidari als Verfasser an. Diese Uber-
schrift lautet Bidarinin. Evli He bekjaryn dasitany\ das
kann nur ubersetzt werden " Von Bidari ein Lied liber den
Ehemann und den Ehelosen." Zum Uberflusse steht als
erste Zeile des Manuscripts noch in ungeschickter latei-
nischer Schrift Dasitan. evli ilt Bdkiaren. p. Bidar. Also
hat der Aufzeichner den Bidari als Verfasser angesehen.
Ein solcher Dichter ist mir jedoch nicht bekannt geworden,
und auch F. Giese teilte mir auf meine Anfrage mit, er
kenne ihn nicht. Es ist daher moglich, dass der Aufzeichner
aus Strofe 29 einen falschen Schluss gezogen hat. Er hatte
dann angenommen, in dieser vorletzten Strofe habe der
Verfasser sich genannt wie in den Ghazelen, und Strofe 30
sei ein tag bait, dessen Bedeutung als " Zusatzvers nach
dem Verse mit dem Namen des Verfassers " mir von
G. Jacob mitgeteilt wurde. Auch Asadl hat im letzten
Verse seiner Tenzone " Musulman und Parse " seinen
eigenen Namen genannt, wie Ethe a. a. O., S. 67 u.
bemerkt; aber er hat sich darin nicht selbst zum Schieds-
richter gemacht. Und das hat nach dem Wortlaute von
Strofe 29 Bidari getan, wenn er der Verfasser ist. So wird
der " Streit zwischen Opium und Tabak," nach Ethe" S. 74,
vom Dichter selbst dadurch geschlichtet, dass er beide als
seine besten T roster und Sorgenbrecher mit gleichem Lob-
preise uberschuttet. In den alteren Streitgedichten wird
jedoch gegen Ende eine hochgestellte Personlichkeit als
Schiedsrichter genannt und dann deren Lob gesungen.
Dass nun in der Tat Bidari als Dichter des dasitan an-
gesehen werden soil, darauf deuten noch zwei andere
Momente: (i) die Form des Namens, der deutlich ein ta-
hallus ist; (2) der Ausdruck "unser Bidari," den der Ehelose
in seinem Schlussworte gebraucht, denn das kann wohl nur
heissen "unser Dichter, der uns reden lasst." Wenn der
gute Bidari sich selbst als ehl-i iirfan " Mann des Wissens "
bezeichnet, so darf man es ihm wohl nicht weiter veriibeln.

284 • ENNO LITTMANN

Er sprache dann in der letzten Strofe das versohnende
Schiedsrichterurteil aus, dass die Guten gelobt, die Schlech-
ten aber verwlinscht werden sollen, und dass die beiden
Geschlechter eigentlich keinen Grund haben, sich eins iiber
das andere zu iiberheben, da Manner sowohl wie Frauen
ihre Mangel haben. Damit vergleiche man den Schlussvers
von The Debate and Stryfe between Somer and Wynter
(nach Ethe,' S. 57), wo der Sommer sagt:

" Wynter by one assent our great stryfe let vs ceas,
And together agre we, and make a fynall peas ;
God that create this worlde and made bothe the and me,
Let vs pray to hym to send vs a good ende. Amen for charite."

Wenn wir so in der sprachlichen und dichterischen
Form unseres dasitan ein echt morgenlandisches Gewachs
erkannt haben, so deutet doch sein Inhalt auf moderne
europaische Einfliisse, ebenso wie oben Eisenbahn, Tele-
graph und Telephon. Das Problem der Ehe und der
Ehelosigkeit ist hier zwar sehr naiv erortert, ohne eigentlich
in die Tiefe zu gehen, aber doch so, dass die Gedankengange
nicht etwa auf orientalisches Monchtum oder auf Geschichten
wie die von Kamar ez-Zaman in 1001 Nacht, sondern auf
verwandte Dinge im Leben der europaischen Volker weisen.
Auch G. Hoffmann in Kiel sprach sofort eine ahnliche Ver-
mutung aus, als ich ihm von dem Inhalte des Streitgedichtes
erzahlte. Sogar ein drusischer Sanger im Libanon beruft
sich auf das " frankische " Urteil iiber die Frauen; vergl.
meine Neuarab. Volkspoesie, S. 151, Z. 11. Andererseits
fiel mir in Cairo eine Posse in die Hande, die den Titel
tragt ^5*^ 5*3 j>3l •$ " Ich heirate nicht, wenn man mich

£j

auch hangen will," und die ihre Beziehungen zu Europa
schon dadurch verrat, dass in der Einleitung von der
Abstammung des Menschen vom Affen die Rede ist.

Zum Schlusse spreche ich den Herren G. Jacob, R.
Tschudi, H. Ritter und Nedjati Bey, durch die ich im Ver-
standnis des tiirkischen Textes mehrfach sehr gefordert bin,
meinen herzlichen Dank aus. Moge dieser Beitrag zur
Festschrift fur einen englischen Gelehrten, der stets fur die
Internationalitat der Wissenschaft und fur das Selbstbestim-
mungsrecht der morgenlandischen Volker charaktervoll
eingetreten ist, ein Zeichen der Hochachtung und Dank-
barkeit fiir mannigfache Belehrung sein !

ENNO LITTMANN.

THE MU'4LLAQAHQR MAIMUN
AL-A'SHA

(rendered into English in the metre of the original)

This interesting poem is one of the two, or according to
others three, compositions which were considered by the
ancient critics worthy to be ranked with those chefs d'ceuvre
selected by Hammad ar-Rawiyah under the name of the
Mulallaqat, and superior to some of those included in the
chosen seven. Its text, as translated, is that contained in my
edition of Ten Ancient Arabic Poems, Calcutta, 1894.

The poem must date from some time not long subsequent
to the battle of Dhu Qar, which was probably fought about
610 or 6 1 1 A.D., and is referred to in v. 62. Its object is to
convey an angry rebuke to Yazld [b. Mus-hir] Abu Thubait,
a chief of the tribe of Shaiban, one of the strongest and most
celebrated divisions of the group of Bakr ibn Wa'il, who is
accused of stirring up mischief between the author's tribe
of Qais ibn Tha'labah and his own kin of Shaiban. The
various tribes which constituted the Bakrite group were by
no means always on friendly terms together; as noted below
against v. 47, the Mufaddallyat contains two poems showing
that a bitter quarrel, ending in bloodshed, had occurred
between Shaiban and Yashkur. As to the facts of the dispute
dealt with by al-A'sha the story given in the Aghani, viii, 100,
on the authority of Abu 'Ubaidah, is as follows. A certain
man of the family of Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Malik (al-A'sha's house)
named Dubai', who was of weak intellect, killed a man named
Zahir, belonging to the tribe of Dhuhl b. Shaiban. Yazld
son of Mus-hir, chief of Shaiban, forbade his clansmen to
slay Dubai' in requital for Zahir, but incited them instead
to kill a chief of the house of Sa'd b. Malik. On this coming
to the ears of al-A'sha, he composed this ode in reply.

The poem follows the customary scheme of a qasldah.
Of its sixty-four verses, only the last twenty-one treat of its
main purpose. The introductory naslb is unusually long,
eighteen verses. Then follows a section in which the poet

286 C. J. LYALL

gives a sketch of his own life and its ideals, w. 19—32.
A short section, which may perhaps have lost some verses,
begins to treat of desert journeys and the merits of the
poet's camel (w. 33-35), but is very soon broken off for the
description of an approaching rainstorm, with a recital of
the lands in al-Yamamah belonging to al-A'sha's tribe which
its waters may be expected to invade. The pictures in each
of these sections are of astonishing vividness and vigour,
and the whole poem is full of individuality. The lady called
Hurairah ("Kitten") is stupidly said by al-Yazldl1 to have
been a black slave-girl belonging to Hassan b. 'Amr b.
Marthad. This is inconsistent with the first two words of
v. 2, in which she is described as gharrau, far'd'u, "white
and broad-browed, long-haired." Another statement, that of
Abu 'Ubaidah, is that she was one of two singing-girls
named Hurairah and Khulaidah, sisters, belonging to Bishr
b. 'Amr b. Marthad, a cousin of al-A'sha's (seethe genealogical
table in Mufaddt. ii, p. 166, and id. p. 216). It is quite
possible that she may have been some ideal drawn by the
poet out of his imagination. In v. 19 she is called Umm
Khulaid, and the whole picture suits better a free-born Arab
woman than a slave.

The ode has been rendered into French by Silvestre de
Sacy in vol. nof his Chrestomathie Arabe (1826), pp. 464 ff.
A translation in German was promised by Prof. Geyer of
Vienna in his Zwei Gedichte von al-A'sd (1905), but so far
as I know has not yet appeared. Vv. 25-31 have been given
an English form in Dr Nicholson's Literary History of the
Arabs ( 1 907), p. 1 25. I am not aware of any other rendering
in a European language.

1. Good-bye, Hurairah ! the train of laden camels is sped :

— but canst thou bear a good-bye, O man that art but a man ?

2. Clear-browed, long-haired, in her mouth the rows of teeth trim and white,

full gently treads she, as one sore-footed limps through the mire.

3. Straight on she walks when she goes some day to visit a friend,

as moves a cloud in the sky — no hurry, no, nor delay.

4. Whenas she turns, thou mayst hear her trinkets tinkle and chime,

as when the breeze with a gust sets rustling seed-pods of broom.

1 Agh. viii, 79.

The Mu'allaqah of Maimun al-A'sh& 287

5. Not she a girl whose approach the neighbours like not to see,

not one to spy on her folk and carry secrets abroad.

6. When goes she forth to her friends, she rises languorously :

but for the effort she makes it seems as though she would fall.
8. Her girdle hangs slack and loose : elsewhere, well fills she her shift ;
she moves to greet thee — her waist seems almost ready to snap.

10. Full-bodied, youth at its prime, her elbows well-clad and round,

she steps as though over thorns her feet walked delicately.

11. Whenas she rises, the waves of musk fill the ambient air,

and from her sleeves, as she goes, the scent of zambaq is spread.

12. No mead of those in the Upland, lush with upspringing grass

— a sea of green where the rain has quickened life to the full —

13. Its bloom laughs forth to the Sun, that joyful laughs in return,

waist-high its fullness of blossom, rich with all at its best —

14. One day is sweeter than she in fragrance spreading around,

nor is it fairer than she what time still evening falls.

15. Unsought I fell to her charm: another man had her heart,

not I; and his to another maiden straitly was bound :

1 6. Another maid pined for him — he would not give her a thought :

for her a cousin had died from pangs of love unrepaid.

17. And me — there loves me a girl for whom no kindness I feel :

so tangled love to us all — ah, what is love but a plague ?

1 8. Each one is bound by a spell, and dotes in vain on his fere :

far off or near though he be, hunter and hunted are one.

19. Hurairah will nought of me — no, not so much as a word :

ah, foolish one ! if she love not me, then whom should she love ?

20. She saw, it seems, but a man weak-eyed, on whom there had played

the guile of Fortune, and Time that brings all things to decay.

21. Hurairah said, when I came to press my suit upon her,

" Ah, woe upon thee, O man, and woe* from thee unto me! "

22. Yea, if thou seest us unshod, bare-footed seeking thy door,

'tis so with me and my like, now bare-foot, now fully shod.

23. Sometimes I grasp at the moment when the master's asleep :

sometimes he knows me at hand — though warned, he cannot escape.

24. Now lead I Lightness about — it follows whither I go :

now are my comrades the eager wanton servants of joy.

25. Some morning early I seek the wineshop, close at my heels

a cook, quick, nimble, adroit to set the feast in array,

26. With youths like Indian blades keen-hearted — well do they know

that Death shall take everyone, bare-footed be he or shod.

27. I pass to them basil boughs, on cushions lying reclined,

and wine 'twixt acid and sweet — its strainer never goes dry.

28. No patience know they, but ever steadfast stick to the wine,

their word nought but "Pour again!" however often they quaff.

288 C. J. LYALL

29. The wine is served by a boy who hands the glasses, alert,

with knots of pearl in his ears, his shirt tucked up in his belt;

30. A lute there answers the harp— so seems it, waked by its note,

what time a girl, loose of gown, trills forth her quavering song.

31. There too are damsels who proudly trail skirts purfled with silk,

and others walk mid the guests with wine-skins borne on their hips.

32. Yea, all these things know I well, life's best of pleasure and play:

from me seek learning of love — long years have taught me its laws.

Ill

33. Yea, many the desolate land, bare as the back of a shield,

wherein one listened at night to booming voices of Jinn —

34. None travelled there in the days of summer burning with heat

save those who, when they attempt a venture, think it out well —

35. Have I crost all its extent, my camel spare, strong and smooth

of pace, fore-arms well apart from trunk, no ulcer to fear.

36. Enough ! seest thou there beyond the cloud-mass heaped as we gaze,

where in its sides fly the darts of lightning's flickering flame ?

37. A mighty backing it has, a middle broad, full of play,

and girded round with a belt of buckets charged with a flood.

38. No pleasure holds me from watching grow its promise of rain,

no glow and sweetness of wine, no business, little or great.

39. Then, as they drank, to my fellows there in Durna I said —

well drunken had they — "Behold! where falls the oncoming rain?"

40. "Numar," they said, "then the Vale of al-Khal — both will it fill:

"al-'Asjadiyah, and then Abla, and then ar-Rijal;

41. "With it as-Safhu will flow, then Khinzlr, then its rough plain:

"ar-Rabwu and al-Hubal its waters next will invade;

42. "Then last its flood shall bespread, and throughly soak all the ground,

"the Meads where sand-grouse abound, the low hill covered with trees.

43. "It waters thus all the lands for which its purpose was shaped

" — lands they no enemy seeks with troops of camels or horse."

44. This message bear to Yazld, chief of the Sons of Shaiban,

Abu Thubait — "Wilt thou -not desist from slander of us?

45. "Wilt thou not cease to assail our stock of honour and fame?

" — 'tis true, thy lies harm it not, while camels moan at their loads :

46. "'Tis with thy tales as a buck that thrusts his horns at a rock:

"no hurt he brings to the stone, but splits his horns in its stead.

47. "Thou stirrest mischief between us and the House of Mas'ud

"whenso we meet, till thou start death's work, then leavest the fray.

48. "I think not, sure, if our hate grows fiercer, and if we seek

"your help our cause to uphold, 'twill ever bring thee to fight.

The Mu'allaqah of Maimun al-A'shci, 289

50. "Thou shalt not sit at thine ease, War's blaze once lighted by thee,

"safe from her fire, on thy knees seeking protection on High.

51. "Yea, ask the Sons of Asad — sooth, well they know of our ways,

"and from them tale upon tale shall bring the truth to thine ears ;

52. "And ask the Sons of Qushair and all 'Abdallah's kin,

"and ask Rabl'ah of us, what manner fighters we be:

53. "We rain our blows upon them until we slay the last man

"in mellay fierce, whether wrong they wrought, or folly alone.

54. "Yea, in Kahf's house, whensoe'er they rouse themselves for the fight,

"and Jashirlyah, are those who know how war should be waged.

55. "I swear by Him to whose House the camels hurry their steps

"with pilgrim crowds, and the kine in herds are led to His shrine,

56. "If ye have murdered a chief who never stood in your way,

"we shall slay for him the like of yours, yea, even your best!

57. "If thou art tried by our arms the day the battle is done,

"thou shalt not find that we swerve from seeking blood to the full.

58. "Will ye not cease from your strife? Nay, nought shall work such a cure

"of wrong as wounds from a lance nor oil nor lint shall abate:

59. "Until there lie on the ground a chieftain propped on his arm,

"while women seek with their hands, bereaved, to shelter his head.

60. "A blade from India smote him — not in vain was its stroke,

"or haply a shaft from al-Khatt, bright-headed, slender and straight.

6 1. "Ye said, it seems, folk of ours, that you we never should fight.

"not so! for men like to you are just the foes that we seek.

62. "We are the knights of the Day of Hinw under the hot noon

"around Futaimah: no sign of yielding gave we that day!

63. "They said 'The spear-play!' we answered 'Even so is our wont :

" 'or if ye call for the foot-fight, we are ready on foot:

64. " 'We dye the limbs of the chief with streams of blood from his thigh,

" 'and oft the bravest of men sobs out his life on our spears.'"

NOTES

v. 4. The word rendered " broom " is *ishriq, which is not really broom
(in Ar. ratam\ but a species of Cassia, which Forskal found still retains
this name in the Yaman.

v. 7 is omitted, as not known to any of those who have handed down
the poem except Abu 'Ubaidah : its substance is sufficiently given in v. 6.

v. 9 omitted.

v. ii. The perfume named zambaq is variously described. Here it is
called " red," ward, which does not correspond with any of the equivalents
given in Lane, s.v. Generally it is said to be oil of jasmine (LA 1 2, 2 and 12).
It is admitted to be a foreign word : jasmine in Persian \sydsamin, ydsaman,
saman, and its name bears no resemblance to zambaq. It is suggested that
the word may be the Indian Champak, a flowering tree of the Magnolia
family, with yellow fragrant flowers, which are used for the preparation
of perfumed oils, employed in the toilet and in medicine (see Watt,
Dictionary of Indian Economic Products, s.v. Michelia champacd).

B. P.V. 19

290 C. J. LYALL

v. 12. "The Upland," al-Hazn (also Hazm), the high limestone steppe
which extends over many parts of Arabia, and the winter and spring pasture of
which (in favourable seasons) is much praised by the poets (see Mufaddt. ii,
24, top). Here, having regard to the poet's native place (Manfuhah in
al-Yamamah), it is probable that the steppe from Jabal Tuwaiq westwards
towards at-Ta'if is meant. This is still called the Hazm, and was recently
traversed by Mr H. St J. B. Philby, C.I.E. The richness of the vegetation
produced by abundant winter and spring rain both in the steppe and in the
sand-desert (Dahna) has often been remarked by travellers : see e.g. Philby
(in Geographical Journal, March 1920, p. 163) — "The delightful spring
season of Arabia, when the desert is bright with grass and flowers."

v. 1 8. The reading of Abu 'Ubaidah (and in part of al-Asma'l), Mah-
bulun wa-muhtabilu, has been chosen for rendering in preference to that
of the text.

v. 27. " Basil boughs," qudubu-r-raihani\ this may mean either pieces of
sweet basil, Ocimum basilicum, or sweet-scented flowers in general, such as
myrtle, henna, etc., which were largely used to perfume the air at drinking
feasts, and to twine round the vessels containing the wine. The explanation
of the commentary, that the phrase is metaphorical and represents the inter-
change of pleasant talk and repartee, does not seem probable. Al-A'sha has
several pictures of wine-feasts in which flowers figure literally as adornments
of the banquet. See Geyer, Zwei Gedichte v. al-Alsa, pp. 58 if., where there
is a long list of flowers used to deck the feast, including roses, violets,
mint (?), marjoram, myrtle, wall-flowers, lavender (?), lilies, sweet basil,
jasmine, and narcissus. All these are cited by their Persian names: Horace's
Persia apparatus persisted to al-A'sha's time.

"Wine 'twixt acid and sweet," qahwatan muzzatan: mazazah is described
as a flavour between sweet and sour. The " strainer," rawuq^ is the linen
cloth tied over the spout of the flagon to strain the wine when poured out.

v. 31. " With wine-skins borne on their hips": this is al-Asma'i's inter-
pretation ; Abu 'Ubaidah thought that the lijal, plur. of 'ijlah^ might refer
to the women's hips, which were admired when round and prominent.
Perhaps the skins held water and not wine, which would be drawn from the
amphora, dann. It was mixed with water before being drunk.

v. 33. For the drumming noise heard at night in the Desert, ascribed
by the Arabs to the Jinn, see Mufaddt. ii, p. 276, note to v. 9.

v. 39. Durna is said in the commentary to be one of the gates to Persian
territory, some marches short of al-Hirah, where Yazld Abu Thubait
(addressed in v. 44) lived. It is, however, quite clear from the following
verses of the poem that this was not so. The names there mentioned, so far
as they can be identified, are of places in al-Yamamah. The region is that
described in Mr Philby 's paper in the Geographical Journal ion March 1920,
or somewhere in its neighbourhood. Mr Philby notes the prevalence of
floods, following heavy storms, in this tract, dominated by the mountain
chain of Tuwaiq. Of the names contained in the passage, Numar is in
al-Yamamah (Yaq. iv, 8i212): Batn al-Khalis not mentioned : al-'Asjadlyah
is a water belonging to the Banu Sa'd (al-A'sha's family) also in al-Yamamah
(Yaq. iii, 67 2 x) : Khinzlr is said to be a mountain in the same tract (Yaq. ii,
47 8 5) : al Abla is the name of a well (Yaq. i, 93 22) presumably in the same
neighbourhood : ar-Rijal (pi. of rijlah, a torrent-bed) is in al-Yamamah

The Mu'allaqah of Maimun al-A'shb 291

(Yaq. ii, 75 5 6): ar-Rabwu is not located in Yaq. ii, 752": al-Hubal (linked
with Khinzir in a verse of Labld's cited Yaq. ii, igS20) appears to be a
station on the road from al-Yamamah towards the lower land of Hajr. In
Yaq. ii, 857, top, as-Safh, al-Hubal, and Raud al-Qata ("The Sand-grouse
Meadows ") are all mentioned as on the road from Hajr to al-Yamamah.
From this it is clear that al-A'sha's drinking-party at Durna was in his own
home in the neighbourhood of Manfuhah, and could not possibly have been
to the far North in the open plain of al-'Iraq in which Durna is said in the
commentary to v. 39 to have been situated. The object of this recital of
places belonging to al-A'sha's tribe, Qais ibn Tha'labah, is to bring the
poem to the note of defiance, as appears from the second hemistich of
v. 43 : then follows the angry message to Yazid, a chief of the Banu
Shaiban, which occupies the rest of it.

v. 45. " Assail our stock of honour and fame," lan nahti 'athlatina, lit.
"from stripping the bark off our tamarisk- tree " : see Mufaddt. ii, p. 236,
note to v. 4. " So long as camels moan at their loads," i.e. for ever ; 'atta is
the verb used for the grumbling noise made by camels when being
loaded up.

v. 47. The House of Mas'ud was one of the chief families in Shaiban.
There is in the Mufaddt. nos. Ixxxvi and Ixxxvii, mention made of
a quarrel between this family and the Bakrite tribe of Yashkur, in which
Qais son of Mas'ud was the chief actor. He was the father of Bistam
b. Qais, a celebrated chief of the Banu Shaiban at the beginning of the
Prophet's career.

v. 49 is omitted, as a doublet of v. 27.

v. 50. In this verse "War" is understood but not named, as often in
the ancient poetry. "On thy knees seeking protection on High,"/a£&£ftftj
it is probable that Yazid was a nominal Christian : we know that some
members of his tribe were converts, among them Bistam b. Qais.

v. 52. Qushair, a branch of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah. 'Abdallah, probably
'Abdallah b. Kilab or 'Abdallah b. Abl Bakr b. Kilab, also families of
'Amir. Rabf ah may likewise be the name of a sub-division of 'Amir, the
ancestor of the great house of Kilab. It is scarcely likely that Rabl'at
al-Faras, son of Nizar, a remote patriarch whose descendants in al-A'sha's
time had long been settled in al-'Iraq, is intended.

v. 54. "The house of Kahf," 'alu Kahfin, is said to be a family in the
clan of Sa'd b. Malik b. Dubai'ah, of Qais b. Tha'labah, al-A'sha's kin.
Al-Jashirlyah, according to" the commentary, is the name of a woman of
'lyad, daughter of the celebrated chief Ka'b b. Mamah, who was also
married into the family of Sa'd b. Malik.

v. 55. "The kine," al-baqir. This mention by a poet of Ma'add of
horned cattle as victims at the sacrifice in Mina near Mecca during the
pilgrimage is, so far as I know, unique, the ordinary victims being camels,
sheep and goats. Horned cattle are numerous in the more fruitful region of
the Yaman, but in droughty Central and Northern Arabia they are so rare
as to be practically non-existent

v. 62. " The Day of al-Hinw " is the great battle of Dhu Qar, fought in
A.D. 610 or 6n (after the call of the Prophet) by the tribes of Bakr ibn
Wa'il against the Persians and their Arab allies, resulting in the complete

19—2

292 C. J. LYALL

defeat of the latter. For an account of the battle see Naqa'id^ pp. 638-648.
Hinw was the place where the first encounter occurred, a night's journey
from Dhu Qar proper. The accounts of the battle give the leading parts in
it to Shaiban and 'Ijl: but al-A'sha, here and elsewhere, claims a share in it
for his clan of Qais ibn Tha'labah. One of the features of the battle was
that the women of the tribe, instead of being sent away to a place of safety,
were retained in the midst of the fighting men. Futaimah, named in this
verse, is said to have been Fatimah daughter of Hablb ibn Tha'labah,
presumably the chief of the detachment of Qais which took part in the fight.

C. J. LYALL.

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF DHU'R RUMMAH

The tribe of 'Adi 'bn Abd Manat, to which Ghailan 'bn
'Uqba the poet belonged, was settled in Yamama, occupying
a portion of the vastly more extended territory which their
congeners the Tamim inhabited. Ghailan — or as he is most
usually called — Dhu'r Rummah (the owner, or wearer, of
the rope's-end) was probably born in the more southern
portion of Yamama verging on the great central desert of the
Dahna', and the greater portion of his short life must have
been spent in this wild region. He appears to have been well
acquainted with the oasis of Yabrin — the furthest limit
towards the great Dahna' in which life was possible — and
with the sand-hills lying between it and the more hospitable
regions of Yamama. He was born in A.H. 78 and died in
A.H. 117 (Aini i, 412) at the age of 40. It is known that
he visited, even frequently, Basra and Kufa, and from various
allusions in his poems and their glosses (Diw. i, i ; xli, 5 ;
xxxii, 1 6) he is supposed to have extended his wanderings
as far as Ispahan; as SuyutI, Shaw 52, even says that he died
there, or "in the desert." As almost every anecdote related of
him has at least two contradictory versions, it is only possible
to construct a more or less conjectural account of his life.
The earliest story told of him is that he was taken by his
mother when he was a boy to visit the chief of his tribe
al Husain 'bn Abda 'bn Nu'aim al Adawi, a man of some rude
culture, with a view to his writing a charm to hang round her
son's neck: the boy being subject to "terrors at night" (Agh.
xvi, no; but Khiz. i, 5 1, "they were afraid of his eyes [being
affected]" ; or *Iqd\\, 40, afraid of incipient disease [or even

insanity] J~J\ o-» **** LT^). This charm was suspended
about the neck by a bit of rope and constantly worn by the
lad, and when on a subsequent occasion he presented himself
thus furnished before the Sheikh al Husain, this latter gave
him the nickname of "wearer of the rope's-end" by which he
was afterwards known. Dhu'r Rummah seems to have taken
to the composition of poetry early, probably inspired thereto
by the example of his three brothers, Hisham, Mas'ud and

294 C. H. H. MACARTNEY

Khirfash — all poets1. Dhu'r Rummah had the greatest re-
putation of the four brothers, and it was complained of
him that he annexed as his own some of their verse. This
was not an unknown proceeding in those days and he was
later in life to experience a similar fate at the hands of the
arch-plagiarist al Farazdaq and — what is more strange—
seems to have submitted with slight remonstrance to this
high-handed treatment. (Agh. xvi, 1 6, Dzwdn al Farazdaq
no. 313 in gloss and cf. Goldziher, Abh. 136 n. 5.) Of the
ladye-loyes celebrated by Dhu'r Rummah we find Mayya, the
wife of 'Asim the Minqari most frequently the subject of his
praise. Fifty-five of his poems sing of her perfections,
whilst Kharqa' is celebrated in only ten ; Umm Salim (or
Umaima) in five ; and Saida, Bint Faddad and Ghal^b each
in one. This devotion became proverbial ; he was called
"Ghailan of Mayya "(llqd\{, 40), and Hariri (conss. Derenb. i,
322, I. Qut. 334) tells of "a heat to cause Ghailan to forget
Mayya." Agh. (xvi, 1 14) gives the most probable account of
his first meeting with Mayya, at a time when she was still
unmarried, how that he, his brother Mas'ud and a cousin
were seeking their strayed camels, travelling by night and
consumed with thirst, and came to a large tent. Dhu'r
Rummah was commissioned to ask for water from an old
woman sitting under the tent-porch, who summoned a beauti-
ful girl to come out and fill their water-skins. Dhu'r Rum-
mah was at once overcome by her beauty, and having
wrapped up his head, sat a little apart. Mayya then addressed
him saying: "Your people have quite worn you out with
travel, as I judge from your slender build and youth."
Dhu'r Rummah then broke out into the verses (Diw. xxii,
22-26) which he afterwards expanded into the whole poem
as it now stands. And he says : "I continued afterwards for
20 years to long for her in her various encampments" — that
is, almost to the close of his life. Another account of his first
acquaintance with Mayya is told by ash Sharishi (llqd. ii, 40,
where the account just given is also related). According to
this, Mayya and her people were neighbours, in the lower
grounds of the Dahna', of Dhu'r Rummah and his folk.

1 So Agh. xvi, in, but Hamasa ii, 8 ^U^.. I. Qut. 336 calls his
brothers Hisham, Aufa and Mas'ud ; but Aufa was a cousin ; he was Aufa
'bn Dalham (Agh. xvi, in).

A short account of Dhur Rummah 295

Mayya being engaged in washing her own and the servant's
clothes in a tattered tent, and being somewhat cticolletde, was
spied upon by Dhu'r Rummah through a crack in the tent,
with the result of making him deeply enamoured — and after
that he made her the subject of his verse. Agh. xvi, 1 10
gives a third version of their first meeting: it is said that he
was passing by Mayya' s tent and she was sitting by her
mother's side and he asked her for water and her mother
bade her to give him some. And another version is: "that
his water-skins were rent and he saw her and said to her:
'sew them up for me.' And she answered: 'by Allah! that's
a fine request, for I am the Kharqa' (she who does no work
with her hands, because of her estimation in the tribe).' And
he said to her mother, 'command her to pour me out water!'
And her mother said, 'rise, O Kharqa', and give him drink.'
And she arose and brought him water. And about his flank
was a bit of cord, or a rope's-end. And she said, 'drink,
wearer of the cord! ' — and he was nicknamed thus." He was
also said (Agk. xvi, 1 10; I. Qut. 334; Muzhir ii, 221 ; 'Ainl i,
414) to have received this nickname from his verse (Z)tw.xxn,
8), where he describes a battered tent-peg, " shaggy, a rope-end
its collar," in allusion, no doubt, to his uncouth appearance.
The Arabs ever had the engaging habit of nicknaming their
fellows, preferentially, after some deformity or defect.

I. Qut. (335, 336) relates the story above given of his
introducing himself to a Beduin girl with a request that she
should sew up his damaged water-skins, only here he makes
the heroine of the story a certain Kharqa', a daughter of the
Banu '1 Bakka' 'bn 'Amir. There has been some confusion
thus arising, leading to the supposition that there was but
one Kharqa', and that she was Mayya. This is, however, dis-
proved by the fact that in Diw. Ixx they are spoken of as
distinct persons, and in Diw. Ixvi, 2 1 Dhu'r Rummah speaks
of cheering up his companion by singing the praises of
Kharqa' and of Mayya.

A story is told (I. Qut. 335, and quoted from him Agh.
xvi, 120), how that for a long time Mayya had never
seen Dhu'r Rummah, and meanwhile she had heard his
poems. And she vowed that she would slay a victim on the
day that she saw him for the first time. And when she
saw him — an insignificant, swarthy man, she being of the

296 C. H. H. MACARTNEY

most beautiful of the people — she called out " contemptible !
hideous!" and she threw about the joints of the victim. On
this Dhu'r Rummah remarked :

" On the face of Mayya is a fair external surface, but below her garments is
foulness, if it were only revealed."

Whereupon the injured Mayya promptly stripped herself
of her clothes and asked " can you see any defect that is by
you to be dispraised ? " To this Dhu'r Rummah replied :

" Don't you know that the taste of water may be fetid, whilst the colour of
the water may be pure and clear1?"

And she said to him: "as to what lies below the garments,
that you have seen and know what defects are there. And
now it only remains that I should say to you 'come taste
what is below that; and, by Allah! that you shall never taste."
And he said :

" Wasted is that song that so long continued, whose object was Mayya, and
I have never yet mastered my heart's infatuation ! "

(Kkiz. i, 52; Hamdani, 170; Hamdsa ii, 576; i, 679 (va-
riant); I. Khali. Wiist. 534; 'Iqd ii, 40; L.A. (£—•) iii,
434, etc.)

It goes on to say that after this passage of arms matters
were patched up between them and he reverted to his former
love for her. Dhu'r Rummah always stoutly disclaimed the
paternity of these verses, and it seems that in point of fact
they are to be attributed to a servant-girl of Mayya's,
Kuthaira — who, possibly, owed her mistress some grudge.
There is another account of the rupture between Mayya
and Dhu'r Rummah related Agh. xvi, 119 in which Dhu'r
Rummah breaks off with three verses — the last of them being
the second of those above given and the other two less bitter
and even pathetic in tone.

Another occasion on which Dhu'r Rummah met Mayya
was when he was received as a guest one dark night by
'Asim, her husband (Agh. xvi, 114). Dhu'r Rummah was
greatly alarmed lest 'Asim should recognize him, and this
eventually he did and promptly expelled his guest, leaving
him out in the desert. Mayya, however, knew who he was.
In the middle of the night Dhu'r Rummah began to shout
out his verses (Diw. xlvii, 4) :

1 There may be some allusion to this in the verses Dtw. v, 20-23.

A short account of Dhur Rummah 297

"O Mayya, will those days of ours at Dhu'l Athal ever return? or is there
to be no recurrence of them?"

The husband (naturally) very angry ordered Mayya, under
threat of striking her with his sword, to get up and call
out "On what days was I ever with you at Dhu'l Athal?"
(in Diw. *±-*pt ji). Dhu'r Rummah, much incensed, mounted
his camel and rode off, purposing to transfer his love for
her to some other object, meaning thus to anger Mayya.
And he passed by Falj. There he met with Kharqa' and
addressed to her two or three poems (there are ten in the
Diwdn) "and it was not long before he died." Evidently,
Dhu'r Rummah considered that he was taking a bitter re-
venge on Mayya by depriving her of the distinction of being
the object of a poet's love.

Agh. xvi, 129 tells the story of a stolen visit paid by
Dhu'r Rummah and his cousin 'Isma to Mayya in the
absence of the men of her tribe. Mayya and her women set
'Isma to recite Dhu'r Rummah's verses and the party had
become very confidential, when suddenly news is brought of
the return of the men of the tribe. On this Dhu'r Rummah
and his cousin hurriedly (and very prudently) decamp. Dhu'r
Rummah's partiality for other men's wives brought him
occasionally painful experiences.

Of Umm Salim, Saida, Bint Faddad, and Ghalab nothing
is recorded.

His professed love for Kharqa' has been, as we have
just seen, attributed to pique. Another account (Agh. xvi,
123) puts a rather less romantic complexion on this transfer
of his allegiance. It is said that Kharqa', to whom he applied
for a cure for an affection of the eyes, exacted for her fee
"ten verses in which you shall vaunt my charms so that men
shall desire me." Al-Quhaif had a similar request made to
him by her, acceding to her request in the lines preserved
(Hamdsa ii,375; Diwdn, Krenkow,/.^.^.^. for 1913, p. 352):

" Kharqa' has written to me her request in order that Kharqa' may make

me of those whom she beguiles,
" And Kharqa' only increases in beauty and is imposing, though she live

to the age of Noah."

She lived to a vigorous old age, and being encamped on
the direct pilgrim route and close to Mecca considered herself
as one of the things to be visited by pilgrims making the Hajj,

298

C. H. H. MACARTNEY

citing a verse of Dhu'r Rummah's to that effect (Agh. xvi,
124; xx, 141):

"To complete the Hajj the caravan should stop at Kharqa's tent, she having
laid aside her veil."

(To see a woman unveiled was not lawful during the per-
formance of the Hajj.)

Apart from his love affairs little is known of his life in
the desert. He had a grievance against a certain 'Utaiba
'bn Tarthuth relating to awell, for 80 years the property of his
tribe and of which 'Utaiba had usurped possession (Diw. Ixii,
35 sqq.). The matter was brought before Muhajir, then
governor of Yamama, and apparently Dhu'r Rummah was
successful in his claim.

On one occasion, recorded Agh. xvi, 116, he and his
troop were treated with marked inhospitality by a branch of
the Imru'u'l Qais 'bn Zaid Manat, then settled at the village
of Mar'a in Yamama. The whole party were refused shelter
from the burning sun (Diw. Ixviii, vv. 78, 79, 80, 83) and
were left without the offer of food. The resentment that
this treatment excited in the poet led to his attacking the
whole clan of Imru'u '1 Qais in several [eight] rather more
abusive than satirical poems. On this, Hisham of that tribe
replied, but handicapped by being merely conversant with
the metre rajas and thus ex confesso unequal to cope with
the qasidas of Dhu'r Rummah, he applied for help to Jarir, by
the aid of whose vitriolic muse Hisham was said to have got
the better of his satirist1. Later on, Jarir, being reconciled
with Dhu'r Rummah and considering that there was no
sting in his satire, offered his aid on the other side and
supplied Dhu'r Rummah with the pungent verses Diw.
xxvii, 17, 1 8, 19; which he incorporated into his poem.
Al Farazdaq, hearing Dhu'r Rummah recite his latest satire
with the addition of the borrowed verses, at once interrupted
the satirist, saying: "these are not your verses, and he
who said them was stronger in the jaws than you." As for
Hisham, he was reduced to despair, beating his head, say-
ing : "Jarir has slain me, Allah destroy him! and, by Allah,
his poetry is such that a single drop of it introduced into the
ocean would cloud it." (Agh. xvi, 117, 118; vii, 62, 63.)

1 These are the verses Diw. Jarir ii, 184, cited Agh. xvi, 117; vii, 61.
Dhu'r Rummah at once recognized the true author.

A short account of Dhur Rummah 299

Dhu'r Rummah likewise tried his hand at satire on al Hakam,
Diw. vi, and on the poet ar-Ra'i and his son Jandal,
Diw. xix, 5, 7.

Although Dhu'r Rummah's life was mostly spent in the
desert, as is evident from his poems, he frequently visited
Basra and Kufa, where he was a "self-invited guest at men's
tables and a haunter of marriage feasts" (Agh. xvi, 112).
Doubtless he was poor. He was a failure as a panegyrist,
and in consequence received but little reward from the
patrons he flattered. His appearance is described at Kufa
as that of "a Beduin Arab trailing his worn-out vesture"
(Agh. x, 158). In spite of these visits, some sufficiently pro-
longed, his real home was the desert. In Diw. Ixxxvii, 27 sqq.
he says :

" An old woman said, past whose door my steps took me every morning and
evening as I came from my folk,

— And she knew my face and well-known name, because our absence from
home had been a lengthened one —

' Have you a wife in this city ? or have you a law-suit in it, because of which
I have seen you for the last year dwelling in Basra?'

And I answered her : 'Nay! for verily my people and my herd are all neigh-
bours to the sand-hills of the DahnaV "

Again he says, Diw. xvii, 13: "Al 'Irsiq was never a home
for my folk." Al Asma'i, Fuhulat, says : Dhu'r Rummah,
though a Beduin, never wrote as one except in the poem in
which this verse occurs — meaning that this is the only
place in which he declares that his folk had but slight inter-
course with the Arabs of the settled district, and nowhere
else is this exclusiveness openly avowed. I. Qut. 533 reports
that Mayya said, " I have never met any of that (Dhu'r
Rummah's) tribe except on camels." And as his life had
been in the wilds, so his death and burial took place in the
desert. There are many conflicting accounts of this. He was
said to have died of small-pox (Agh. xvi, 127); or of a
tumour, which burst (ibid.} ; or of starvation owing to his
camel (on which was his whole provision of meat and drink)
running away (Agh. xvi, 127); or at Hajr of disease (Agh.
xvi, 127). Different versions of his last words are recorded1:

1 As Suyuti, Shaw 52; I. Khali, De Slane, ii, 451; I. Qut. 334;
T.A. (-jj) ii, 147.

300 C. H. H. MACARTNEY

some spoken (Agh. xvi, 126) or found written1 on his bow
by the side of his corpse (Agh. xvi, 126). He was buried
near Huzwa, in the Dahna' over against al Awa'is. The
circumstantial account of his death and burial given Agh.
xvi, 127 seems to bear the impress of truth.

Dhu'r Rummah's reception by the poets of the settled
districts was not very cordial. Jarir and al Farazdaq were
notoriously jealous of him. Al Kumait on the contrary ad-
mired him whole-heartedly (Agh. xvi, 112, 113; x, 158).
At Tirimmah sneered at him (Agh. x, 158) for being an
unsuccessful panegyrist. All, however, agreed in admiring
his extraordinary command of the true Arabic speech and
idiom, much of which had fallen into desuetude and was
almost lost to them. As a poet they made fun of his slavish
adherence to old discarded modes of expression — his harp-
ings on the vestiges of deserted encampments and tears over
the now silent scenes of former love passages, and so on.
Both Jarir and al Farazdaq remonstrated with him on this
and ascribed to this wearisome monotony of treatment the
fact that he was not reckoned among the Fuhul (of this Dhu'r
Rummah was himself conscious).

Abu 'Amr 'bn al 'Ala, whilst he reckoned him "the seal of
the poets," meant no more by this than that there was no other
successor to the great Beduin, desert-bred poets but Dhu'r
Rummah — either then extant, or likely to arise — and these
were the only poets he deigned to cite as authoritative (cf.
Goldziher, Abh. 138 n. 3). As to the poetry itself, he was
also the author of the disparaging and unsavoury criticism,
"the poetry of Dhu'r Rummah is like the patches on a
bride's face, or dung which has a sweet scent at first but
soon reverts to the [true] smell of dung" (Agh. xvi, 1 1 5, etc.).
Khiz. i, 52 explains the phrase fully and remarks that the
patches when washed disappear, and al Asma'i says that " the
poems of Dhu'r Rummah are sweet at first hearing, but when
often repeated are weak, and there is no beauty in them."
This is too severe a judgment. It is often stated (Agh. xvi,
113; Khiz. i, 51, etc.) "that people in general never belittled
his praises, except through envy, because he was superior to
them, young as he was." This disparagement of some newly

1 He confessed to being able to read and write (Agh. xvi, 121; I. Qut.
334) but wished it kept a secret. See, however, gloss to Diw. Ixxv, 53.

A short account of Dhur Rummah 301

arisen poet on the ground of his youth — a favourite one at
that time — I. Qut. considers unreasonable (6): "Every poet
must have been a modern at one time!" According to I. Qut.
(29) Dhu'r Rummah's strength lay "in similes ; in description
of sand-hills, scorching afternoons and water-holes ; gad-flies
and snakes," and again (41), "in describing rains he was pre-
eminent." Ash Sharishi (Igd ii, 40) gives as his best subjects
"deserted encampments, the wild bull-oryx, asses, hounds
and deer." He was also esteemed for his amatory passages,
but recognized to be a failure in satire and panegyric (Agk.
xvi, 121). But at any rate he could say of himself (Diw.
Ivii, 51, 52 sq.):

" And never — Allah be praised ! — have I launched against any believing

woman evil report entailing danger of hell-fire,
Nor ever lauded any base man, to please him by my verse, that it might

acquire gain."

In all these judgments most moderns would probably agree
with the verdict of his contemporaries and of the native
writers on Belles Lettres.

That a panegyrist should prove a failure does not affect
or interest us much. We know that in his eulogy he has
probably "lied like an epitaph" and the subject boring us,
we are content to skip the laudatory passages. But what will
always interest us are the poet's vivid descriptions of the
incidents of the desert life as it existed more than a thousand
years ago. The pictures drawn by Dhu'r Rummah have all
the vividness of sketches taken from the life, and are the
outcome of the personal experience of the poet. Kumait
relates (Agk. xv, 125) that having once submitted some verses
of his own to the judgment of Dhu'r Rummah, the latter
remarked that Kumait had composed verse of which no man
could say either that he had hit the mark, or had missed it-
he had missed it, but not by much — in fact, he had come
quite close to it. Kumait asks, "do you know why this is so ?"
On Dhu'r Rummah answering "no!" he says: "you de-
scribe a thing which you have seen with your own eyes,
whilst I describe a thing which has been described to me, and
hearsay is not like seeing with your own eyes."

But what all united in praising was his gift of finding and
using similes. Just as Imru'u '1 Qais in the pre- Mohammedan
times was, they said, the greatest master of simile, so they

302 C. H. H. MACARTNEY

maintained that in post-Mohammedan times the pre-eminence
in this respect lay with Dhu'r Rummah1. To us his use of
simile does not seem particularly felicitous, nor always in the
best of taste, and his poems are very much over-charged with
this poetic grace. In one particular instance his comparison
of Umm Salim to a gazelle — not only generally but point by
point (Diw. Ixxix, 44) — was made cruel sport of by a hu-
morous tailor of Mirbad2, who by means of a parody shouted
out in the presence of Dhu'r Rummah put the abashed author
to ignominious flight, nor did the crest-fallen poet ever venture
to re-visit Mirbad till after the death of his persecutor (Agh.
xvi, 1 1 8). These same unlucky lines led to his discomfiture
on a second occasion and in a similar manner (Hariri, Deren.
i, 323, n. ; Masdri'u 7 'Ushshdq, 235). His tormentor this
time was a servant-maid. Dhu'r Rummah implored her to
take his camel and all its furniture and in return to suppress
her witty verses. This she promised him, and after accepting
his bribe to silence, nobly restored it to him. The poet was
obviously morbidly sensitive to ridicule, and easily abashed
(Agh. vii, 61) although he was credited with considerable
powers of retort (Agh. xvi, 113; Khiz. i, 52). He was
thought to be more powerful in speech than in verse (Agh.
xvi, 113), and most eloquent in converse (Agh. xvi, 122).
As a versificator he was correct. He speaks in more
than one place of the trouble he took over his verses.
He lies awake inventing and polishing them. He says
(Diw. Ivii, 48-50) :

" And many a poem, quaint in phrase — over it I have lain awake and kept

it from both sinad and defect of sense.
And I kept it correct and shaped out of it verses to which I reckon there

are no models.
New and strange [breathing of the desert, **£]}*]• In every region are

they known. They say new things, originally.''

Again (Diw. xliii, 26, 27) he says :

"There shall come to you from me eulogy and praise, correct in form3.
Laborious was its original versification.

1 He plumed himself on this gift. On one occasion (?Iqd ii, 41 ; Agh.

xvi, 113) he said, "when I say &\£=> ('as though') and cannot find a way
out (i.e. a fit simile) may Allah cut out my tongue ! "

2 A camel-market about 3 miles from Basra.

, see Goldziher, Abh. 129.

A short account of Dhur Rummah 303

'Twas the taming of a restive creature. And every kind Qiqasida^ be it ever
so indocile, easily do I curb its unbroken members."

(Cf. Goldziher, A bh. 94 and also the story related Agk.x, 157.)
Dhu'r Rummah once said : " Among my poems are those
in which the expression was obedient to and aided me (such
was Diw. Ixvi), and among them were those in which I had
to exert myself and my soul laboured (for example, Z?fo/. Ixxv),
and others again in which I was inspired by the poetic
daemon (as Diw. i)." Of this last poem Jarir said (Agh. xvi,
1 1 8) : ''how delighted I should be if this poem were mine!
for verily in it his [Dhu'r Rummah's] Shaitdn was his
counsellor."

To sum up: — in the poems of Dhu'r Rummah are many
tedious passages, but also much that is beautiful, and still
more that is interesting. As to idiom and language, they are
a mine to the lexicographer.

C. H. H. MACARTNEY.

A PRELIMINARY CLASSIFICATION OF
SOME MSS OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS

In the course of editing the Galland and the Vatican MSS
(hereafter G and V) of the Arabian Nights it has shown
itself necessary to make some attempt towards an appraise-
ment and genealogical classification of the other evidence,
manuscript and printed. This investigation is not yet, by
any means, complete ; but the time seems come for at least
a preliminary statement of the results so far reached. It
may, perhaps, lead other students of the subject to com-
municate information as to MSS which are as yet unknown
or insufficiently described and catalogued.

In J.R.A.S. for 1909 (pp. 685-704) I dealt in detail
with Habicht's edition (Breslau, 1825-38, completed by
Fleischer, 1842-3), and there showed, from his MSS, that
this was a recension which he had himself constructed, and
that there existed no such thing as a Tunisian MS or re-
cension. His edition must be resolved into its component
parts, that is the different MSS which he used, and these
must be referred to their places in the general classification.
Habicht "wilfully created a literary myth and enormously
confused the history of the Nights."

Another divergent printed text, the classification of
which has given much difficulty, is that commonly called
" The I Calcutta," or " The Calcutta Edition of the first
200 Nights" (Calcutta, 2 vols., 1814, 1818), I can now
prove that it is a descendant of the Galland MS ; the proof
will come below.

All the other printed texts, with the exception of some
separate stories and fragments, belong to the recension
which Zotenberg, in the Notice prefixed to his " Histoire
d' 'Ala al-Din," called "la redaction egyptienne" (hereafter
ZER). He considered that the complete text " n'a re$u sa
forme actuelle qu'a une £poque assez recente" (p. 52/2I71).

1 On p. 47/213, he says that all these MSS were transcribed at the
beginning of the XlXth century, or the end of the XVIIIth, and that they
all derive from one single, original text, " dont la redaction n'est peut-etre
pas de beaucoup anterieure."

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 305

Of this recension the I Bulaq Edition (A.H. 1251, A.D. 1835)
is, in general, the best representative; the II Calcutta
Edition (1839-42) is often fuller, but it can be shown that
the editors have expanded it from I Calcutta and from
Habicht's Breslau text. We have therefore no assurance
that a plus in it stood in the MS brought from Egypt by
Major Turner Macan. It is demonstrable, also, that the
different MSS of this recension differ in details among them-
selves. Proof of this will come hereafter.

I turn now to the MSS. To classify the MSS of a book
like the Nights, or to begin a classification of them, it is
necessary to find a passage of difficulty as to sense which
seems to call for emendation. I think I have found such a
passage in the Story of the Fisherman and the Jinni, which
I printed fourteen years ago from G, in the Noldeke Fest-
schrift (pp. 357-383). It will be remembered that that story
breaks into two parts having only a most mechanical con-
nection with one another. The first part posits a Jinni con-
temporary with Solomon, imprisoned by him in a brass qum-
qum, and thus cut off from all contact with the world, who
knows about a certain enchanted lake with enchanted fish in
it, near the sea-shore where he is himself fished up. These
fish are white, red, blue and yellow and have a covenant
with a beautiful damsel and with a black slave. If any one
tries to cook them, then, at the moment when they are
turned in the pan, either the damsel or the black slave
appears — which one comes seems to depend on whether the
cook is a woman or a man — and asks if they hold to the
covenant. They reply, " Yes, yes, if ye do it again, we will
do it again1, and if ye keep faith, we will keep faith ; and
if ye desert, we have done likewise." Apparently this
answer is displeasing, for the fish are then overturned into
the fire and are burned black. Further, the fisherman gets
only four fish at each cast of his net, and is warned not to
cast more than once in a day. As a matter of fact he does
so three times in one day and nothing happens.

In the second part there is a lake with fish of four
colours in it and there is a queen and a black slave. But

1 Cf. a similar phrase in Nuzhat-al-absar wal-asma1, p. 25, 1. 14, of Cairo
ed. A.H. 1305. In the printed forms of ZER this has been turned into a
basit verse ; but in G V I Calcutta and Breslau it is plain prose.

B.P.V. 20

306 D. B. MACDONALD

that is all. There is no covenant, no explanation of the
cooking scenes, and the people are contemporaries of the
fisherman and of his world. The first part has evidently a
folk-lore motif, on which I will not enter now1; the second
part is a quite normal Muslim story of feminine depravity
and enchantment. That the second part is the original
ending of the first I cannot believe ; that original ending
must have been lost, and I think that it is just possible that
the second part was roughly adjusted to the first by a
change in the nature of the enchantment.

However all that may be, the join comes between the
king's marching out with his army and court and finding the
lake between the four hills, on the one hand, and the story
told to the king by the young king of the Black Isles, on
the other. At this story-telling "fault" I have chosen my
test passage. The king determines to set out alone and
investigate for himself the story which must lie behind the
fish and the lake. He thus addresses his wazlr, in G
(Night 20, vol. i, F. 27b ; p. 373, 11. 13 ff. in my print in the
Noldeke Festschrift] :

J15

oltj

1 The nearest folk-lore parallel to it in my knowledge is what is called
in Scottish Gaelic "Taghairm," probably meaning "spirit call." It con-
sisted in roasting cats alive on spits, until the devil appeared and granted
the wishes of those who dared so to force him. This parallel, I may say,
was approved by the late Professor Chauvin, who wrote to me that he had
always been puzzled by the story. On Taghairm see especially John
Gregorson Campbell, Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland
(Glasgow, 1900), pp. 304 ff. and, also, Note 2T to Scott's Lady of the Lake.
The story stimulated the imagination of later Muslim story-tellers ; I know
several other forms of it, all derivative. It seems to have suggested, also, to
Keats his " to draw | His magian fish through hated fire and flame "
(Endymion, iii, 264-5).

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 307

I translate : — " And to-morrow morning sit thou at the
door of my tent and say to the Emirs, ' The King is indis-
posed and commanded me not to permit any one to go in
to him/ And let no one know that I am away and
journeying ; but await me three days." Then the wazir
accepted the command and said, " Hearing and obeying! "
and he could not oppose him. Next, the Sultan put on his
hizam and drew it tight upon him1 and hung on him his
royal sword and mounted on one of the hills surrounding
.(lit., of) the lake until he was on its top. And he passed the
rest of the night until dawn2. Then when the day had
appeared, and shone out with its light and gleamed and was
high and extended over the flat top of the hill, he looked,
and lo ! there had appeared to him a blackness at a distance.
So said the teller of the story. Then when he saw it he
rejoiced at it and set out towards it...3

G was evidently written in Egypt, and Zotenberg in his
Notice (p. 5/171) suggests for its date the second half of
the XlVth century. Noldeke, in his review of Zotenberg
in WZ., ii, pp. 168 ff., would make it even older ; but local
Cairene references in it indicate a date considerably younger
than even that assigned by Zotenberg. I hope to deal with
these elsewhere in connection with the older history of the
Nights. It was sent to Galland from Syria after 1700 ("II
a fallu le faire venir de Syrie," Galland in the Dedicace to
his first volume), and it was at the Syrian Tripoli in
A.H. 955=A.D. 1548, as we learn from a note in it. The
Patrick Russell MS and the William Jones MS, descen-
dants of it, were brought from Aleppo in the XVIIIth cen-
tury ; of them more hereafter. The Vatican MS (Cod.
Vat. Ar. 782) divides into two parts ; the first extending to

1 I have translated here rather pedantically because of the different
reading, by error, I am sure, in V. On the hizam see Dozy, Vetements,
pp. 139 ff. and Lane, Modern Egyptians, chap. I, with illustrations.

2 I am quite aware that this is an uncommon use of $~A or L~o, but the

context seems to require it. Cf. j*-JI ^^ = ^f J3j and ^^ for every
kind of J^I«»1 . It may also be L5— « for ^^—ot .

3 A comparison of this translation with Galland's French version will
prove interesting. Galland evidently read ^^^o and that drove him to
making the king come down from the hill again and walk on the plain.
I do not think that any of the Arabic derivatives from G have adopted this
method of escape.

20 — 2

308 D. B. MACDONALD

F. 87 b inclusive is not directly from G; but from a some-
what illegible descendant or collateral of G ; the second
part is an immediate transcript of G and has a dated colo-
phon saying that it was transcribed in Aleppo in A.H. 1001
( = A.D. 1592-3). It is certain, therefore, that G was at
Aleppo at that date.

In V, Night 20, F. 41 b, the same passage runs :

£«-JI JlSj j^l jjjyt J** ^tjl ttW ^lwlj ^Ij^ ^ <J?JJU,>

O' >»J <t*JU*j j
Jt JLo. ju^l

There are only two considerable differences here, both for
the worse. I have already referred (p. 307, note i) to <uj^

instead of <*J^ after JLWJ. It seems due to an obscurely
written MS ; but the <*-wU in G is very clear. The other,
1^5^-95 instead of ^5— ^5, has had portentous consequences.
Once start the king walking instead of passing the night
quietly on the hill-top, and ZER ends by making him walk
all that night, all the next day until the sun was too strong
for him and all the second night until dawn. What was his
guide as to direction we are not told.

Nearest to G and V comes a MS in the library of the
Academia de la Historia in Madrid. It belonged to the
late Sr. Gayangos and now forms part of the Coleccion
Gayangos in that library, Nos. XLixI&2. It has been
most kindly examined and described in detail for me
by Professor Miguel Asin Palacios of the University of
Madrid. It consists of 2 vols., forming vols. i and iii ; vol. i
contains Parts i and n, and vol. iii, Parts v-vn ; vol. ii is
lost. It is a modern MS of Christian origin and is not
divided into Nights. Vol. i (Parts i and n) gives the tales
in the order of G, down to the end of the Hunchback cycle.

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 309

Then comes Hikaya Juha. This is, in my knowledge, the
only appearance of Juha in a MS of the Nights, although
there is no reason why he should not so appear ; a Kitab
Nawadir Juha is given in the Fihrist (p. 313, 1. 21) under
the rubric of the Mughaffilin. See, too, Juha in the Qamus
and Taj and in the Lisan (vol. xvii, p. 189) where his kunya
is given as Abu-1-ghusn. For the more modern Juha see
Rene" Basset's Iitude prefixed to Mouli£ras' "Fourberies de
Si Djeh'a." Thereafter comes the story of Anls al-Jalls, in
the middle of which the volume closes. The lost second
volume contained Parts in and iv, but what stories can only
be guessed. The third volume (Parts v-vn) contains the
long romance of King 'Umar an-Nu'man and Sharr Kan,
relieved in its dulness by several intercalated stories. In
ZER the story of Taj al-Muluk, with that of 'Aziz and
'Aziza and the story of the hashish eater in the bath are so
inserted. Here, to the story of Taj al-Muluk is added that
of Ghanim and Qut al-Qulub, and to the hashish eater, the
Sleeper and the Waker. There follow ten pages of robber
stories and five pages of the Beast Fables which come also
in ZER. The volume closes shortly after the beginning of
the story of the Son of Adam and the Beasts.

It is plain that this MS does not belong to ZER, for
there Ghanim follows Anls al- Jails, and thereafter comes
immediately the romance of 'Umar an-Nu'man. Here a
whole volume with two parts comes between. But that
arrangement connects it with another class of MSS. In the
Tubingen University Library there is a MS (No. 32) of
this same romance of 'Umar, dated by Seybold ( Verzeichniss,
p. 75) at latest at the beginning of the XVIth century. It
consists of 209 leaves out of an original 219, numbered 286
to 506. It professes to be a second volume (kitati) of the
Nights, and Part (jus) vn to xm ; the Nights are 283-542.
Seybold unfortunately does not state what are the inter-
calated stones. Again, in the Rylands Library there is
another MS of this romance (Arabic 706). Like the
Tubingen MS it is very old and a large folio and has lost
quite a number of its leaves. It begins on F. 31 (original
numberings) in Part vi, Night 251 and ends on F. 263 in
Part xii. The story of 'Umar an-Nu'man begins on F. 57 a,
Night 281, and extends to the end of the MS ; it includes

310 D. B. MACDONALD

the stories of Taj al-Muluk and of Ghanim. The first part
of the MS contains a story which I did not recognize when
I examined it in Sept., 1914.

I conjecture that these three MSS represent an early
recension of the Nights in which the contents of G formed
the first quarter and the story of 'Umar formed the second
quarter of the whole ; it was earlier and quite different from
ZER. The Christ Church MS mentioned by Jonathan
Scott, in the preface to his edition of Galland (vol. i, p. x,
ed. of 181 1) may also be of this recension. It is of the story
of 'Umar and contains Part vm of the Nights : the Nights
are not numbered. But I know no evidence which can
decide whether, when G came from Egypt, it was part of
such a complete recension, or whether it came as a frag-
ment and this recension was a Syrian expansion.

The treatment, as to intercalation, of the story of 'Umar
is somewhat similar in the two Paris MSS, which Zotenberg
described in his Notice, pp. 17/183 ff. and 21/187 ff-

I give now the text of our passage in the Madrid MS
(F. 49 a, 11. 3-9):

JU*
* ^j^l o»« £^

UX5

Jl3 •!

The Sultan draws his sword and mounts one of the hills.

—
He walks (^£+3) all that night until dawn. This is evidently

derivative from G, by a scribe who abbreviates but also
thinks for himself. I know no other version quite like it.

It may be convenient to describe here, so far as I can,
another MS of the Aleppo group although I cannot give its
reading of our passage. It is well known that Sir William
Jones possessed a MS of the Nights of considerable extent.
He refers to it in the preface (p. iv) to his " Poems," pub-
lished anonymously at Oxford in 1772 ; "the Arabian tales
of A Thousand and one nights, a copy of which work in

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 3 1 1

Arabick was procured for me by a learned friend at
Aleppo!' Dr Patrick Russell was at Aleppo from 1750 to
1771 and may have been the "learned friend" in question.
In Lord Teignmouth's Life of Sir William Jones there are
other references to his study of the Nights, especially with
the assistance of a native of Aleppo whom he met acci-
dentally in London and took with him to Oxford ; see
PP- 32> 33» S6, in of the ed. of 1804. Extracts from his
MS have appeared in Richardson's Grammar of the Arabick
Language, pp. 200-209 (ed. of 1776); and in the 20 pp.
printed by Joseph White, Laudian Professor of Arabic at
Oxford from 1775 to 1814, as a specimen of a projected
edition of the Nights ; see for this specimen Schnurrer's
Bibl. Arabica, p. 487. From these it is evident that the
MS was in substantial agreement, as to reading and division
into Nights, with G, being closer to it than I Calcutta, to
which I have already referred. Unfortunately this MS has,
at present, been lost sight of. At the death of Sir William
Jones in 1794 it did not pass to the India Office Library with
his other oriental MSS, but was evidently retained by Lady
Jones. At her death her library was sold at auction at
Evans's, May loth, 1831, and this MS was bought by the
Persian scholar Nathaniel Bland1. At his death in 1865 his
oriental MSS were bought by the Earl of Crawford
(D.N.B., Suppl. i, 216) and it might, therefore, be looked
for in the John Rylands Library, Manchester ; but it is not
there. In the auction catalogue it is described as a quarto,
two vols. bound in one, containing 222 Nights.

I have already referred, more than once, to the I Cal-
cutta Edition (Calcutta, 2 vols., 1814, 1818 ; ii lithogr. ed. in
one vol., Calcutta, 1829). The text of our passage runs in
it (vol. i, pp. 124 f.):

1 I am indebted for this clue to the sagacity and kindness of Mr
William Roberts, the well-known bibliographer and authority on the history
of art. The certainty with which he put his hand on the Evans' Sale Cata-
logue in the British Museum Library seems to me as magical as anything
in the Nights.

312 D. B. MACDONALD

3 ait *\

In the India Office Library there is a MS (Loth's Cata-
logue, p. 243, No. 842) to which Zotenberg has already
drawn attention as belonging to his oriental recension
{Notice, p. 45/211) and as being in close agreement with
I Calcutta (p. 50/216). That is exactly so. Part of our
passage runs in that MS (F. 51, 11. 5-7) :

(sic) 3t3 lilj ^^iJt (sic) w^p

The unity of the text here is evident and also that it is
another attempt to make the story more probable. But
there is another witness to this same type of text. In Sep-
tember, 1914, I found, in the Ry lands Library, the first
volume (Arabic 40) of Dr Patrick Russell's MS of the
Nights. Dr Russell had entitled it, ''Arabian Nights,
Book ist. 141 Nights." Dr Russell died in 1805 (D.N.B.,
xlix, 469), and this MS was bought by S. W. Lewin in 1827.
Thereafter it was bought by Lord Lindsay and passed from
him to the Rylands Library. It consists of 229 leaves and
ends, in Night 141, in the story of the young man of Bagdad
and the barber, with a long piece of verse spoken by the
old woman who gets from him his secret that he has fallen
in love with the judge's daughter. I Calcutta (vol. i,
pp. ioof., Night 137) gives only four lines of this; but in
G (Night 141, vol. ii, FF. 47 b, 48 a, b) there are 49 lines.
In this MS (Night 20, F. 58a, b) our passage runs :

•:• JLJU

Classification of some MS S of the Arabian Nights 313

We have, therefore, three witnesses for a practically
identical text, (i) A text printed in Calcutta in 1814-18,
"under the patronage of the College of Fort William," and
edited by "Shuekh Uhmud bin Moohummud Shirwanee
ool Yumunee of the Arabic department" in that college.
Edouard Gauttier refers to him in the preface (pp. xi f.) to
his edition of Galland (Paris, 1822) as "Le Mollah Firouz."
The Mulla expresses the opinion in a Persian note of intro-
duction to his edition that the tales were written by a Syrian
Arab for the instruction of Europeans who wished to learn
Arabic. In this he follows an Arabic preface to (ii), the
Russell MS. This MS was brought by Dr Russell from
Aleppo where he was resident physician to the English
Factory from 1750 to 1771. Thereafter he was in India,
principally at Madras (1781-89) as botanist to the East
India Company, (iii) The India Office Library MS came
from the library of John Leyden, the friend of Sir Walter
Scott. He reached Madras on the iQth of August, 1803, and
remained there until 1805 ; he lived at Calcutta at different
times, principally 1 806-10, and died at Java, August 28th,
1811. He may have met Patrick Russell in London as he
stayed there a few months studying oriental languages before
sailing for India. Earlier still he had studied Arabic at
Edinburgh during his vacations. Patrick Russell's letter to
Sylvanus Urban (Gentleman's Magazine, February, 1799,
pp. 91 f.) had drawn wide attention to his MS of the Nights
and had shown also how much attention was being paid at
the time to the general subject of the Nights. John Leyden
must have been following all that.

There can be no doubt that these three are connected
and there can be no reasonable doubt that the Russell MS
is the source of the other two. But exactly how, where and
when these two were derived from the Russell MS is not so
easy to decide. That I Calcutta is not based immediately
on either seems certain. Its editor evidently intended to
put one hundred Nights into each volume and he had diffi-
culty in making out two volumes. Yet the India Office MS
has 281 Nights and ends like G and V in the story of
Qamar az-Zaman, and the one volume, so far found, of the
Russell MS has 141 Nights, while, in his letter, Dr Russell
says that his MS has 280 Nights. The editor of I Calcutta

314 D. B. MACDONALD

has had to pad out his first volume at the end with the story
of the marriage of al-Ma'mun and Buran (Nights 94-100 ;
PP- 398-430) ; the source of his text has not been deter-
mined ; it is fuller than any other form of this story in the
Nights. His second volume he has padded with the story
of the Guile of Women (Nights 196-200; pp. 367-378).
He then added for good measure Sindbad the Sailor,
pp. 378-458, not divided into Nights. Guile of Women and
Sindbad he got from Langles' edition, Les Voyages de Sind-
Bdd le Marin, et la Ruse des Femmes (Paris, 1814) ; both
are also in an appendix to Savary's Grammaire de la
Langue arabe which was edited by Langles in 1813. That
this was his source was stated by Gauttier in the preface to
his edition of Galland (vol. i, p. xx) and De Goeje showed
in his De Reizen van Sindebaad (De Gids, 1889, No. 8 ;
and separately) that Langles and I Calcutta were of the
same recension. But the Indian editor must have touched
up the style and introduced slight modifications from the
point of view of the teacher of Arabic. That was evidently
his attitude, and I suspect that he so dealt with his whole
book1. It becomes, therefore, very difficult to say whether
any differences between the texts, of change, addition or
omission, are due to this pedagogical attitude or to the MS
which he used. It is plain, however, that his MS was defec-
tive at the end of the Porter cycle of stories. I Calcutta
omits entirely the second Lady (al-madruba), and an ending
had to be invented. So the wronged sister (she of the dogs)
disenchants the dogs at Harun's request (p. 302, 11. 5 ff. from
below). With a view to this possibility she had learned and
remembered the formula. Harun, Ja'far and Masrur (!) marry
the three sisters. This does not give a high impression of
the independent story-telling ability of the editor. At the
end of the Hunchback cycle there is an equally strange
addition. The Barber not only becomes a boon companion
of the king but shows himself a magician and a poet
(I Calcutta, vol. ii, pp. 186-188; Night 162 = G, vol. iii,
F. 3b; Night 170).

I now take up the question of the Habicht text or texts.
In the Breslau edition, vol. i to the middle of p. 12 (1. 9) is

1 So the young Fleischer thought in 1827. See his "Remarques
critiques" on Habicht's first volume iny. A., vol. xi, p. 222.

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 3 1 5

the ordinary ZER text ; but there a text begins which is a
descendant of G. But in G, in the story of the Merchant and
the Jinni, the third Shaykh's story is omitted. That has been
inserted here (p. 63, 1. 12 to p. 66, 1. i) from ZER. On the
margin of V, at this point, there is a similar insertion but
abbreviated. At the foot of p. 349 in Night 69 comes the
end of the Porter cycle, and on p. 350 the story of the
Apples begins. But I have already noted, in my article in
J.R.A.S. (July, 1909, p. 690) on Habicht's recension, that
Habicht's MS reckoned by me as ib and marked with
Library No. ii, 17 is in two parts, coinciding with this
division and change of story, and that the first part ends, in
Night 69, with

This part of the volume is in a small unidentified modern
hand ; but the second part is a single gathering written
by Habicht and evidently intended to bridge over to his
MS volume ii, printed in Breslau, vol. ii. We have here,
therefore, a MS, a descendant of G, with Nights numbered
as in G, ending, like G, the Porter cycle in Night 69 ; but
following that immediately with the story of the Daughter
(i.e. female descendant) of the Kisra (Chauvin's No. 106).

In A.H. 1115 (A.D. 1703-4) there was finished at Baghdad
the transcription of a MS of the Nights in which the first
69 Nights coincided with the first 69 Nights of G. There,
then, followed the story of Harun ar-Rashld and the
Daughter of the Kisra. Other stories followed in a sequence
not found elsewhere. Apparently there had come to the
transcriber a MS derived from the first 69 Nights of G, and
he had continued it freely from other sources. For all this
see Zotenberg's Notice, pp. 35/201 ff. This MS is now lost ;
but was copied in Paris early in the XlXth century by
Michel Sabbagh for Caussin de Perceval. It must have
come into his possession after 1806, for in that year, the
year of his edition of Galland's version, he evidently did not
yet know it. This copy is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale
(Fonds arabe 4678, 4679 ; Suppl. ar. 2522, 2523). In 1827
it was used by Fleischer in his article already referred to
in criticism of the first vol. of Breslau in J.A., vol. xi,
pp. 2176°.

316 D. B. MACDONALD

From the above it is highly probable that this Baghdad
MS lies behind the first vol. of Breslau, and a comparison
of our test passage makes it certain. It runs in Breslau
(i, p. 1 1 6, 11. 1 1 ff.) :

In Michel Sabbagh's transcript of the Baghdad MS
(Night 20, F. 35b) the same passage runs :

Another MS in the Bibliotheque Nationale is of the
same type. It is Suppl. 1715 i, n (Nos. 3613-3614) and is
described by Zotenberg in a note on p. 45/2 1 1 of his
Notice. He considered it a modern copy, executed in
Europe, perhaps by the Syrian monk Chavis. It reproduces
the order of the above MS although the division into
Nights is not exactly the same, and ends in the middle of
the story of Gulnar of the Sea, omitting like G the third
Shaykh's tale in the story of the Merchant and the Jinni.
Our passage in it runs (Night 20, F. 35 a, b) :

JU3 J** N)^bl aS**5 (sic)
J>O"k *2L~«

(Sk) d

JUj -.jj otj UJL3 3^ JJU

These three, then, are all descendants from G and are of
one type.

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 317

The second part of the Breslau text is derived directly
from G. It extends from Night 72 b to Night 208, Breslau,
vol. ii, p. 4 to ^ in Breslau, vol. iii, p. 102, 1. 7. This in
Habicht's MS (see my article on him m J.R.A.S., p. 691) is
in the hand of Ibn Najjar, his Tunisian friend ; but is de-
rived straight from G. Why Ibn Najjar sent a MS to
Habicht, which he had copied from G, breaking off abruptly
in the middle of the story of Anls al- Jails, I do not know ;
but that is the fact. It may be proved thus. Zotenberg
observed (Notice, p. 6/172) that one leaf was lost from G
containing the greater part of Night 102, the whole of
Night 103, and some lines of Night 104, and that at the
foot of the preceding page (G, vol. ii, F. 2gb) and on the
margin of the following page a few phrases had been inserted
to fill the gap. These phrases are reproduced almost
exactly in Ibn Najjar's MS and in Breslau (vol. ii, p. 123,
1. 8, Ob to p. 124, 1. 15). Only I do not think, as apparently
Zotenberg did, that they were suggested by the context.
They seem to be derived from another recension ; it is
noticeable that ZER has the same recension as G (on the
evidence of V) had originally, but omits much of the verse.

I now give the readings of a number of MSS which
seem, so far as my present knowledge goes, to be isolated.
The most remarkable of them, as to reading, is the Christ
Church MS, at Oxford, No. 207 (Kitchin's Cat., p. 60),
which is apparently the same as the C 20 referred to by-
Jonathan Scott in the preface to his Arabian Nights, vol. i,
p. x. Zotenberg (p. 45/21 1) reckons it in his oriental group
and, according to Scott, it gives G's sequence of stories to
the end of the Hunchback cycle ; but I do not know how
the Nights are numbered. Our passage — for the transcript
I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Margoliouth—
runs in it :

A) Ji*

JU3 »U a^LJ ^
JJU1 IJ

•$ AJ JUi

318 D. B. MACDONALD

JU5

dUJJ

£.j-£JU

This seems to me a derivative attempt to produce a smooth
narrative in independent language.

The Wortley- Montague MS in the Bodleian stands also
by itself both in contents and in reading of this passage.
To the end of the Porter cycle it has apparently the same
division and numbering of Nights as G ; thereafter is chaos.
It is a quite modern MS of the middle of the XVIIIth cen-
tury (A.H. 1177/8) and shows that even at that date there
was not any generally recognized recension of the Nights
and that individuals had to form their own. The passage
runs (vol. i, p. 89) :

JLaJt J*.t

iJu U

I have extracts from two other MSS which are so abbre-
viated that it is not worth while to transcribe them : the
Ouseley MS in the Bodleian (Ous. 242 ; in Ouseley's Cat.
No. 577) and a MS in the India Office Library, Loth 843.

But the readings in a Paris MS are so individual that
I give them although I cannot bring them into connection
with any other MS. It is Suppl. arabe 1721 iv (Fonds ar.
No. 3615 ; cf. Zotenberg, p. 49/2 is)1. Written at the begin-
ning of the XVIIIth century, it came from Egypt and
contains the first 210 Nights, agreeing with G in division
and numbering of the Nights down to the end of the
Hunchback cycle. Thereafter comes Anis al- Jails ; then
Zadbakht ; then Sindbad. Our passage comes in Night 19
on F. 29b :

<uu~,

1 It may be worth noticing that on 1. 10 of this page Zotenberg, by a
slip, has written "conte du Pecheur" instead of "conte du Marchand"

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 319

I pass now to the MS which connects best with ZER.
It is the Reinhardt MS in the Strasbourg University Library
in four vols., of which ii and iii are dated A.H. 1247. It will
be remembered that I Bulaq appeared in A.H. 1251 (1835).
The first 73 pages to the end of the Porter cycle and the
division and numbering of the Nights on these pages are as
in ZER, but thereafter we have an entirely separate recen-
sion, containing some stories which elsewhere have not found
their way into the Nights, e.g. Saif b. Dhl Yazan and Saif
at-Tljan (Chauvin, Bibl. ar. iv, pp. 210-212). Our passage
comes in Night 7 and I am indebted for the following
transcript to the kindness of Professor Noldeke :

This is almost verbatim what stands in I Bulaq (vol. i,
p. 20) except that it omits about a line which tells how the
king continued journeying a day and a second night. This
may have dropped out through the repetition of the phrase

I do not take space here to reproduce the printed texts
of ZER. They divide under two types which can easily be
linked up with the MS evidence. In the one — I Bulaq,
II Bulaq and the Cairo editions generally — there is no
mention of the king climbing a hill and the difficulty, which
Galland removed by making him come down again, is not
raised. This type says instead ^^ o-* J-^b, just as we have
seen in Reinhardt. In one Paris MS (Fonds ar. No. 3606)
neither this phrase nor mention of the hill occurs. The
other type of text (II Calcutta, vol. i, p. 43 ; Bombay litho-
graph, vol. i, pp. 33, 34 ; Salhani, vol. i, p. 39) follows the
original tradition with JW«Jt J^t i^ v>« J^-^j and makes no
mention of coming down again ; the king walks on upon
that hill for a day and two nights. This is also the reading
in Wortley-Montague (vol. i, p. 89) and in two Paris MSS
(Fonds ar. Nos. 3595 and 4675); in all these in Night 7.
In this there is evidently such conscious editing as we have
already seen in the Habicht text (and the Paris MSS 3613,

320 D. B. MACDONALD

4678) with its J*aJI O-* **»> (t^1) v^1 AjkH &»~*j. But it

may be simple accident which makes the Christ Church MS
and the Bodleian Ouseley 242 agree in substituting juu» for
fJ-k. It is plain, too, that at this point II Calcutta is more
original than Bulaq, which is more drastically edited. The
puzzle is that the Reinhardt MS should agree so closely
with this edited Bulaq only in its first 73 pages. Its scribe
evidently had no more of that recension, or of any recension
except what he put together himself.

Zotenberg's hypothesis of an Egyptian recension formed
in the latter part of the XVIIIth century has been accepted
above. It may now be in place to give some other evidence
supporting it. The MSS and printed texts which, ex hy-
pothesi, represent it are characterized by very long Nights.
Thus, the test passage comes in it in Night 7, while in G it
is in Night 20. But mingled with these long Nights are
some which are very short, and it is worth while to consider
whether behind this variation there lies a significant explana-
tion. Further, the G recension when complete, if it was
ever complete, would have amounted only to about vols. i
and ii of II Calcutta. The first 170 Nights in G, to the end
of the Hunchback cycle, take 278 pages in II Calcutta. A
complete 1001 Nights of the length of these would, there-
fore, have required about 1630 pages; but II Calcutta has
in its four vols. 2972 pp. and its first two vols. have together
1608 pp. Therefore, ZER, as contrasted with the G recen-
sion, has been greatly expanded by additions.

In the first 349 pages of II Calcutta are only 44 Nights.
These are occupied by stories which take 200 Nights in
G — from the beginning to the end of the Hunchback cycle
(Nights 1-170) plus Ams al-Jalis (Nights 201-229) — with
the addition of Ghanim which is not in G and which has six
Nights (39-44) in II Calcutta. Thereafter in II Calcutta
comes 'Umar an-Nu'man on 366 pp. and in 101 Nights;
then Beast Fables, 44 pages and six Nights ; then 'All b.
Bakkar and part of Qamar az-Zaman on 1 50 pages and in
65 Nights close vol. i of II Calcutta. In G 'All b. Bakkar
and the part of Qamar az-Zaman which survives (to first
five lines on p. 832 in II Calcutta) amount to 38 Nights,
and this portion is 30 Nights and 71 pages in II Calcutta.

I interpret this irregularity in length of Nights by the

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 321

following hypothesis. In the recension immediately pre-
ceding ZER there were originally 152 Nights up to the end
of Ghanim, and Ghanim was followed immediately by 'All b.
Bakkar. It was desired to lengthen, by the addition of
'Umar and the Beast Fables, which seem frequently to
follow 'Umar; see on this my article on Habicht mJ.R.A.S.,
July, 1909, p. 701. So the Nights up to the end of Ghanim
were lengthened and reduced in number to 44. That set
free 107-8 Nights. Of these 101 were given to 'Umar
— about 3^ pages to a Night — and over the remainder the
Beast Fables were spread, 7^- pages to a Night. But this
means that the recension preceding ZER contained the full
number of 1001 Nights ; as, otherwise, 'Umar could have
been added at the end or in a gap. Also, it means that that
recension did not already contain 'Umar, as we have evidence
that some quite early recensions did. Also, this explains the
double occurrence of what is essentially the same story in
Taj al-Muluk and Ardashir ; the latter was already in the
Nights when 'Umar was introduced bringing with it the
former.

It was a remarkable piece of luck which, at the beginning
of the XVIIIth century played what is still the oldest
known MS of the Nights into the hands of Galland, their
first introducer to Europe. But a quite modern MS may
carry a more complete tradition than one centuries older.
It would, therefore, be unsafe to take G alone and disregard
all others, and I already possess evidence that even ZER
contains elements which had been lost in the ancestry of G ;
or, otherwise expressed, that ZER goes back to a more
complete text of the G recension. But upon that and upon
some other questions of relationship I am not yet in a
position to make a complete statement.

. Finally, it is a pleasant duty to thank a number of
scholars, besides those specially mentioned above, for much
help in examining MSS inaccessible to me here; they are
M. H. Ananikian, T. W. Arnold, A. G. Ellis, I. Guidi,
Sir Charles Lyall, F. Macler, L. Massignon, B. Meissner,
R. A. Nicholson, C. F. Seybold, W. H. Worrell.

D. B. MACDONALD.

B. P. V.

THE SENSE OF THE TITLE KHALIFAH

The word which has become familiar in the form Caliph
had a history before Islam. It is in form the abstract noun
of a verb ^yr\, which means in Assyrian much the same as
the Greek Svvew, to don, get into, in Hebrew and Aethiopic
to pass on or over, in Aramaic and Arabic to come after or
in lieu of. Its abstract noun naturally therefore in Assyrian
means indutus, a putting-on, hence a garment ; and this
appears to be the sense of the Hebrew HS^H (used in the
plural) suit of clothes. In Psalm cii. 27 this word is derived
from the sense to pass away. "As a vesture thou shalt cast
them off (DSP^nn) and they shall pass away" (ififrrv). Now
"a passing away" does not seem to be as suitable a phrase
for a garment as "a putting on"; whence it might seem
that the succession of ideas (represented in the different
languages) was put on (Assyrian), pass through or away
(Hebrew and Aethiopic) ; enter (Assyrian), come after or
instead of (Aramaic and Arabic).

How much the Hebrew usage differs from the Arabic
may be illustrated by the gloss quoted from a Midrash on
Proverbs xxxi. 8, which explains c^Spl 01 as "tne sons of
the dead man who has passed away" PjSnfc?, where the Arabic
verb would be applied to the son who comes after, not to
the father who has gone on before. In consequence of this
sense of coming after, the root is a fertile source of proper
names both in Aramaic and Arabic. The form w»X». is often
found, meaning "the father's substitute"; so the son of a
qadl is told "Your father was a support to us, and you, thank
God, are his khalaf (substitute)1." The form khallfah is
also used as a proper name in early times2.

In the inscription Glaser 618 of the year 543 A.D. khallfah
occurs (line 1 1) meaning " viceroy " with the verb istakhlafa
" appoint as such " ; (line 36) in the plural khalaif meaning
"lieutenants."

In the Qur'an the word occurs with both its regular

1 Nishwar of Tanukhi (in the press), p. 137.

2 See Indices to Kamil of Mubarrad, etc.

The sense of the title Khallfah 323

plural i^AS^U. and that which it takes in imitation of mascu-
line words pUX*. ; a synonym is w*Uz. .o and the text wherein
this occurs (Ivii. 7) is of some use for ascertaining its sense :
A** ij^iU^^o ^o^*»- U-» t^£jut. This evidently means spend of
that whereof God has put you in possession, and if we should
add, as the commentators do, after other people, the sense
does not seem to gain thereby. In two cases the form .UU.
seems to mean successors, vii. 67 where after the people of
Noah, and 7 2 where after 'Ad follow ; the same sense
apparently belongs to the form ^'^U. in x. 15 and 74, where
some predecessors are mentioned ; but in xxxv. 37 He it is
who has made you U&y^. in the earth, and xxvii. 63 and
makes you *UU. of the earth, ii. 28 When thy Lord said to
the Angels : Verily I am about to place on the earth a 3A^ ,
xxxviii. 25 O David, verily we have set thee as a AAJU. on the
earth, so judge between mankind with right, some word like
"possessor" or perhaps "heir" would be more suitable. In-
deed in this last passage it is difficult to get clear of the
notion potentate which afterwards became associated with
the word.

I n the classical literature the word can be used for substi-
tute in any sense. The hands of the Banu Yazdad according
to Buhturl are Caliphs (substitutes) for the rain-bringing
constellations1. Abu Nuwas was induced by his youth to
become the Caliph of someone's husband, i.e. commit adul-
tery2. Most frequently however the word is used for the
deputy of some official. The Caliph himself may have a
Caliph ; when the 'Abbasid Caliph lived in Samarra, there
was a <j-*uj«>)t j~t>\ AAJU. in Baghdad3. Viziers and the like
often had "Caliphs," who discharged some of their numerous
duties for them, or represented them when they were away
from the court.

The basic tradition for the employment of the name to
designate the Moslem sovereign is quoted by Badr al-Zaman
Hamadhani in his Rasail*. When the Apostolate came to
an end, and the Sovereignty (Imamate) came in, the honour
fell to the latter. Abu Bakr was addressed: Caliph of the
Apostle of God ; God made the Caliphate the badge of Abu

i. 74, ed. Const. 2 Cairo, 1898, p. 311.

Tabari iii. 1410. 4 Beyrut, 1890, p. 289.

21 2

324 D. S. MARGOLIOUTH

Quhafahs family, and no one except the representative of
that J ami ly received the title; then Abu Bakr appointed as
his Caliph (successor] ' Umar. A man addressed him as Caliph
of God. He said : God confound you1! That is God s prophet
David. The man then addressed him as Caliph of the Apostle
of God. 'Umar said : That is your departed master (Abu
Bakr]. Then the man addressed him as Caliph of the Caliph
of the Apostle of God. 'Umar said : That is my right title,
only this is too long. 'Umar proceeded to style himself Prince
of the Believers.

The passage indicates that the name Caliph allowed of
three interpretations, Successor to the Prophet, Successor to
the Throne (i.e. follower of the last sovereign), and Viceroy
of God. To the ordinary Moslem the name meant nothing
more than Sovereign ; hence they speak of the Caliphate of
the Moslems*, our Caliph, their Caliph, Caliphs as opposed
to Commoners, precisely as kings are opposed to them3; the
vizier Ibn al-Furat is said to have governed in the style of
a Caliph4.

Abu Bakr is called the Caliph of the Apostle of 'God 'in
a deed purporting to be drawn up by Khalid b. al-Walid,
cited by Abu Yusuf5. There is a tradition that he substituted
the form khalifah, mean ing "the worthless," but this tradition
is evidence that the title was given him. The chief use of
this interpretation is made by Sufis, e.g. Ibn 'Arabi in the
Fusus al-Hikam*, whose purpose it is to show that the Sufi
qutb is the substitute for God on earth, whereas the recognized
Caliphate is a lieutenancy of the Apostle ; since all that is
in the power of the recognized Caliph is to apply a Code
which he has received from an Apostle, whereas the Lieu-
tenant of God receives orders from the same source as that
whence the Apostles drew.

In an oration ascribed by Jahiz to Abu Bakr7 the Caliph-
ate is said to be of the Prophetic office, and Ibn Zubair is
said to have termed it " Inheritance of the Prophetic office8."

1 <UJt wlUJU.; the play cannot be easily reproduced.

2 Tabari iii. 1489, 5. Jahiz, Bayan i. 179. Tabari iii. 1633, n.

3 Buhturl i. 241 o^hikj A$£~> ^.c. ii. 95 l^^Jloj Ad^w.

4 Miskawaihi i. 13 (in the press).

5 Kitdb al-Khardj, Cairo, 1306, p. 84, 13.

6 Ed. Cairo, 1309, pp. 311 foil.

7 Bay an ii. 21. 8 Ibid. i. 202.

The sense of the title Khallfah 325

The interpretation successor of the last sovereign is sug-
gested by the form mustakhlaf, " person chosen to succeed,"
which 'Abbasid poets use as the equivalent of khalifah for
metrical reasons. Thus Abu Tammam speaks of the eighth
mustakhlaf^, Buhturl of the tenth mustakhlaf' \ meaning
"appointed in due succession." In one anecdote the word
means "pretender," implying improper appointment3. Per-
haps the only occasion whereon this sense has entered into
political controversies was in the negotiations between the
Persian ruler Ashraf and the Porte in 1727, when in the
treaty of peace it was agreed that The grand Signior shall
be acknowledged head of the Musselmen and the true successor
of the Caliphs*. It is well known that the old line of Caliphs
in the East terminated somewhere ; the question was whether
the Ottoman Sultan was their proper successor.

It is perhaps surprising that the question of continuity in
the succession of Caliphs meets us so rarely. Abu Tammam
and Buhturl start their lists from the first 'Abbasid, Saffah ;
the interval between the Prophet's death and his accession
is usually neglected. Buhturl has a theory that the Prophet's
uncle 'Abbas was his wast, or legatee, which he expresses
in the following verse :

He reproduces ' 'Abbas the Prophet's uncle and his legatee in what he says
and does*,

referring to Mutawakkil. 'Abbas appears indeed to have
possessed the kingly gift of rainmaking ; but such rights to
the Caliphate as he may have had were ordinarily based on
the Law of Inheritance, not on this theory that he was the
wasl, a name which is often applied to 'Ali. 'Ali indeed (as
apart from Fatimah) could only inherit as wast, which implies
the theory of successive appointment. This was often inter-
preted as the communication of mysterious knowledge for
the conduct of affairs ; and this theory too is adopted by
Buhturl, who explains Mutawakkil's wise government in
this way :

1 Beyrut, 1889, p. 141. 2 ii. 185.

3 Nishwar, p. 74.

4 J. Hanway, The Revolutions of Persia, 1762, ii. 253.

326 D. S. MARGOLIOUTH

taught us the Practices and guidance of the Prophet, and hast
judged amongst us by the Revealed Book ; a right which thou didst inherit
from the Prophet ; and guidance is only inherited by one appointed in due
succession from an Apostle^.

The mode wherein the 'Abbasids worked 'AH into their claim
on this principle was to make the Prophet hand over these
mysteries to 'AH, who handed them to his son Mohammed
Ibn al-Hanafiyyah, who handed them to the representative
of the line of 'Abbas, with whose descendants they remained.
Possession of knowledge of this sort would certainly re-
quire a continuous chain ; where Abu Tarnmam enumerates
the series ending with Wathiq, he starts with Saffah2. Con-
tinuity of possession would also be desirable in the case of
the insignia of the Caliph, enumerated by Buhturi as the
Sword, Turban, Seal, Cloak, Staff and Throne3. Of these
personal possessions probably the Seal (khatani) was the
most important4; the first business of a Caliph when in-
stalled was to secure it5. By the Throne (sarzr) probably
the minbar is meant6. According to Samhudi, however,
when Mu'awiyah tried to remove the mm&arfrom Medinah
miracles occurred which frustrated the project7; but such an
object would be likely to exist in duplicate. It is probable
that all these objects have been repeatedly renewed, since
several of the Caliphs perished in circumstances which left
little chance of their preservation. Mas'udl has a story ac-
cording to which Marwan the last of the Eastern Umayyads
buried some of them — the Cloak, the Rod and the Seal (?)8—
lest they should fall jnto 'Abbasid hands ; a slave revealed
the hiding place to 'Amir b. Isma'il, the slayer of Marwan.
The slave thought that if they were lost, the heritage of the
Prophet would be missing. Muqtadir at the time of his
death had the Cloak and Rod on his person9; his body was
stripped. Mas'udi did not know whether they had been

1 i. 9. 2 Beyrut, 1889, p. 293.

3 ii. 240. l Ta'awldhi 149, 30.

5 Miskawaihi i. 290. 6 Ta'awidhi 409, 30.

7 Cairo, 1285, p. 120.

8 Ed. B. de Meynard, vi. 77. The word^-osi^e must be corrupt.

9 Miskawaihi i. 265.

The sense of the title Khallfah 327

rescued or not. As has been seen, the Caliphs of the sixth
century possessed them all.

The third theory that the Caliph is God's deputy appears in
its crudest form in the question asked by Khalid b. 'Abdallah
QasrI1 (ob. 126): Which is the more honourable, the messenger
whom a man sends on an errand or the person who takes his
place with (his khallfah with) his family? His idea was to
show that the Umayyad Hisham was superior to the Prophet.
This interpretation is found in a letter of the Umayyad
Yazld b. al-Walld2, where the Caliphs are called the Caliphs
of Allah. Jahiz3 mentions the formula O Caliph of Allah
among the proper forms of address to a Caliph, and accord-
ing to him 'Ata b. Abl Saifl the Thaqafite in his consoling
words to Yazld son of Mu'awiyah on the death of the latter
said Thou hast lost the Caliph of Allah and been given the
Caliphate of Allah*. This is also found in 'Abbasid accession
oaths5. In poetry the formula is very common, and khallfah
of the Rahman is at times substituted for it6.

Since it seems certain that the interpretation Lieutenant
of God was approved by Umayyad princes, it may be sug-
gested that it was due to Umayyad needs. The transference
of the Islamic capital to Damascus from Medinah, where a
Successor of the Prophet was naturally established, may well
have produced a change in the interpretation of the title.
Mu'awiyah's claim, if based on the text of the Qur'an (xvii.
35), was to be Sultan ; as such he was not Mohammed's
deputy, but God's.

According to Ibn Khaldun7 this interpretation though
permitted by some jurists was rejected by the majority
(jumhur\ It was the official interpretation at the Mamluk
court, where the shadowy 'Abbasid was styled The khallfah
of Allah in his earth, the son of the uncle of the Apostle,
Prince of Messengers, and heir of the Caliphate from him*\
according to this the Prophet himself was a Caliph.

That the Caliphate terminated with the rise of the Umay-
yad dynasty is expressed in the tradition that the Prophet

1 Aghanimx. 66. 2 Tabari ii. 1843, 20.

8 Livre de la Couronne, p. 86. 4 Bayan ii. 103.

5 Tabari iii. 1475, T7 5 J565> J3- 6 Buhturi ii. 146.

7 Prolegomena, Cairo, 1284, p. 109. Cf. Mawaqif, ed. Soerensen, p. 297.

8 Zubdat Kashf al-Mamalik, ed. Ravaisse, p. 89.

328 D. S. MARGOLIOUTH

said The Caliphate after me will be thirty years ; then it will
become a kingship^. The successor of the Prophet should
clearly be a king-priest of Medinah, where the Prophet had
discharged those functions ; when the centre of the empire
was removed to a distance, the continuity was broken, and
it was natural that the sense attaching to the title should
undergo a change. That the 'Abbasids thought of them-
selves as successors to the old Persian kings appears very
clearly from the Taj of Jahiz ; and as " Sultans of the
World2" they might well regard themselves as lieutenants
of God. And those astute Sultans, such as Mu'izz al-daulah
and afterwards Baibars, who maintained Caliphs to whom
they allowed no power, perhaps found the interpretation
Lieutenant of Allah less dangerous than Successor to the
Prophet. Complete delegation of powers could more easily
be associated with the former sense than with the latter.

1 Nasafi, Bahr al-kalam, p. 93. 2 Ta'awldhi 445, 24.

D. S. MARGOLIOUTH.

ESQUISSE D'UNE BIBLIOGRAPHIE
QARMATE

AVANT-PROPOS

La publication magistrale du Mostazhirl de Ghazall
par Goldziher a ramene" Tattention sur les Qarmates. Les
recherches de Casanova sur leurs calculs astrologiques font
desirer une mise au point des travaux de Goeje sur leur
histoire, — et une reprise des etudes de Dieterici sur leur
philosophic syncretiste ; il est a souhaiter que Griffini nous
donne bientot Tune et 1'autre. II n'existe actuellement aucune
esquisse bibliographique sur 1'ensemble de la question : ni
Sacy, ni Wlistenfeld, ni Goeje, ni Browne n'en ont prepar£
le cadre. C'est cette lacune que nous voudrions voir
combler.

Nous definissons "qarmate*? largo sensu, 1'ample mouve-
ment de reforme et de justice sociales qui a e"branl£ tout le
monde musulman au IXe siecle de notre ere, pour avorter
avec la proclamation du fondateur de la dynastie "Fatimite2"
en 297/910 a Mahdlyah. Ce mouvement a e"te caracterise",
au point de vue scientifique, par la diffusion d'un vocabulaire
technique hell^nistique (ecrits pseudo-herm^tiques et sa-
beens) ; au point de vue politique, par la propagation d'une
conspiration rigoureusement secrete en faveur du legitimisme
alide ismaelien ; au point de vue religieux, par 1'emploi
d'une catechese methodique, adaptee a toutes les confessions,
a toutes les races et a toutes les castes, fondee sur la raison,
la tolerance et I'egalit^ ; avec un rituel de compagnonnage,
qui, favorisant Tessor du mouvement des corps de metiers et
des " universit^s," a gagn^ 1'Occident ou il a fait £clore les
compagnonnages et francma^onneries europdennes3.

1 Appellation populaire, contemporaine et concrete; de preference a " batint" ^pithete
de theologie, et a " ismaelien" Etiquette politique shi'ite. L'etymologie meme du mot
qarmate reste obscure ; c'est peut-etre 1'arameen ''qourmata," traduction de 1'arabe taORt,
nom du 6e grade initiatique (cfr. R. P. Anastase, in Machriq> x, 18, p. 857).

2 Dont la legitimite (batard ou imposteur) parait etre restee suspecte aux vrais Qarmates
jusqu'au bout. A

3 On a pu constater que les signes de reconnaissance £taient les memes, dans
1'^cossisme et chez les Druzes.

330 Louis MASSIGNON

Sont exclues syst^matiquement de cette esquisse1: les
ouvrages reTerant uniquement : a 1'histoire interieure de la
dynastie Fatimite, au Maghreb et en Egypte : et a I'histoire
locale des Druses, des Assassins (da'wak jadldak] et des
Horoufls, sectes initiatiques issues du grand mouvement
qarmate.

TABLE

I TEXTES DOCTRINAUX.

II TEXTES HISTORIQUES ou LEGENDAIRES.
Ill ETUDES CRITIQUES DES ORIENTALISTES.

I. TEXTES DOCTRINAUX.
(a) Textes strictement qarmates. (b) Textes apparentes.

(a) Textes strictement qarmates:

1. Abou'l Khattab Mohammad-b. Abi Zaynab al Asadi al
Koufi, mort vers 145 heg., traditionniste imamite notoire, denonce et
exclu com me faussaire (Nisa'i, ap. Ibn al Jawzl, mawdou'dt, et SoyoutI,
la' alt). Disciple de I'imam Ja'far, qui I'excommunie2; il fonde une secte
dont le caracteristique est une discipline du secret beaucoup plus stricte
que la taqiyah shl'ite ordinaire, autorisant le parjure du rdivl*'y ce qui
decida Shafi'I, qui admet le temoignage des heretiques en matiere de tradi-
tions, a exclure les seuls Khattabiyah*. II edite sur la cabale alphabetique,
un Kitab al jafr, qu'il dit tenir de Ja'far (Ibn Hazm, in Friedlander, n,
1 06; Baghdad!, farq, 240; Hajji Khallfah, Kashf al zonoun, n, 603; cfr.
Casanova, ap. JAP, 1916). II commente le Qor'an dans un sens allegorique
(ta'wtl). Refute vers 190 par 1'imamite Ibn Rabah (Tusy's list, 46). Execute
a Koufah.

2. Abou Shakir Maymoun-b. al Aswad al Makhzoumi al
Makki5, mort vers 180. Client des Al al Harith-b. abl Rabl'ah al Makhzoumi
(Dhahabi, ftidal, n, 81). Disciple d' Abou'l Khattab (fihrist, i, 186).
Auteur du Kitab al mizan, analyse ap. Ibn al Athlr (Kami!, vm, 21).
^diteur probable du Kitab al sifat attribue a 1'imam Baqir6 (extr. in
ShahrastanI, milal, n, 29; cfr. la risalah ila Jabir-b. Yaztd Jofi, cite'e par
Salisbury, JAOS, 1851, 259 seq. et 300).

1 Sont abregees : (a) toutes les references peuvent etre completees en consultant
Brockelmann, Gesch. Arab. Lit.} (b) toutes les citations des auteurs mentionnes dans la
liste III.

2 Cfr. Friedlander, II, 90, 96; Khounsari, rawdat, n, 234; Ibn al Da'I, tabsirah,
419-423.

3 Pour dejouer la police 'abbaside, car la dynastie 'abbaside, issue elle-meme de la
conspiration kaysanite (Rawandite, Mas'oudi, morouj, VI, 58), savait le peril politique
des societes secretes. Voir la formule du serment ap. Ghazali, mostazhiri, 54 (cfr. Bagh-

I,yJzr^, 288-290; Iji, mawdqif, 350).

4 Qasimi, majmou'1 motoun osouliyah, 65.

5 On en a fait le fils de Bardesane (sic), ou d'un certain Sa'id Ghadban.

6 Moghirah pretendit aussi editer ses oeuvres (f 119, Friedlander, II, 80).

Esquisse d'une bibliographic Qarmate 331

II soutint a Basrah, centre les hanefites, que le Qor'an est une Emanation
divine increee1. Poursuivi par la police 'abbaside, il se retire d'abord a
Jerusalem2, ou il passe pour un homme pieux, mais aussi pour un alchimiste
suspect. II serait alle ensuite en Tabaristan, se consacrer a 1'education du
pretendant Mohammad-b. Isma'il3 qu'il dit lui avoir ete confie par son
grand-pere rimam Ja'far, et qui adopte son fils 'Abdallah-b. Maymoun4.

3. 'Abdallah-b. Maymoun al Qaddah al Makki, mort en prison
a Koufah vers 2io5. Mohaddith imamite estime et reconnu (Tusy's list,
197), ce que le poete al Ma'arr! avait deja releve' avec ironie (ghofran, 156 ;
cfr. fihrist, 220). Les traditionnistes sunnites 1'ont critique: suspect selon
Bokhari, exclu par Abou Hatim, Abou Zor'ah, Ibn Hibban (Dhahabl, mizan
al i'' tidal, s.v.). Raw! de Ja'far, et de Talhah al Hadrami (f 152), il a pour
rawls quatre imamites cites ap. Tusy's list. II passait pour s'attirer des
disciples au moyen de jongleries (Mohammad ibn Zakarya6, makharlq al
anbiya, ap. Nizam al Molk, siyaset name, XLVII; Jawbarl, Kashf al asrar,
MS Paris 4640, f. TO).

4. Dindan Abou Ja'far Ahmad ibn al Hosayn ibn Sa'id al
Ahwazi, mort vers 250, a Qomm. Mohaddith imamite connu, a tendances
extremistes ( Tusys list, 26). Non pas "complice" d"Abdallah ibn Maymoun
(fihrist, i, 1 88 ; farq, 266), mais son disciple, probablement indirect (son
pere mourut en 230, Tusy's, 104): il convertit a la secte les Kurdes du
Badln, Khorramites jusque-la (farq, 268, 266); il ecrit le Kitab al ihtijaj,
edite par Mohammad ibn Hasan al Saffar, qui vecut sous le XIe imam.
Ce personnage ne fait peut-etre qu'un avec le numero suivant. La nisbah
"DindanI" est donnee a Zikrawayh par Baghdad! (farq, 267).

5. Ahmad Ibn al Kayyal [al Khaslbi], mort vers 270? Missionnaire
qarmate, puis chef de secte; se pretend fils d'imam, et passe pour descendre
d'Ibn Maymoun al Qaddah ; peut-etre est-ce le " grand-oncle " du Fatimite
(Sharaf 'All, riyad, p. 301); auteur d'une serie d'ouvrages philosophiques
fort importants, dont Shahrastan! (milal, n, 17-21) a donne des extraits ; le
medecin RazI les refuta (fihrist, 300); leurs textes arabes et persans sub-
sisterent longtemps (Ibn Kamalpasha, firaq dallah, in fine) j ils suggerent
une influence hindoue.

6. 'Abdan, mort en 286, chef de la propagande qarmate en 'Iraq.
Ecrit huit opuscules, dont le fihrist donne les titres (i, 189). Ses balaghat
saba\ instructions pour les sept degres d'initiation, sont cites par Nizam
al Molk (siyaset name, trad. p. 286) ; comp. les neuf degres d'initiation,
cent ans apres, au temps d'al Mo'izz : tafarros, ta'ms, tashklk, ta^liq, rabt,
tadlls, tdsls, khal^, salkh (cfr. Sacy, Druzes, i, 7 4*-! 60*; Baghdad!, farq,
286-287; Ghazali, mostazhirl, ed. Goldziher, pref. pp. 40-41).

7-10. Banou Hammad, Ibn Hamdan, Ibn Nafis, Hasana-
badhi : propagandistes secondaires, au IVe siecle, dont le fihrist (Lc.) cite
les ceuvres.

1 Longue et curieuse notice du kharijite mzabite 'Abd al Kafi Tina'outi (Dalil li ahl
al '•oqoill, MS coll. Motylinski). 2 Sacy, Druzes, i, 440.

3 Dont Texistence est confirmee par ce fait, qu'une secte speciale, les Mobdrakiyah^
soutint ses pretentions a 1'imamat, sans se confondre avec les Ismaeliens (Goeje, 206 ;
Baghdad!, farq, 47) (Nizam al Molk, I.e.}.

4 Cfr. Rashid al Din, jami'-al tawarikh (Blochet, Messianisme, 89).

5 Jawbarl dit explicitement : " sous al Ma'moiln." Casanova 1'a prouv^, centre Goeje.

6 =RazI? Cfr. infra, No. 5.

332

Louis MASSIGNON

11. Abou Hatim ('Abdal Rahman?) al Warsnam al RazI,

apotre du Dei'lem. Ecrit al Zayyinah, al Jam? (fihrist, I.e. ; cfr. Griffini,
I.e., p. 87).

12. Bandanah Abou Ya'qoub al Sijzi, execute en 331, en
Turkestan. Ecrit Asas al da'wah, tctwll al share??, kashf al mahjoub
(Blrouni, Hind, 32; Baghdad!, farq, 267).

13. Abou 'Abdallah Mohammad-b. Ahmad al Nasafi al
Baradha'i, execute en 331. Ce propagandiste, dont 1'activite a ete
decrite par Nizam al Molk (siyaset name, Chap. XLVII), ecrivit al
Mahsoul (farq, 267, 277).

14. Ibn Masarrah, mort en 319. Celebre philosophic andalousien
(Asin Palacios, Abenmasarra, Madrid, 1913).

15. 'Obaydallah ibn Hosayn al Qayrawam, ne 259, mort 321.
C'est le fondateur de la dynastie fatimite.

On lui a attribue une lettre dogmatique adressee a Abou Tahir Solayman
al Qarmati sous le titre "#/ siyasah, wa al baldgh al akyad, wal namous al
a'zam" (extr. ap./#/y, 278, 280-282 : cfr. Maqrlzl, s.v. mahwil). Quoique
de Goeje en ait fait etat, j'avoue qu'elle m'apparait d'un cynisme rare.

16. Al No'man ibn Abi Hamfah Mohammad ibn Mansour
ibn Ahmad ibn Hayyoun al Tamimi, ne 259, mort a 104 ans en 363.
Qadi des qadis fatimite, de rite malekite (cfr. Gottheil, JA OS, xxvn, 217).
Ecrit la version officielle des origines de la dynastie sous le titre iftitah al
da'wah al zahirah (ou ibtida al da'wah al 'obaydtyah) dont un curieux
fragment sur la vocation d'Ibn Hawshab, conserve par Maqrlzl, a ete
traduit par Quatremere (JAP, 1836, pp. 122, 130) (cfr. Brockelmann,
GAL, i, 188).

17. Mansour al Yaman, apotre au Yemen.

18. Ja'far-b. Mansour al Yaman, taUlfat (Griffini, p. 87). Ecrit
vers 360 le tdwll alfara?id= MS Leyde 1971 (Goeje).

19. Ma*add-b. Isma'il al Mo'izz lidln Allah, mort en 365,
Khalife fatimite : Risalah au qarmate Hasan (ap. Maqrlzl, itti'az, 134-143).
Monajat (prieres), ap. Guyard, N.E. MSS, xxn, i, 224-229. Risalah
maslhiyah, de Tan 358, MS Paris 131.

20. Missionnaires de Hakim autres que Hamzah Dorzl : Hamid al
Dm, et 'AH ibn al Walid (Griffini, p. 87). '

21. [anonyme]: dostour al monajjimln, MS Paris 5968 (Goeje).

22. Tala'i ibn Rozziq, mort en 505, Caire. Ecrit al Mimad
(Brockelmann, n, 70).

23. Conference contradictoire en 543 a la cour fatimite, au Caire (MS
Caire, vi, 129).

24. Hasan ibn al Sabbah, fondateur de la daiwah jadldah
(Alamout). Sesfosou/ arba^ah ont ete inseres, sans le dire, par Shahrastanl,
milal, ed. Caire, au t. n, pp. 47-155 (glose de Jamal Qasiml).

25-30. Shaykh al Sharaf 'Obaydalli, mort au VIe siecle. Ge'ne'a-
logiste de souche fatimite, defend 1'authenticite de la genealogie de ses
ancetres dans un opuscule conserve a Leyde (MS 686, voir Goeje, p. 9, et
Arendonk, xm), et cite par Maqrlzl (itti'az, 7); son opinion a ete suivie
et defendue par deux autres genealogistes, Ibn Malqatah al 'Oman,

Esquisse d^une bibliographic Qarmate 333

et Abou 'Abdallah al Najjari; tandis que les deux freres Mohammad
et Hasan al Mobarqa' (zeidites), Ibn Khida' et Shibl ibn Takin
refusaient de prendre parti (I.e., 7-8).

31. Abou'l Barakat-b. Boshra al Halabi : sar&ir al notaqa ;
majalis (Griffini).

32. [anonymes au Yemen]: liste ap. Griffini, I.e., 86-87.

33. Diya al Dm, au Yemen, ecrit en 1169 (= 1756) (Griffini).

(b) Textes apparent^.

D'autres textes leur sont etroitement apparentes au point de vue du
vocabulaire philosophique et theologique :

1. Les textes relatifs au roman syncre'tiste des Sabeens, mythe qui
parait avoir joue en Orient au IXe siecle de notre ere, pour la diffusion de
la conspiration sociale qarmate, le meme role que le mythe des "Rose-
Croix" de Valentin Andreas (1616) a joue en Occident au XVIIe et
XVIIIe siecles pour la propagation de la francma^onnerie.

Le premier auteur de ce roman parait etre un Kharijite du Fars, Yazid
ibn Abi Obaysah, qui annonga la prochaine revelation de la religion
universelle, "des vrais Sabeens" (non ceux de Wasit, ni de Harran)
(Baghdad!, farq, 263; Shahrastam, milal, i, 183). II y aurait a revoir au
point de vue qarmate cette curieuse et abondante litterature (cfr. les
"nouveaux documents harraniens" publ. par Goeje et Dozy (Congres
Orientalistes Leide, n, 285).

2. Les traductions d'ecrits hellenistiques d'alchimie et d'astrologie
attribues a Hermes, Agathodemon, Jamasp, et dont les recherches de
Blochet ont montre 1'importance: ce sont des ecrits "sabeens" (cfr. Ikhwdn
al Safd, iv, 296).

3. Des textes mystiques comme les 'Hal al 'oboudiyah de Tirmidhi
(t 285) et les 27 Riwayat publiees en 290 par al Hallaj (f 309), qui sont
peut-etre identiques au Bay an public en 290 par un certain *' Ghiyath "
(Nizam al Molk, siyaset name, Chap. XLVii)1.

4. Des dlwans poetiques comme ceux d'Ibn Hani (cfr. Kremer,
ZDMG, xxiv, 481) et d"Omarah du Yemen (ed. Derenbourg, 1897).

5. Des encyclopedies scientifiques comme les ceuvres de Nasiri
Khosrau (Sefer Name, etude d'Ethe, Congres de Leide, 1883, pp. 169-
237; et surtout Zad al mosdfirln, MS Paris 2318), et surtout comme les
Rasa'il Ikhwan al Safa, cette ceuvre maitresse, dont la compilation,
d'apres le patient calcul recemment etabli par Casanova, daterait des
alentoursde 45o2; cfr. le Dabistan de Mobed Shah(Mahmoud Fani),
compile sous Akbar ; et le Desatir.

6. Les textes noseyrls et druzes (bibliographic dans Dussaud ; et
Seybold, ed. du Kitab al dawtiir}.

7. II ne faut pas omettre le type de naskhi des calligraphes qarmates,
et 1'ornementation decorative a polygones fermes si caracteristique de
1'architecture fatimite.

1 Voir aussi 1'ecole mystico-qarmate d'Espagne, Ibn Barrajan, Ibn al 'Irrif et Ibn
Qasyl (Kb-a? al na'layn], maitres directs d'Ibn 'Arabi.

2 Cependant, Tauhldl ^414) la connaissait deja, selon Bahbaham (MS Lond. Add.
24,411, f. i82b).

334 Louis MASSIGNON

II. TEXTES HISTORIQUES ou LEGENDAIRES.

(a) Notices polemiques. (b) Legendes occidentaks.

1. Qodamah ibn Yazid al No'mani, ouvrage perdu.

2. ['AH] Ibn 'Abdak al Jorjani, imamite: fils d'un chef de secte
etudie par MohasibT (makdsib}, et Malati (tanblh, MS Damas. tawhld 59);
sur un de ses descendants, voir Sam'anI (ansdb, s.v. 'Abdakl) ; ouvrage
perdu.

3. Abou'l Hasan ibn Zakarya al Jorjani, ouvrage perdu.

4. Had! ila al Haqq, mort en 299; imam zei'dite au Yemen: bawar
al Qardmitah, cite ap. Arendonk, 278.

5. Ibn al Monajjim, dlwan (poemes) : Sacy, i, 439.

6. Abou 'Abdallah Mohammad ibn 'AH Ibn Rizam al Ta'i
al Koufi, se trouvait a la Mekke en 317 (Ibn al Qarih, risdlah, p. 550);
et a Bagdad en 329, comme ndzir al mazdlim : extraits ap. fihrist, i, 188;
SabT, p. 317.

7. Abou Ja'far al Razi al Kalbi, ouvrage perdu.

8. Kolini, mort en 328: radd lala al Qardmitah (Tusy's list, p. 327) :
imamite.

9. 'Abdallah-b. 'Omar Hamdani, zeidite : ecrit vers 330 la bio-
graphic de rimam Nasir lil Haqq (cfr. ici Arendonk, /.*•., 303).

10. Mas'oudi, mort en 345 : tanblh wa ishraf, trad. Vaux, 502 : cite
les Nos. 1-3, 6-7.

1 1. Abou Hatim-b. Hibban al Bosti, mort en 354 : ft* I Qardmitah
(Goldziher, No. 3, p. 15).

12. Abou'l Hosayn Mohammad al Malati, mort en 377: tanblh
wa radd, pp. 33—38 : de ma copie personnelle (notice detaillee).

13. Fanakhosrou, prince Bowayhide : declaration lue a Damas en
360 sur la fausse genealogie des Fatimites : d'apres des temoignages
qarmates (Goeje) (Defremery, JAP, 1856, n, 376). Ibn al No'man, qadl
fatimite, y repond1.

14. Abou'l Hosayn Mohammad Akh Mohsin Ibn al 'Abid
al Sharif al Dimishqi, mort vers 375 (genealogie ap. Maqrlzl, itti'dz,
e'd. Bunz, p. u): pamphlet sur commande "en 20 Korrds" juge severe-
ment par Maqrlzl (moqaffd, trad. Quatremere, JAP, 1836, p. 117), analyse
par Nowayrl et Maqrlzl (ittildz, n): public presque in extenso par Sacy
\Druzes, \, 191-202).

15-16. Abou Bakr ibn al Tayyib al Baqillani, mort 403;
ash'arite, malikite : Koshouf asrdr al Bdtinlyah, cite ap. Abou Shamah
(rawdatayn}, Ibn Taghribirdl (nojoum, n, 446), et probablement recopie'
dans'Baghdadi (farq), ed. Badr; cfr. Sacy, i, 439.

17. Ibn Motahhar al MaqdisI, bad' wa tdrlkh, ed. Huart.

18. Ibn Babouyeh, mort 381 ; imamite : Ptiqdddt; cfr. Fried-
lander, s.v.

1 Cfr. aussi Al Sharif al Hashimi, vers 380.

Esquisse d'une bibliographic Qarmate 335

19. 'Abd al Jabbar al qadl al Basri, mort 414; mo'tazilite :

tathblt al nobouwah, cite par Abou Shamah (Ibn TaghribirdI, I.e.).

20. Hamzah Dorzi, sirah mostaqlmah bi shan al Qaramttah, texte
druze, no. n de la liste Sacy: e"crit en 409; publ. " Moqtabas," 1910, v,
304-306.

21. Moqtana', druze, e'crit en 430 : al safar iltil sadah (adresse aux
qarmates de 1'Ahsa).

22. 'Ali-b. Sa'id al Istakhri, mo'tazilite: vers 430: radd (Ibn
TaghribirdT, n, 2).

23. Abou'l Qasim Isma'il-b. Ahmad al Bosti, zei'dite, ecrit vers
430: Kashf asrdr al Batiniyah, MS Griffini (I.e., p. 81).

24. Thabit-b. Aslam, mort en 460; grammairien : radd (Soyouti,
boghyah, 209).

25. Declarations publiques des Alides de Bagdad : en 4021 et 442
(Goeje). Sur celle de 402, revoir MaqrizI, tfti'dz, p. n (cfr. Defremery,

JAP, 1860, p. 148).

26. Ibn Sina (Avicenne): al dorr al nazim, MS Leyde 958, p. 42
(Defremery, I.e., 167).

27. Ibn Hazm, mort en 459; zahirite. (i) fisal (cfr. Friedlander).
(2) jamahir fl ansab al mashahir (cite MaqrizI, ittildz, 7-8).

28. Ibn Waki', malikite,, disciple de Sahnoun (id.).

29. Nizam al Molk, mort en 486 : siyaset name, ed. et trad. Schefer,
1893, Chap. XLVII.

30. Abou Hamid al Ghazali, mort en 505 : mostazhirl, ed. Goldziher
(signale par Wiistenfeld): comp. ses mawahim al Batiniyah (SobkT, iv,
1 1 6), hojjat al Haqq, mofassal al khilaf, jadawil, qistas (cit. ap. son
monqidh, ed. Caire, pp. 26-27).

31. 'Abd al 'Aziz ibn Shaddad al Himyari, emir zei'rite, mort
vers 509 : aljam1 we? I bay an fl akhbar Qayrawdn (cfr. Quatremere, JAP,
1836, 131-134, n.; Sacy, i, 440, n.; Fagnan, 47, n. i, donne la date 540).

32. Ibn al Da'i al Razi, imamite: tabsirat al iawdmm (cfr. Schefer).

33. Abou'l Qasim 'AH al Abyad (al Sharif) (ap. Ibn al Athlr,
Kdmil, vm, 27).

34. Shahrastam, milal wa nihal, e'd. Cureton, trad. Haarbriicker.

35. Abou Shamah, 1'auteur des Rawdatayn : Koshouf ma kanoti
''alayhi Banou lObayd min al kofr wdl kidhb wdl makr wdl kayd (cfr.
MaqrizI, moqaffa}.

36. Ibn Hanash, zeidite, mort en 719: qatilah (cfr. Griffini, 81).

37. Ibn Taymiyah, hanbalite, mort en 728 : fatwas (ap. tafslr al
kawakib, MS Damas, 26 vols.; cfr. Salisbury, et Guyard, JAP, 6e serie,
xvni, 158).

38. Ahmad Rashid, trfrlkh-i- Yemen (en turc), 1291 (he'gire).

(b) Legendes ocddentales :

i. Legende de la conversion de Mohammad ibn Isma'Il; proprieties
irlandaises de Pastorini (Taylor, p. 200).

1 Celle de 382 parait un dedoublement de celle-ci (Fagnan, /.^., p. 64, n.).

336 Louis MASSIGNON

2. Legende " De Tribus Impostoribus1." La premiere redaction
de ce blaspheme celebre contre " les trois imposteurs, le berger (Mo'ise),
le medecin (Jesus) et le chamelier (Mohammad)" apparait dans la lettre
d"Obaydallah a Abou Tahir Solayman al QarmatI (1318/932), citee par
Baghdad! (farq, 281) et par Nizam al Molk (siyaset name, trad. Schefer,
Chap. XLVII, p. 288). Deux siecles plus tard elle circule en Occident, et
finit par etre attribute a Frederic II (Ep. Gregoire IX ad Mogunt. archiep.
an. 1239: Alberic, Chron., s.a. 1239; Chron. August., s.a. 1245; comp.
d'Argentre, Coll.judic. de novis erroribus, 1724, i, 145; Huillard-Breholles,
Hist. dipl. Frederic II, v, 339; Cantinpre (XIII6 siecle) de Apibus, XLV, 5;
le livre " de tribus impostoribus" public en 1753 est un faux moderne2 —
Vigouroux).

gtographes :

1. Ibn al Jarrah (Mo-b. Dawoud), 1 296/908, trfrikh (extr. ap. Tabari,
I.e., in, 2124, 2217), interrogatoires des Qarmates pris en 291.

2. Tabari (f 310), ta'rlkh, in, 2124, 2130; 2214, 2246.

3. Souli (t 334)> awraq, MS Kratchkovsky, extr. ap. 'Arib QortobT,
silah, ed. Goeje.

4. Mas'oudI (f 346), tanblh, morouj.

5. Ibn Ha^vqal, masalik, ed. Goeje, pp. 21-23, 210 seq.

6. Thabit Ibn Sinan al Sabi (t 366), tdfikh, extr. ap. Ibn al JawzT
(montazam).

7. Mosabbihi (f 420), tdrikh Misr.

8. Ibn Miskawayh (f 421), tajarib, ed. Gibb Memorial.

9. Moqaddasi, ed. Goeje, BGA, p. 237.

10. Ibn al Nadim al Warraq,/^m/, ed. Fliigel, i, 186 seq.

11. al Birouni, athar, ed. Sachau.

12. Ibn Zoulaq, itmam akhbar omara Misr HI Kindt, cfr. Gottheil,
JAOS, xxvin, 1907 (Maqrlzl, itti^dz, 92).

13. 'Idhari, al bay an al moghrib, ed. Dozy.

14. Sam'ani (t 562), ansab, eU phot. Gibb Memorial, s.v. "qarmat."

15. Mohammad ibn ^Ali ibn Hammad (t 617), tdrlkh, trad.
Cherbonneau,/^/3, 1852, n, 477 seq.; 1855, 529 seq.

1 6. [Qayrawani], kitab al loyoun, pro-fatimite, ^crit avant 626 [ed.
Goeje, Fragm. Hist. Arab.~\.

Et les grands recueils posterieurs : Ibn al Jawzi (montazam), Ibn al
Athir (kamil), Sibt Ibn al Jawzi (mir'at), Ibn Khallikan (wafayat),
Ibn Tiqtaqa (fakhrl, 356), *Ata Jowayni (jihan gosha), Nowayri
(trfrlkh), Ibn Fadl Allah (masfi&A), Ibn Shakir al Kotobi, Safadi,
4Ayni (liqd), Ibn Khaldoun (moqaddamat, et Hbar, t. iv), Ibn Taghri-
birdi, Mostawfi, etc.

1 Hammer (LGA, IV, 197) avait pressenti cette origine. Cfr. RHR, 1920.

2 ]idite par " Philomneste junior" (Brunei) a Paris, 1861 ; et par " Alcofribas Nazier,'r
Londres, 1904, avec bibliographic critique.

Esquisse dune bibliographic Qarmate 337

II faut mettre hors de pair Dhahabi, dont le tdrlkh al islam et le
mizan al i'tidal ont une documentation de premier ordre, et Maqrizi,
dont les khitat (s.v. mahwiiy et les solouk sont assez brefs, mais dont le
moqaffa (etudie par Quatremere, JAP, 1836, p. 113 seq.) et Vitti'&z (<*ditd
par Bunz) sont des recueils de sources fondamentaux.

Enfin une ceuvre recente, d'inspiration ismaelienne, Riyad al janan de
Sharaf 'All ibn 'Abd al Wall, e'ditee en 1316/1898 a Bombay chez
Jlvakhan (voir pp. 301-302).

III. ETUDES CRITIQUES DES ORIENTALISTES.
(a) Recherches historiques. (b] Documents contemporains.

(a) Recherches historiques :

1 . R(ousseau), Mtmoire sur les trois principales sectes du musulmanisme
(1818).

2. Sacy,£>ntzes, 1838; oh. JAP, 1824 (iv), et Chrest. arab., n, 95, 135.

3. Quatremere, JAP, 1836.

4. Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen ; cfr. aussi Literaturg. der
Araber, et Myst. Baphom. revelat. ap. Fundgruben des Orients, vi, 3-120
(inscriptions qui seraient a reetudier).

5. N. C. Taylor, History of Muhammedanism, ie ed. 1834, 2e 1839,
pp. 200, 209.

6. Defremery, JAP, 1849 (XIII» P- 51), 1856 seq., 1860.

7. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen.

8. Salisbury, JAOS, 1851 (n, 259, 300), 1852 (in, 167).

9. Amari, Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia, 1858, n, 114, 115, n.: ou
il denonce, un peu durement, 1' " incredibile semplicita" de Maqrizi et de
Sacy: pensant que tout le mouvement qarmate n'a ete qu'un effort vers
Patheisme et le libertinage.

10. Dozy, Histoire des musulmans d'Espagne, in, 8.

11. Wiistenfeld, Geschichte der Fatimiden.

12. Kremer, Gesch. der herrschenden Ideen des Islams.

13. Goeje, Memoire sur les Carmathes..., ie ed. 1862, 2e ed. 1880;
Fin des Carmathes de Bahrayn, JAP, 1895.

14. Kay, Carmathians (ap. Yemen, its early medieval history, London,
1882, pp. 191-212).

15. Schefer, Chrest. per sane, 1883: i, 163-170 (trad, du siydset
name), 177-182 (trad, du tabsirat al 'awdmm).

16. Guyard (St.), ap. Not. et Extr. MSS B.N., xxn, i, 1874.

17. Blochet, Le messianisme dans r hettrodoxie musulmane, 1903;
Etudes sur lyesote'nsme musulman, 1910 seq.

18. Browne (E. G.), Literary history of Persia, i, 411 ; n, 197 seq.
Ses recherches sur les Horoufis sont a consulter egalement.

19. Casanova,/^/5, 1898, p. 151 seq. (cfr. 1915, pp. 5-17); qui
signale les MSS Slane 2304, 2309.

1 Cfr. Sacy, Druzes, II, 493, d'apres Maslhi et Ibn al Towayr.
B.P.V. 22

338 Louis MASSIGNON

20. Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf,
1899.

21. Is. Friedlander, Heterodoxies... Shiites, ap. JAOS, xxvm
(1907), xxix (1908).

22. Asm Palacios, Abenmasarra y su escuela, Madrid, 1913.

23. Ign. Goldziher, Vorlesungen uber den Islam, 1910, pp. 247—255;
introduction au kitab al mo'ammarln d'al Sijistani, pp. 67-89, ou I'mfluence
fatimite (qarmate, plutot) sur la formation des corporations est indiquee :
sujet capital dont les materiaux sont encore a reunir ; Streitschrift des Gazali
gegen die Batiniyya-Sekte = edition du Mostazhiri de Ghazali, 1916.

24. E. Fagnan, ap. "Centenario Amari," 1910: n, 35-114: reedition
corrigee et annotee de la trad, du moqaffa de Maqrlzi par Quatremere.

25. C. van Arendonk, De opkomst van het Zaidietische..., 1919,
pp. 109-114, 216-227, 302-306.

26. E. Griffini, Die jilngste ambrosianische Sammlung..., ap. ZDMG,
LXIX, 1915 : pp. 80-88 et pis. XVII et XVIII (deux types d'e'criture secrete
qarmate).

(&) Documents contemporains (sur les centres proto- et neo-ismaeliens :

En Dellem : communautes neo-ismaeliennes pres d'Alamout et Roudh-
bar. Et aussi a Choughan (cfr. RMM, xxiv, 202-218).

En Afghanistan et Turkestan : les hautes vallees occidentales du
Pamir, jadis evangelisees par Nasiri Khosrau, restent en majorite peuplees
de neo-ismaeliens ; ils debordent jusqu'a Gilgit (Inde) — cfr. Bobrinskoi, et
V. Minorsky, Ahlt Haqq, ap. RMM, XLI, 69; et Ivanow, JRAS, July
1919.

Dans MInde: communaute proto-ismaelienne des Bohoras du Gujrat
(cfr. RMM, x, 468); Dawoudiyah; et neo-ismaeliens, clients de 1'Aga
Khan, expulse du Kerman au XIXe siecle (cfr. RMM, i, 49 seq.). II y en
a encore, au S.E. de Moltan, centre primitif de la secte.

Au Yemen : Beni-Yam du Nejran ; et enclave du Harraz. Leurs chefs,
les Makramls, ont essaye de faire revivre en Ahsa (Bahrein) le qarmatisme:
au XVIIP siecle : il y subsiste encore (tous neo-ismaeliens).

En Syrie : la secte persiste en son lieu d'origine meme, a Salamia, dans
le Jabal A'la, avec le culte de la vierge sacre'e, " Rawdah " (cfr. Bliss,
Religions of Syria, 1912, p. 311); et elle conserve, a 1'ouest de 1'Oronte,
vingt villages avec Masyad, 1'ancien castel des Assassins (neo-ismaeliens).

En Maghreb : on a cru relever certains vestiges de 1'initiation qarmate
dans une tribu berbere (zenete) au sud-ouest d'Oujda : les Zkara (voir
discussion de la these de Moulieras, Paris, 1905).

En Afrique orientate : il y a des emigrants Bohoras a Tile Maurice ; et
des neo-ismaeliens a Zanzibar (RMM, n, 373).

Louis MASSIGNON.
OTTIGNIES, PARIS, 1919—1920.

DIE BERLINER ARABISCHE HAND-
SCHRIFT AHLWARDT, No. 683

(Eine angebliche Schrift des Ibn 'Abbas]

W. Ahlwardt's in 10 stattlichen Banden vorliegendes
"Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften " der Berliner
Staatsbibliothek wird immerdar ein bewundernswertes Zeug-
nis bilden fur den entsagungsvollen Fleiss, die erstaunliche
Literaturkenntnis und die scharfsinnige Kombinationsgabe
des Verfassers. Eine weitergehende Beriicksichtigung der
Handschriftenkataloge der anderen europaischen und orien-
talischen Bibiotheken hatte den Wert und die Bedeutung von
Ahlwardt's Werk noch gesteigert. Aber auch so, wie er
vorliegt, ist der 10 bandige Katalog nicht nur ein unentbehr-
liches Hilfsmittel fur die Benutzer der reichen arabischen
Handschriftenschatze der Berliner Bibliothek, er bildet viel-
mehr dariiber hinaus eine reiche Fundgrube fur einen jeden,
der sich mit der im einzelnen noch immer viel zu wenig
erforschten arabischen Literaturgeschichte beschaftigt.

Bei einer so umfassenden Arbeit, wie Ahlwardt sie auf
sich genommen hat, sind Versehen im einzelnen unver-
meidlich gewesen. Naturgemass wird in schwierigeren Fallen,
in denen der Name des Autors in einer Handschrift nicht
angegeben oder falsch angegeben ist, jemandem, der eine
einzelne Handschrift langer studieren kann, ihre Bestim-
mung besser gelingen, als dem Verfasser des Katalogs, der
jedem einzelnen Manuskript vergleichsweise nur geringere
Zeit widmen konnte. Eine so dankenswerte Aufgabe also
eine zusammenfassende Behandlung von Versehen und Un-
genauigkeiten in Ahlwardt's Handschriftenverzeichnis bilden
wiirde, so wiirde sie der monumentalen Bedeutung dieses
Werkes keinen Abtrag tun.

Indem die folgenden Ausfiihrungen Ahlwardt's Angaben
iiber die von ihm als Nr. 683 bezeichnete Berliner arabische
Handschrift erganzen und berichtigen, bilden sie zugleich
einen Beitrag zur Geschichte der Koranexegese und zur
altesten arabischen Literaturgeschichte uberhaupt.

22 2

340 EUGEN MlTTWOCH

In Nr. 683 behandelt Ahlwardt1 den 16. Teil (fol. 93-
101) der Sammelhandschrift Codex Petermann n 405. Er
ftihrt zunachst den (von spaterer Hand geschriebenen)

Titel (fol. 93 a) an : ^U* v>jt <j* ^\ J\jJtt\ ^j* und teilt
dann den Anfang der Handschrift mit (nach dem Bismillah)

Alsdann fahrt Ahlwardt in seiner Beschreibung fort : " Eine
dem Ibn 'Abbas (d. h. Abu'l 'abbas 'abdallah ben el'abbas
elhasimi) f 68/687 zugeschriebene Erklarung auffalliger und
seltener Ausdriicke des Qoran mittelst Versstellen aus den
altesten Dichtern, deren Namen jedoch bisweilen nicht
genannt werden. Nach der Vorbemerkung richtet ^ *Jti

J^j^t — der mit io^ O^ s***^ zu ihm gegangen ist und die
Meinung hat, er verstehe nichts davon — die Fragen liber
bestimmte Qoran-Ausdriicke an ihn und erhalt dann die
kurze Erklarung derselben nebst einem Belegverse. Diese
Bemerkung findet sich auch in dem 36. c>3 des o^^' von

Essojuti. So zuerst :

Dann wird immer (statt der Frage) bloss fortgefahren
Die so zuerst erklarten Worter sind4:

— zuletzt erklart: <

.11*'"

1 I Band, p. 271.

2 So Ahlwardt; die Handschrift hat Uv^ ^ L5^' wobei sich die
Eulogie wie haufig auf Ibn 'Abbas und seinen Vater bezieht.

3 So Ahlwardt mit unserer Handschrift. Es ist dafiir j->J>fr zu lesen ;
vgl. weiter unten.

4 Bei den folgenden Worten andere ich die Schreibweise von Ahlwardt
und gebe sie so, wie sie — entsprechend dem Korantext — in der Hand-
schrift tatsachlich stehen.

5 Sure 70. 37. 6 Sure 5. 39. 7 Sure 5. 52. 8 Sure 6. 99.

* $ *

9 Sure 7. 25 ; ed. Fliigel. UL^j Baidawi z. St. gibt Iwbj^ als Variante an.

10 Sure 3. 140. n Sure 9. 121. 12 Sure 6. 113.

Die Berliner arabische Handschrift Ahlwardt, No. 683 341

Dass ein Werk des im J. 68 H. in Ta'if verstorbenen Ibn
'Abbas auf uns gekommen sein sollte, ware auch dann sehr
unwahrscheinlich, wenn man uberhaupt annehmen diirfte,
dass Ibn 'Abbas, der in den meisten Korankommentaren als
hauptsachlicher Gewahrsmann1 zitiert wird, ein Werk ge-
schrieben hat2. Mit Recht schreibt daher Brockelmann3 : " In-
wieweit aber der unter seinem Namen gehende Kornmentar
(Berlin 732...gedr. Bombay 1302), den al-Kalbl redigiert
haben soll...sowie das demselben zugeschriebene k. garlb
alqor'an Berl. 683 wirklich auf ihn zuruckgehen, und wann sie
ihre jetzige Gestalt erhalten haben, ist noch zu untersuchen."

Wann das in der Berliner Handschrift 683 vorliegende
kitab garlb al-qur'an seine jetzige Gestalt erhalten hat, lasst
sich auf Grund der Handschrift selbst mit Sicherheit bestim-
men. Die hier vorliegende Redaktion ist junger als as-Sujutl.
Denn das ganze Werkchen ist nichts anderes als eine
verkurzte Wiedergabe des betreffenden Abschnitts in as-
Sujutl's Itqan4.

In diesem Zusammenhang sei bemerkt, dass unter den
1 8 kleinen Schriften, die in unserem Codex Petermann n 405
enthalten sind, sich 6 Risala's des Vielschreibers SujutI be-
finden. Sie sind iibrigens auf der Innenseite des vorderen
Deckels von spaterer Hand aufgefiihrt. Dort wird auch die
uns hier beschaftigende Handschrift als o!/*M vi^ ^f *M*v
^e$~~X ^Uft CHj O^ bezeichnet. Das ist so nicht ganz
richtig. Vielmehr ist unsere kleine Abhandlung junger als
as-Sujutl und erst auf Grund seiner Zusammenfassung bear-
beitet. As-Sujutl ist Iibrigens selbst zitiert, indem es — was
Ahlwardt entgangen sein muss — gleich zu Beginn heisst (die
Worte folgen unmittelbar auf die oben zitierten ersten Satze) :
^U3^t ^y J13, d. h. (der nicht mit Namen genannte) SujutI
sagt in seinem Buche al-Itqan.

1 Cf. Ibn Hagar n, p. 807 ^U o^t &\j&\ oU*.>3^*3 und H. H.
", 333 O^-^J' c^^j 2*y\ ^j ^\j&\ oU*-^> >*>

2 Im Fihrist p. 35 werden 13 Werke bekannter Autoren iiber garlb
al-qur'an aufgefiihrt. Erne Schrift des Ibn 'Abbas befindet sich nicht
darunter.

3 Arabische Literaturgeschichte I, p. 190.

4 Merkwiirdigerweise ist das Ahlwardt entgangen, obwohl er — vgl. weiter
oben— selbst bemerkt hat, dass die Angabe iiber den Besuch von Nafi* b.
al-Azraq und Nagda b. 'Uwaimir bei Ibn 'Abbas "sich auch in dem 36.
des o^^ von EssojutI findet."

342 EUGEN MlTTWOCH

Der Verfasser unserer Handschrift hat nichts anderes
getan, als die Einleitung und die Schlussausflihrungen von
as-Sujuti zu kiirzen bezw. fortzulassen, und er hat den Text
ferner dadurch vereinfacht, dass er eine bei as-Sujuti durch
den ganzen Abschnitt bis zur Ermiidung sich wiederholende
Wendung gestrichen hat. Bei as-Sujuti wird namlich bei
alien 140 fremden Ausdrlicken aus dem Koran, liber die
Nan' b. al-Azraq von Ibn 'Abbas1 Auskunft erheischt,
folgende Formel gebraucht : " Da sprach Nafi': Gib mir
Auskunft liber das Wort Gottes : (folgt ein Ausdruck aus
dem Koran). [Ibn 'Abbas] antwortete : Dieser Ausdruck
bedeutet : (folgt ein bekannteres Wort zur Erklarung jenes
Ausdrucks). Dasagte Nafi': Kennen denn die Araberjenen
Ausdruck ? Er antwortete: Jawohl; hast Du denn nicht den
(folgt der Name eines Dichters) sagen horen : (folgt ein Vers,
in dem der schwierige Koranausdruck vorkommt)." Das
hat der Autor unserer Handsch rift durch weg fortgelassen und
sich mit der Aufzahlung der fremdartigen Koranausdrlicke
und der Erklarungen unter Anflihrung der Belegverse aus
der Poesie begnligt. Sonst aber stimmt unsere Handschrift
—von den unausbleiblichen Wortvarianten abgesehen —
wortlich mit dem Hauptstlick in dem betreffenden Abschnitt
von as-Sujuti iiberein.

Fortgelassen hat unserer Verfasser ferner die Einleitung,
die sich im Itqan befindet, und die nicht nur liber as-Sujutl's
Gewahrsmanner Aufschluss gibt, sondern auch dartiber
hinaus von Interesse ist, indem sie uns zeigt, dass die Heran-
ziehung der Poesie zur Erklarung seltener Koranausdriicke
von verschiedenen Seiten als unzulassig bezeichnet worden
ist. In dieser Einleitung2 heisst es: " Abu Bekr b. al-Anbarl3
sagt : Von ' Genossen ' und ' Nachfolgern ' wird vielfach
berichtet, sie hatten in bezug auf fremde und schwierige Aus-
driicke im Koran die Poesie zum Beweise herangezogen.
Eine Menge solcher, die kein Wissen besitzen, haben das den
Grammatikern zum Vorwurf gemacht und gesagt : Wenn
ihr dies tut, dann macht ihr die Poesie zur Grundlage flir den
Koran, und wie sollte es erlaubt sein, dass man fur den Koran

1 Siehe liber ihn weiter unten.

2 Itqan, Lithog. Lahore 1280, p. 138.

3 Offenbar in dem hinterher zitierten kitab al-waqf (walibtida'), (siehe
Fihrist p. 75 ; Brockelmann i, p. 119).

Die Berliner arabische Handschrift Ahlwardt, No. 683 343

die Poesie zum Beweise heranzieht, wo diese doch im Koran
und in der Tradition getadelt wird ? Die Sache verhalt sich
aber nicht so, wie jene behaupten, dass wir die Poesie zur
Grundlage ftir den Koran machen. Wir wollen vielmehr
fremde Ausdrucke aus dem Koran durch die Poesie erklaren,
weil Allah der Erhabene gesagt hat : * Wahrlich, wir haben
ihn als einen arabischen Koran gegeben1' und ferner gesagt
hat: (Die Offenbarung geschah) 'in deutlicher arabischer
SpracheV Ibn 'Abbas hat gesagt : Die Poesie bildet den
'Diwan' der Araber8, und wenn uns ein Ausdruck aus dem
Koran, den Allah in der Sprache der Araber offenbart hat,
verborgen ist, dann wenden wir uns zu ihrem 'Diwan' und
suchen aus ihm jenes Wort kennen zu lernen. Dann ftihrt
er4 auf dem Ueberlieferungswege liber 'Ikrima von Ibn
'Abbas an, dass dieser gesagt habe : ' Wenn ihr mich nach
einem seltenen Ausdruck im Koran fragt, so suchet ihn in der
Poesie, denn die Poesie bildet den 'Diwan' der Araber5."'

Nachdem as-Sujuti dann noch eine weitere Ueberliefe-
rung dafiir heranzieht, dass Ibn 'Abbas, wenn ernach Koran-
ausdriicken gefragt wurde, "die Poesie zitierte," d. h. sie
"als Zeugnis fur die Koran- Erklarung anfiihrte," fahrt er
fort, Erklarungen dieser Art sein zahlreich von Ibn 'Abbas
iiberliefert. Am geeignetsten aber einen vollen Ueberblick
zu gewahren seien die Fragen des Nafi' b. al-Azraq6. " Einen
Teil davon hat Ibn al-Anbarl in seinem kitab al-waqf und
at-Tabaranl in seinem grossen Mu'gam ausgezogen. Ich will

1 Sure 43. 2. 2 Sure 26. 195.

3 vjjOt oW> >*&'• In diesem Zusammenhang diirfte das Wort dlwan
als "Sammlung" zu fassen sein. Der Sinn ist jedenfalls : in der Poesie ist
der gesamte Sprachschatz der Araber enthalten.

4 Namlich Abu Bekr b. al-Anbarl.

5 Dass sich Ibn 'Abbas, dessen Lebensbeschreibung iiberhaupt recht
wunderhaft gestaltet und dessen Gelehrsamkeit iiber die Massen gepriesen
wird, auch mit Poesie beschaftigt habe, wird vielfach berichtet. So heisst
es von ihm im Usd al-gaba in, p. 193, er habe sich immer einen Tag aus-
schliesslich mit fiqh beschaftigt, einen mit Korandeutung, einen mit den
magazT, einen mit der Poesie, einen mit den ajjam al-'Arab. — Ibn Hagar H,
p. 809 : " Die Gelehrten des fiqh sassen bei ihm (Ibn 'Abbas) und die
Gelehrten des Koran wie die Manner der Poesie." — H. H. I, p. 109 : Wenn
Ibn 'Abbas miide war der Unterredung mit den Schiilern, sagte er : Bringet
die Diwane der Dichter herbei (*tjJfc£Jt O-Ols* '>>U). [Zu der oben
beriihrten Frage vgl. jetzt Goldziher, Die Richtungen der islamischen
Koranauslegung, Leiden 1920, p. 70.]

344 EUGEN MITTWOCH

es hier vollstandig anfuhren, damit man daraus Nutzen
ziehe." Nachdem er dann noch seinen bis auf Ibn 'Abbas
zuriickgehenden Isnad mitgeteilt hat, fahrt as-Sujuti fort:
" Wahrend 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas im Vorraum der Ka'ba sass,
umgaben ihn die Menschen, um sich von ihm den Koran
erklaren zu lassen. Da sprach Naf? b. al-Azraq zu Nagda b.
'Uwaimir1 : Wir wollen zu jenem gehen, der sich erkiihnt,
den Koran zu erklaren usw." Hiermit beginnt — vgl. oben—
der Text unserer Handschrift.

In den Schlussausfiihrungen im 36. nau' des Itqan2 sagt
as-Sujuti: "Das ist das Ende der Fragen des Nafi' b.
al-Azraq. Ich habe einiges wenige von ihnen fortgelassen3,
etwas mehr als 10 Fragen. Das sind bekannte Fragen, die
grosse Gelehrte vereinzelt mit verschiedenen Isnaden auf
Ibn 'Abbas zuriickfuhren." Schliesslich bemerkt as-Sujuti
noch einmal, was er schon in der Einleitung gesagt, dass
Abu Bekr b. al-Anbari in dem kitab al-waqf walibtida' und
at-Tabaranl in seinem grossen Mu'gam Stlicke daraus
angefiihrt hatten.

In der Berliner Handschrift 683, die iibrigens laut
Unterschrift im Safar 1060 H. ( = 650 n. Chr.) geschrieben
ist, liegt also kein Werk des Ibn 'Abbas vor, sondern ein
recht spates Schriftchen4, eine etwas verkiirzte Wiedergabe
von einer Zusammenstellung von auf Ibn 'Abbas zuriickge-
fiihrten Traditionen, die as-Sujuti auf Grund seiner Kolleg-
hefte und der Werke von Abu Bekr, b. al-Anbari und
at-Tabaranl im Itqan gegeben hat.

Auch betreffs des den Namen des Ibn 'Abbas tragenden
Korankommentars lasst sich die von Brockelmann auf-
gestellte Frage, wann er seine jetzige Gestalt erhalten habe,
beantworten. Dariiber sollen Ausftihrungen an- anderer
Stelle Aufklarung geben.

1 Beide kommen wiederholt bei Tabari vor (s. den Index daselbst).
Beide zugleich z. B. n, 517. Der Vater des Nagda heisst bei Tabari
durchgangig 'Amir, nicht 'Uwaimir.

* Ed. Lahore p. 149.

3 Der Schreiber unserer Handschrift hat alles bis hierher wortlich
iibernommen. Nur fahrt er nach den Worten "Ich habe einiges davon
fortgelassen " fort : " weil in dem Exemplar, von dem ich abgeschrieben
habe, einige Blatter durch Regen beschadigt waren."

4 As-Sujuti ist i. J. 911 H. (= 1505 n. Chr.) gestorben. Der Kompilator
unserer Risala muss also in der zweiter Halfte des 10. oder der ersten Halfte
des ii. islamischen Jahrhunderts gelebt haben.

EUGEN MITTWOCH.
BERLIN.

TRACCE DI OPERE GRECHE GIUNTE
AGLI ARABI PER TRAFILA PEHLEVICA

Nel 1890 Th. Noldeke,* nei suoi Beitrdge zur Gesch.
des Alexanderromans^, pp. 16-17, era venuto all' inattesa
conclusione che il Pseudocallistene siriaco, anziche derivare
dal testo greco, era stato tradotto da una versione pehlevica,
la quale naturalmente non poteva essere posteriore al vn
sec. d. Cr. La grande importanza di questa scoperta fu
rilevata da S. Fraenkel2: "...so war doch bis jetzt noch
keine Spur davon bekannt, dass die Perser auch griechische
Werke iibersetzen3. Das giebt einen ganz neuen und un-
geahnten Einblick in die Culturverhaltnisse des Sasaniden-
reiches. Derm es ware doch wohl mehr als seltsam, wenn
diese persische Uebersetzung des Pseudocallisthenes ein
Erzeugniss einer ganz vereinzelten Privatliebhaberei ge-
wesen ware. Vielmehr muss man dann wohl annehmen,
dass so wie dieses Buch auch andere (vielleicht auch
wissenschaftliche ?) Werke iibertragen wurden...."

In questi brevi appunti mi propongo d' indicare tre casi
di opere scientifiche greche passate agli Arabi per trafila
pehlevica, benche manchi ogni notizia diretta delle rispettive
traduzioni pehleviche4: \ Agricoltura di Cassiano Basso, le
'A*/#oXoyiai astrologiche di Vezio Valente, i Jlapa^areX-
\ovra rot? Se/caz/ots dell' astrologo Teucro Babilonese.

1 In : Denkschriften d. kais. Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu Wien^ philos.-
hist. CL, 38. Bd., 1890, 5. Abh.

2 Nella lunga recensione del lavoro del Noldeke, nella ZDMG 45,
1891, 313.

3 Al Fraenkel sembra essere sfuggita T attestazione (forse esagerata) che
sotto Cosroe I (Anusarwan, 531-579 Cr.) erano state tradotte in persiano
(pehlevico) opere filosofiche d' Aristotele ed alcuni dialoghi platonici:
Agathias Scholasticus (ca. 580 Cr.), Hist., n, 28 (Patrol. Graeca vol. 88°,
col. 1389). Inoltre cfr. il passo del Kitab an-nahmutan tradotto alia fine
del presente lavoro.

4 Ed infatti non si trova alcun cenno di queste opere nei lavori del
West e dell' Inostrancev sulla letteratura pehlevica.

346 C. A. NALLINO

I. L? Agricoltura di Cassiano Basso Scolastico.

Recent! lavori di J. Ruska1 hanno definitivamente sta-
bilito che noi possediamo in arabo due diverse redazioni dei
Geoponica di Cassiano Basso Scolastico2, ossia:

A. — La versione dal "greco-bizantino" (al-lisanar-rumi)
fatta da Sirgis ibn Hiliyya ar-Rumi ( = Sepyios vios 'HXiov),
lo stesso che nel 212 eg. (827-828 Cr. ; non 214) tradusse
dal greco in arabo T Almagesto. — Questa versione, intitolata
al-filahak ar-rumiyyah " L' agricoltura greco-bizantina," si
trova ms. a Leida, cod. Warner. 414 (CataL m, 211-213,
nr. 1277); inoltre, cosa sfuggita al Ruska, fu stampata al
Cairo3 col titolo: Kitab al-filahah al-yunaniyyah* talif
a/-fayfasuf....Qustus ibn Luqa ar-Rumi targamat Sirgis ibn
Hlba5 ar-Rumi, Cairo, tip. wahbiyyah, ramadan 1293 eg.
[ = sett.-ott. 1876], in-8°, 10+149 pp. Infine 2 mss. sono
nella moschea az-Zaytunah di Tunisi6.

1 Cassianus Bassus Scholasticus und die arabischen Versionen der
griechischen Landwirtschaft (D. Isl.} v, 1914, 174—179). — Weinbau und

Wein in den arabischen Bearbeitungen der Geoponika (Archiv f. d. Gesch.
d. Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik, vi, 1913-14, 305-320). — Brevissimo
sunto : Die Geoponika in der arabisch-persischen Literatur (Verhandl. d.
Gesellsch. deutscher Naturforscher und Aerzte, 85. Versamml. zu Wien
vom 21. bis 28. Sept. 1913. Leipzig 1914, n. T., 2. Halfte, pp. 336-337).

2 Vissuto nel sec. vi o vn d. Cr. II vecchio argomento per porlo in
modo sicuro nel vi sec. era basato sopra 1' erronea congettura che il suo
traduttore Sirgis ibn Hiliyya fosse il famoso siro Sergio di Rhesaina
(t 536 d. Cr. ?), e che quindi si trattasse di versione in siriaco od in
pehlevico.

3 Indicata nel CataL period, de livres orientaux della casa E. J. Brill
di Leida, nr. i (1883), p. 10, nr. 51 (con 1' errore di stampa 1393 per
1293); usata da M. Steinschneider, Die arabischen Uebersetzungen aus dem
Griechischen, Philosophic § 6 (30), pp. 14-15 (Beihefte zum Centralblatt fur
Bibliothekswesen, xu, Leipzig 1893), con 1' errore di stampa 1298 per
1293.

4 Cosi soltanto nel frontispizio posto dallo stampatore; invece nella
prefazione dell' opera e nei titoli di ciascuno dei 12 guz' si ha giustamente
ar-rumiyyah, come nel ms. Leidense, in HH ecc.

5 Cosi, per UU (Hiliyya, 'HAias), anche a p. 2 (prefaz.) 619 (titolo del
2° guz'). II CataL period. Brill : " Halba."

6 Deduce questo dal seguente avviso pubblicato sulla 4a pag. della co-
pertina dell' opera Mechra El Melki, chronique tunisienne . . .par Mohammed
Seghir Ben Youssef, de Beja,...traduit par V. Serres et Moh. Lasram,
Tunis 1900, e relative alle "publications de MM. V. Serres et M. Lasram":
" En preparation. Traite d'agriculture de Kastos, traduit du grec en arabe
par Serdjes ben Helia ; texte arabe inedit public d'apres deux manuscrits

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 347

B. — La versione anonima dal "persiano" (al-forisiyyaK)\
in persiano il libro era intitolato Warz-namah " Libro del-
1' agricoltura" (ossia, come spiega il traduttore nella prefazione,
in arabo Kitab az-zar'). — Da oltre un secolo si conoscevano
2 mss. di questa versione : uno a Leida (cod. Warner. 540 ;
Catal. m, 213, nr. 1278) finito di copiare nel safar 563 eg.
(nov.-dic. 1167); 1' altro ad Oxford, ove il libro porta il
titolo, difficilmente autentico, di Kitab al-bara'ah fl ' l-filahah
wa 'z-zira'ah (cfr. Biblioth. Bodlej. codd. mss. orient, cata-
logus, Pars I [ed. J. Uri, 1787], p. 113, nr. 439). II Ruska
ha scoperto i libri 3-9 di questa versione in un ms. acefalo
e monco di Gotha (catal. Pertsch, iv, 138, nr. 2120), ove il
titolo era Kitab al-fallahln "II libro degli agricoltori " ;
invece gli e sfuggito che un esemplare complete si trova
anche a Berlino (catal. Ahlwardt, v, 484, nr. 6204), in un ms.
copiato circa il 450 eg. (1058 Cr.), ed erroneamente intito-
lato " L' agricoltura d' Ibn Wahsiyyah." — E da notare che
anche 1' originale traduzione "persiana" sembra essere stata
anonima1.

Tanto la redazione A quanto la redazione B sono divise
in 12 sezioni (guz] o libri ; invece varia rnoltissimo il
numero dei capitoli (bad) delle singole sezioni2, sovra tutto
nella sez. iv (73 capp. in A, 1 18 in B) e nella ix (7 in A, 22
in B). La redazione B offre un testo piu ampio di A.

Infine e da tenere presente 1' importante risultato a cui
e arrivato il Ruska, Weinbau, pp. 308, 318-319. fe noto che
i Geoponici greci a noi giunti, e, con il titolo TT€/H yewpyias
e/cXoyat, attribuiti a Cassiano Basso Scolastico, rappresentano

de la Bibliotheque de la Grande-Mosquee de Tunis, et traduction frangaise.
(Le texte grec original est perdu, et Ton ne connaissait jusqu'ici que le
titre et quelques fragments de la traduction arabe.)" I due traduttori
igrioravano dunque P esistenza dell' ediz. cairina; sembra che 1' opera
annunziata come in preparazione non sia mai uscita.

1 Nell' esemplare ms. di Haggi Hallfah della Bodleiana (secondo E. B.
Pusey, Bibl. Bodl. codd. mss. orr. Cat., Pars n [1835], p. 582), e detto che
autore della versione persiana fu Zakariyya' Darwls ibn 'All. Questa
notizia, affatto inverisimile e dovuta senza dubbio a qualche confusione,
non si trova nelle edd. di HH, s. v. " Kitab" (ed. Fliigel, v, 132, nr. 10,377;
ed. Cstnpli 1311 eg., n, 293), e neppure nel ms. leidense di HH.

2 Secondo il Ruska, Weinbau, 307, le sez. xi e xn di B (secondo il
ms. Leida) avrebbero rispettivamente 4 e 10 capp. Invece la descrizione
Ahlwardt del ms. di Berlino (pure redazione B) da rispettivamente 14 e 31
capp.

348 C. A. NALLINO

un testo rimaneggiato, fatto mettere insieme da Costantino
VII Porfirogenito (912-959 Cr.). Ora A e B rappresentano
due redazioni greche piu antiche di quella a noi giunta.

Che cosa si deve intendere per quella " lingua persiana "
(farisiyyak) dalla quale fu tradotta in arabo la redazione B ?

Se si considera, da un lato, che una copia della traduzione
araba (ms. Berlino) e gia del 1058 Cr., e dall' altro lato che
la redazione greca che sta a base di B e piu antica di quella
fatta nella ia meta del sec. x per Costantino Porfirogenito,
e chiaro che la versione "persiana " deve risalire ad eta non
posteriore al sec. vm o ix, ossia deve risalire ad un' epoca
nella quale non e possibile pensare all' esistenza di prose
scientifiche m persiano propriamente detto, cioe in persiano
moderno. E necessario dunque concludere che quella lingua
farisiyyak sia il pehlevico ; ed allora e necessario anche am-
mettere che il testo " persiano" non sia posteriore al sec. vn
d. Cr., essendo da escludere che dopo di esso, ossia mezzo
secolo dopo la conquista araba della Persia, si pensasse
ancora a tradurre in pehlevico testi profani greci1.

Questa origine pehlevica ci da la chiave per comprendere
come sia accaduta la, trasformazione araba del nome
Scolastico (^xoAacrri/cos " avvocato"). II nome Cassiano
(Kao-cricu/os) e stato ridotto dagli Arabi a ^*^A~A Qustus

(varr. >j*^*~* Festus, ^>^^ Qastutus\ in seguito a co'r-
ruzione grafica di ^^yt^l Qasyanus favorita da confusione
con il nome cristiano Ux~3 Qusta (diffuse tra Arabi cristiani)2
e con quello del medico greco Festo, noto agli eruditi arabi3.
Quindi di solito il nome dell' autore dei Geoponica e Qustus
ar-Rumi. Ma talvolta a Qustus si trova aggiunto ibn...
(" figlio di..."), e, al posto dei miei puntini, un nome varia-
mente corrotto, cioe:

1 Cfr. le considerazioni di Th. Noldeke, Beitr. z, Gesch. des Alexander-
romans, p. 17.

2 Appunto per confusione con il notissimo scrittore e traduttore arabo-
cristiano Qusta ibn Luqa al-Ba'labakki (sec. ix Cr.), il frontispizio posto
dallo stampatore all' ed. Cairo da come autore dell' Agricoltura Qustus ibn
Luqa. Per analogo errore HH, /.<:., pone Qusta ibn Luqa al-Ba'labakki fra
i traduttori arabi dell' "Agricoltura greco-bizantina."

3 II nome Cassiano era famigliare presso i Siri, i quali lo scrivono
. m n 1 1 . mo %ODQJ_»-CQJD , -<y>n i « rnn o (Kocrcriavos) ; quindi la

corruzione ^^Jsu-3 non pu6 essere nata nella scrittura siriaca.

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 349

HH e ms. Leida A ^C^y^t ed. Cairo
_ f 'IX^tjy^l

ms. Leida B -L ~ " -»T\ ms. Berhno

I'jU&MMjtjyutt

ms. Oxford AJbCwt^yCwl

II Ruska, Cassianus, pp. 176-177, conoscendo solo le
forme date dai 2 mss. di Leida, afferm6 giustamente che
questo presunto nome del padre di Cassiano era null' altro
che la trascrizione dell' epiteto Sx^acm/co? " avvocato " ;
ma suppose che la forma fondamentale fosse (senza punti
diacritici) UC^t;«£wt, da correggere in -Xjiw^Xwl (iskulastlkya),
e concluse : " Sie weist auf eine syrische Vorlage hin, die
\\ QI fccnNonm] gelautet haben mag — bei Payne-Smith sind
andere Transkriptionen gegeben — und scheint damit zu-
gleich fiir eine altere syrische Uebersetzung zu zeugen."

L' ipotesi del Ruska urta contro parecchie difficolta.
Prima di tutto essa sostituisce arbitrariamente la al ra
attestato unanimemente da tutte le varianti. In secondo
luogo essa prende come base la forma terminante in I*, che
si trova una sola volta nel solo ms. B di Leida, mentre tutte
le altre numerose volte la finale e A. In terzo luogo suppone
che il presunto originale siriaco avesse reso crxoXaort/co's,
ben noto ai Siri, aggiungendovi la desinenza -aya degli
aggettivi relativi ; cosa inverosimile7; e suppone anche
(cosa non meno inverosimile) che il traduttore arabo, anzich6
renderla con la corrispondente desinenza araba -I, 1' avesse
conservata meccanicamente, scrivendola -ya. Infine, per
giustificare il secondo £ arabo (^), il Ruska e costretto a
supporre un impossibile ^ (k) siriaco per il greco K, ed
inoltre a pensare che il r greco fosse stato trascritto in
siriaco con L (t, arabo c>) anziche con 4 (£ arabo k)8. E
sarebbe anche poco probabile che un antico traduttore arabo

1 Soltanto nei titoli di ciascuna delle 12 sezioni

2 Soltanto a pag. 19, nel titolo della sez. n.

3 Solo nel titolo della sez. in (Ruska, Cassianus, p. 176).

4 Solo nel titolo della sez. iv (Ruska, /.<:.).

5 Nella breve introduzione. 6 Nel titolo delle sez. in e iv.

7 II vocabolo o-xoAao-Ti/co? nel senso di "avvocato" era famigliare ai
Siri, che lo adoperavano di solito nella forma eskoltstlqa (con t 4) °d
eskblastlqa (con /; solo eccezionalmente con / L). Occorre appena ri-
cordare le norme costanti seguite dai Siri nel trascrivere i vocaboli greci :
X = 3 (k, kh),K = £>(q\ r = 4 (/), 0 = L(f, t*}.

8 Cfr. la nota precedente.

350 C. A. NALLINO

dal siriaco avesse introdotto, in un caso come questo, la
parola ibn "figlio di..." fra i due nomi propri.

La misteriosa forma araba si spiega invece assai bene se
si suppone ch' essa derivi da un originale pehlevico, ove la
straordinaria ambiguita della scrittura doveva rendere im-
possibile il leggere con sicurezza nomi propri stranieri1.
Siccome ^ e K diventano entrambi k nelle trascrizioni
pehleviche, cr^oXacrrtfco? doveva essere trascritto regolar-

mente Skolastikos Jt3)&j^j*i,t))Aju ove yj si puo leggere

la e ra, ] si puo leggere v, n, u, o, u, ed A) s si puo con-
fondere con JJ a (iniziale), a (media), h. Si comprende quindi
facilmente che il traduttore arabo potesse leggere Skura-
stiknh e quindi scrivere in caratteri arabi, secondo le norme
fonetiche arabe, *&z~>\jj£~,\ Iskurastlkinah.

Anche 1' inserzione di ibn "figlio di..." tra i due nomi si
spiega assai bene con la doppia funzione del pehlevico i (>),
che si adopera tanto per unire 1' aggettivo messo in ap-
posizione al sostantivo (come sarebbe stato il caso del greco
Kaoro-taz/o5 a^o^aa-TiKcs), quanto per esprimere " figlio di..."
nelle serie genealogiche. II traduttore arabo 1' interpreto
nel secondo senso, e cosi si ebbe Cassiano "figlio di
Iskurastlkinah?" che, divulgato dalla redazione araba B

1 Basti ricordare, p. es., che 1' illustre pehle vista E. W. West, nel
tradurre le epistole di Manusclhar (n, ii, 9-11), aveva parlato di tavole
astronomiche (zlK) di Satvahartin, Avenak e Padramgos, e solo piu tardi
(Pahlavi Texts, vol. iv [=The Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxvn],
pp. xlvi-xlvii), si accorse che la vera lettura sarebbe stata : Shatro-ayaran,
Hindtik) Ptolemeos. A proposito di questo ultimo nome mi sia permesso
osservare che la lettura Ptolemeos, basata sul greco nroAe/xatos, non sembra
esatta, poiche la trascrizione pehlevica, che non indica mai la a breve,
avrebbe certamente indicate la prima o e la prima e della parola, se Y avesse

presa dal greco. Invece il pehlevico ha "(j Y 6 i ^

Pdrmgos oppure Ptlmyus', sicche il nome sembra derivare dalla forma
araba Batlamyus, nel qual caso rimarrebbe escluso che il sacerdote zoroas-
triano Manusclhar, ca. 880 d. Cr., usasse le tavole di Tolomeo in greco od
in una traduzione pehlevica dal greco. — Per il zik-i-satroayaran cfr. la mia
nota ad al-Battani, Opus astronomicum, Mediolani Insubrum 1899-1907,
vol. i, p. 218, n. 4.

2 fe noto che simili equivoci sono frequenti negli scrittori arabi a
proposito di nomi propri pehlevici nei quali la i e semplice unione gram-
maticale del nome di persona con T aggettivo patronimico. P. es. in
al-Gahiz e nel libro di Kalllah e Dimnah il famoso ministro sasanide
Buzurgmihr-i-Buhtakan (" B. il discendente di Buhtak") e chiamato

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 35 1

(fatta sul pehlevico), passo poi anche eccezionalmente in
alcuni mss. della redazione A (fatta sul greco).

La traduzione di Sergio figlio d' Elia, ossia A, e con-
siderata da HH come la migliore di tutte) CM> p~^»^ J**£>t

l*j«£). Non e impossibile che Sergio abbia avuto gia sott'
occhio la traduzione B, e da questa abbia derivato i sinonimi
persiani che egli, in parecchi luoghi, pone accanto ai nomi
greci di piante1.

II. L1 astro logia di Vezio Valente*.

Nel Kitab al-Fihrist composto intorno al 380 eg. da
Ibn an-Nadlm, p. 269 ed. Flugel, si legge a proposito di
Vettius Valens (Ouertos OvctX^s), il noto astrologo fiorito
intorno alia meta del n sec. d. Cr. : " Falls il greco-bizantino
(ar-Rumi). [Scrisse]...il libro ».j#N3 che fu commentato

da Buzurgmihr...." — Sa'id al-AndalusI (f 462 eg.), Tabaqat
al-umam ed. Cheikho, Beirut 1912, p. 41 ( = al-Masriq, xiv,
1911, 582), parlando dei Caldei (Kaldaniyyun) dice: " Fra
i loro dotti e Walls, autore del Kitab as-suwar* e del libro
...jjjJt5 composto intorno alle nativita, alle loro * revolu-

tiones' ed all' introduzione a cio. Egli fu re."-— Ibn al-Qiftl

(•[•646 eg.), Tdrlh al-hukama ed. Lippert (1903) p. 261

= ed. Cairo (1326 eg.) p. 172, in un articolo indipendente da

quello del Fihrist, scrive: "Falls 1' egiziano, detto talvolta

Buzurgmihr ibn al-Buhtakan. Cfr. altro esempio in Th. Noldeke, Das
iranische Nationalepos (Grundr. der iran. Philologie, n, 1896-1904),
p. 136, n. 5.

1 P. es. HI, 6 (ed. Cairo, p. 25), in, 18 (p. 32), iv, 43 (p. 57), iv, 64
(p. 66), iv, 65 (p. 67), iv, 67 (p. 67), v, 58 (p. 91), v, 62 (p. 92), v, 70
(P- 95)» v> 74 (p- 96), v, 76 (p. 98).

2 Gran parte delle cose che qui seguono furono gik esposte nelle mie
lezioni sui primordi dell' astronomia araba, tenute nell' Universita Egiziana
del Cairo, nel 1911; v. C. A. Nallino, lllm al-falak, tdrihuhu linda 'l-'Arab
fl'l-qurun al-wusta^Q\n& 1911-12, pp. 192-196. Ma poiche solo pochissimi

esemplari di questo libro sono stati messi in circolazione (la massima parte
e chiusa nei magazzini dell' Universita Egiziana), non e inutile riprendere
qui 1' argomento.

3 Cosi il ms. di Leida; varr. *-j^jJt, £•>»>* t» ^*x>JI.

4 Questo libro sui Trapavar^XXovra non figura nelle liste delle opere di
Valente contenute nel Fihrist ed in Ibn al-Qiftl. Probabilmente e con-
fusione con il libro omonimo del " caldeo " Teucro.

5 Cosi 2 mss.; un terzo ha -JufJb (cfr. la tavola delle varianti, p. 102).

352 C. A. NALLINO

Walls il greco-bizantino,...e autore del libro, famoso fra i
cultori di quest' arte [astrologica], intitolato ^-jujJt greco-
bizantino, e commentato da Buzurgmihr."

Le notizie del Fihrist e d' Ibn al-Qiftl erano note da
molti anni agli studios! europei, senza che alcuno di questi,
eccettuato H. Suter1, tentasse di spiegare il titolo misterioso
del libro, e di fissarne V esatta lettura.

La traduzione araba del libro di Valente commentato dal
persiano Buzurgmihr sembra aver avuto una notevole dif-
fusione fra gli astrologi arabi, benche" sia ora completamente
perduta. Avendo avuto occasione, nel settembre 1891, di
esaminare a Monaco di Baviera il ms. unico dell' opera
astrologica al-Mugni del cristiano Ibn Hibinta2, vi ho no-
tato le citazioni seguenti3: fol. 15 v. ^JJI &A£=> ^J jv+**jj4 J^h
J^UM *j £«--; f. 1 8 r. £juH«NM v^ ^;v^h>; f- 27 r.
jv«*.jjJ ^UJI j-ju^t vl^> v-*-^ jt*; f. 32 v. e 38 v.
; f- 107 v- ^-M" £-J^t ^ ^.j ; f. 108 v. v-^Lo
; f. 122 r. ^UM ^^)\ ^U^ ; f. 154 r.
Jui^t A3I ^.-.^^o-iJt A^ j^} U

J U. Dalle quali citazioni si desume, fra le
altre cose, la preziosa notizia che 1' originate del commento
di Buzurgmihr era in "persiano" (farist), ossia inpeklevico,
e che quindi nel nome misterioso del libro dobbiamo vedere
1' articolo arabo al- seguito da un vocabolo pehlevico.

La forma ^.jujj^l usata da Ibn Hibinta e quella che sta

alia base delle varie e strane corruzioni del nome ricorrenti
nella versione latina del Kitab al-bari' fl ahkam an-nugum
di Abu '1-Hasan 'All Ibn Abl 'r-Rigal, "Albohazen" dei

1 H. Suter, Das Mathematiker-Verzeichniss im Fihrist (Abhandl. z.
Gesch. der Mathematik, vi. Heft, Leipzig 1892), p. 65, n. 188 : " Ich
vermuthe, dass das unter Valens angefiihrte Buch az-Zabradsch heissen
sollte az-Zairdscha." II Suter ripete questa sua congettura nella sua re-
censione dell' ed. Lippert di Ibn al-Qiftl (Biblioth. Mathem. hrsg. von
G. Enestrom, HI. Folge, 4. Bd., 1903, p. 297).

2 II libro fu composto dopo il 329 eg. (940 Cr.) ; cfr. le mie osservazioni
ad al-Battanl, Opus Astronomicum^ i, p. Ixvi.

8 Nel ms. mancano quasi tutti i punti diacritici (quindi
li ho suppliti, conservando inalterati soltanto p-jujj^l, ^^JbCo e
(cfr. piu avanti il nr. m).

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 353

nostri scrittori medioevali, composto fra il 428 ed il 459 eg.
(1036—1062 Cr.) in Tunisia1. Le citazioni sono le seguenti:
Lib. iv, cap. 4 (ed. Venezia 1485, fol. 58 r., col. a\ edd.
Basilea, p. 149, col. b)\ "Et dicit ille qui fecit \\brum yndidech
et qui fuit ex fortibus: quando ambo luminaria fuerint..."
(si tratta della determinazione dell' " alcochoden," ossia
kathudah, oi/coSecrTror^s). — Lib. iv, 10 (Ven. 67 r., col. a;
Bas. 176, col. a): "Dixit sapiens qui fecit librum nominatum
enzirech\ quod signa solis sunt masculina..." (si tratta di
determinare il " significator " della nativita, ossia dalil,
d^e'r^s). — Lib. vii, 102 (Ven. 128 r., col. a\ Bas. 347-348):
" Et dicitur in libro endemadeyg persarum : et quando pars
fortunae fuerit in aliqua nativitate a fortunis..." (si tratta di
determinare il tempo in cui si compiranno gli eventi indicati
dal " significator " della nativita). — Lib. vn, 102 (Ven. 128 r.,
col. b\ Bas. 348, col. b\. " Hoc est illud quod dixit ille qui
fecit librum endemadeyg persarum " (argomento come il
precedente). — Lib. vm, 35 (Ven. I49v.-i5or. ; Bas. 404-
405): " Et dicit ille qui fecit librum andilarech prosu* quod
invenit in libro chronicarum mundi quod signum mundi est
aries et planeta eius est sol : et ascendens eius est cancer et
iupiter in eo. Et3 postea diviserunt 7 climata per 7 planetas
et per 12 signa. Unde babylonia iovis et arietis; et romania
libre et saturni..." (segue questa corografia astrologica, per
cui ogni regione e posta sotto \ influenza speciale di un dato
pianeta e di un dato segno zodiacale). .

1 II testo arabo e inedito; la traduzione latina (fatta intorno al 1256 Cr.
da Egidio de Tebaldis e Pietro de Regio sopra una versione spagnuola) e
stata stampata cinque volte: Venezia 1485, 1503, 1523; Basilea 1551 e
1571. Le due edd. di Basilea si corrispondono esattamente anche nel
numero delle pagine e delle righe ; esse furono curate da " Antonius Stupa
Rhaetus Praegallensis," il quale si bas6 sulla stampa di Venezia 1523, ma
ripulendo il barbarissimo latino dei due traduttori medioevali che invece era
stato conservato nelle tre edd. venete. lo riferisco i brani secondo 1' editio
princeps del 1485 (Pracclarissimus liber completus in iudiciis astrorum:
quern edidit Albohazen Haly, films Abenragel).

2 A questo brano accennb incidentalmente O. Loth, Al-Kindi ah
Astrolog (Morgenlandische Forschungen, Festschrift... H. L. Fleischer...
gewidmet, Leipzig 1875), p. 288, n. 4, con V ipotesi: "In dem letzteren

Theile des Wortes ist wohl ^j(* /Hj^ o^er \J*J^\ zu erkennen (tarech
fur larech zu lesen) ? "

3 Qui lo Stupa inserisce " quod," riferendo giustamente tutto il discorso
all' autore del libro andilarech prosu.

B.P.V. 23

354 C. A. NALLINO

Dunque non solo abbiamo in Albohazen la conferma
esplicita dell' origine " persiana " del libro tradotto in arabo,
ma anche abbiamo la prova di tale origine persiana/^/^z^tf ;
infatti la predetta corografia astrologica (opera evidente-
mente del commentatore Buzurgmihr) nomina in tutto 38
regioni, delle quali 6 sono terre limitrofe all' impero dei
Sasanidi1, e le rimanenti 32 (in massima parte riconoscibili
anche attraverso le forme assai alterate della versione latina)
sembrano essere tutte province del dominio sasanidico.
Inoltre questo Buzurgmihr2 doveva scrivere il suo com-
mento verso la fine dell' eta dei Sasanidi od ai primordi
della conquista araba della Persia, poiche nel lib. iv, cap. i
(Ven. 56 v., col. a\ Bas. 145) si legge la seguente profezia
relativa alia detronizzazione di Ardaslr [III]3 e al declinare
della religione zoroastriana : " Dixit expositor*: vocavit me
rex civitatis nostrae: et una ex mulieribus suis pepererat
filium: et fuit ascendens libra .8. gradus terminus mercurij :
et fuerunt in eo iuppiter et venus: mars et mercurius: et
convenit ibi una societas astrologorum : et quilibet eorum
suam opinionem dixit: ego tacui. Rex dixit mihi quid
habes quod non loqueris : cui respondi : date mihi spacium
trium dierum : quoniam si films vester transiverit tertiam
diem: erit de ipso miraculum magnum: et quando natus

1 Romania, India, Azyud (cioe as-Sind), Alhege9 (al-Higaz) et tota terra
Arabiae, Turchia (cioe bilad at-Turk, il Turkestan centrale), post Turchiam
(ma wara at-Turk).

2 & impossibile, per ora, sapere se questo e il nome vero dell' astrologo
commentatore di Vezio Valente, oppure se e uno pseudonimo scelto per far
credere che autore fosse il sapiente e semi-leggendario Buzurgmihr, ministro
di Cosroe I Anusarwan (che regn6 531-579 Cr.).

3 Ardaslr (in arabo anche Azdasir) III, dopo poco piii di ij anno di
regno, fu detronizzato ed ucciso da Sahrbaraz il 27 apr. 630. L' ultimo re
sasanide, Yazdagird III, sali al trono verso la fine del 632; con la battaglia
di Nihawand (21 eg., 642 Cr.) perdette definitivamente il regno, e, dieci
anni dopo, mori assassinate nella Persia settentrionale (31 eg., 651-652 Cr.).

4 Non esito ad identificare questo "expositor" (al-mufassir) con
Buzurgmihr, interprete o commentatore di Vezio Valente. Si noti che,
parlando del libro di quest' ultimo, il Fihrist e Ibn al-Qifti usano appunto
1' espressione: "wafassarahu Buzurgmihr " ; inoltre Sa'id al-AndalusI,
p. 1 6 ult. (ed. Cheikho = al-Masriq, xiv, 1911, 579 ult.) dice dei Persiani :
" I Persiani (al-Furs) hanno libri ragguardevoli sull' astrologia giudiziaria,
fra i quali : un libro sulle figure dei gradi della sfera celeste [= ra TrapavareX-
Xovra] attribuito a Zoroastro; il Kitdb at-tafslr ; il libro di Gamasp, assai
ragguardevole." Questo K. at-tafslr e verisimilmente 1' opera di Buzurgmihr.

Tracce di op ere greche giunte agli Arabi 355

completas habuit .24. horas: posuit se ad sedendum et
locutus fuit et fecit signa cum manu : et rex multum ex-
pavescit inde : et ego dixi possibile esse quod diceret aliquam
prophetiam vel aliquod miraculum. Et rex ivit ad natum et
nos cum eo ad audiendum quod diceret : et infans dixit,
Ego sum natus infortunatus1: et natus sum ad indicandum
amissionem regni afdexit et destructionem gentis almanaf,
et statim cecidit natus et mortuus est2."

Finalmente e da notare un passo del cap. xiv dell' India
di al-Blruni (ed. Sachau, London 1887, p. 75):
JjtjL, ^~t j*jS* [j^=]^

0^3 ^iJULoJt Jojj o^JL£> aXo*, che il Sachau
nella sua versione (London 1888, i, 158) traduce: " Further
the Hindus have a large book on the science of the astro-
logy of nativities called Sdrdvali, i.e. the chosen one, similar
to the Vazidaj (= Persian guzida ?), composed by Kalyana-
Varman, who gained high credit for his scientific works."-
Questo passo ci da la chiave per stabilire 1' esatta lettura ed
il significato del nome misterioso del libro del quale ci stiamo
occupando ed al quale evidentemente al-Blruni allude: ossia
^.JujJt al-Bizldag, trascrizione del pehlevico vizidhak = \o
scelto. A sua volta questo nome pehlevico non e che la
traduzione del titolo dell' opera di Vezio Valente : 'Av0o-
Xoytat.

Come si e visto sopra (pp. 351-352), Sa'id al-AndalusI
aveva caratterizzato esattamente 1' opera, dicendo che essa
riguardava "le nativita, le loro ' revolutiones' e 1' introduzione

1 Cos! le edd. ; ma bisogna leggere " informatus " (cioe : gia formato,
ben formato come un giovane), come risulta dal senso e dal testo arabo
citato nella nota seguente.

2 Per caso le prime e le ultime parole di questo brano sono riferite nel
testo arabo (ms. dell' India Office) da M. Steinschneider, Vite di mate-
matici arabi tratte da un' opera inedita di Bernardino Baldi, con note, Roma
1874, p. 92: ^XJU JtjjJ U^U OjJj......l3jJb ^UU ^Uo >-^>Jt Jtf

J15 C^^ljJ o' ^ ^^ cH^W1 OW >***»5 j-^^)t (Questa

citazione si trova solo nell' ed. 1874; manca in quella del 1873, che e
riproduzione esatta del lavoro dello Steinschneider, quale era apparso nel
Bullettino di bibliografia e di storia delle scienze matematiche e fisiche, v,
nov.-dic. 1872, pp. 427-534). Come si vede, il testo arabo dice soltanto :
" la cessazione del regno di Ardasir e I3 indebolirsi (o : 1' estinguersi) dei
fuochi dei Magus (Zoroastriani)." Le parole seguenti dell' arabo (" E gli
dissi che Zoroastro aveva detto ") mancano nella vers. latina.

23—2

356 C. A. NALLINO

a [tutto] cio." Invece il Fihrist ed Ibn al-Qiftl hanno erro-
neamente distinto il Bizidag dal libro sulle nativita1 e dalla
introduzione all' astrologia, dividendo cosi un' opera sola in
3 opere diverse.

Dai passi del Bizidag riferiti da Ibn Hibinta e da
Albohazen risulta che 1' opera di Buzurgmihr, piu che un
commento alle *A.v6o\oyiai di Valente, ne fu un rimaneggia-
mento o adattamento, con aggiunte di vario genere. Dal
suo libro deriva anche la citazione di " Herfeiomoor" (ossia
Buzurgmihr) relativa alia iv " casa celeste/' che ricorre
nella traduzione latina del libro ebraico di Abhraham ben
'Ezra (f 1167 Cr.) sulle nativita2.

III. / irapavoiT€.\\ovra di Teucro*.

Attingendo evidentemente a fonti diverse, 1' autore del
Kitab al-Fihrist, seguito poi da Ibn al-Qiftl, nomina, fra
i personaggi celebri dell' antica Babilonia, Tlnkalus ^>lCuj4
e Tmqarus ^^^LJo, entrambi i quali sarebbero stati fra i 7
sacerdoti preposti ciascuno ad uno dei 7 templi dedicati ai
singoli pianeti5, ed entrambi avrebbero composto un libro
astrologico ; quello di Tlnkalus si sarebbe intitolato " Libro
dei 'decani' e dei 'fines'6," quello di Tmqarus " Libro delle
nativita secondo i 'decani' ed i 'fines'7."

1 L' astrologo [persiano, della fine dell' eta sasanidica ?] al-Andarzagar,
nel suo libro sulle nativita, scriveva a proposito di Vezio Valente : " I suoi
10 libri sulle nativita abbracciano la forza di tutti i libri [degli altri autori];
se alcuno pronosticasse cosa non risultante da questi suoi libri, io non
crederei mai ch' essa fosse accaduta o fosse per accadere" (cit. in Ibn
al-Qiftl, ove il nome dell' astrologo e storpiato in j£j^t, che il Lippert,
negli indici, legge al-Aydugur). — Su al-Andarzagar v. il mio lllm al-falak,
pp. 211-213.

2 Liber Abraham ludei de nativitatibus^ Venetiis 1485, fol. b 3, v.
(in altra ediz. : Ger^etomoor). Cfr. M. Steinschneider, Zur Gesch. der
Uebersetzungen aus dem Indischen^ ZDMG 24, 1870, 386, n. 103 (ove
" Ber£eiomoor " e errore di stampa).

3 Cfr. il mio lllm al-falak, pp. 196-205, e qui sopra p. 351, nota 2.

4 Varr. ^^Jl£Lj, ^^=> C~j, ^^X^.— Ibn al-QiftT sceglie la forma
Tlnkalus^ aggiungendo : " si dice anche Tankalusd ; ma la prima [forma]
e piu corretta."

5 Fihrist 270 e Ibn al-Qiftl ed. Lippert 218 (ed. Cairo 148) dicono che
Tmqarus era preposto al tempio di Marte ; Fihrist 238 dice che Tlnkalus
era preposto al tempio di Giove e Tmqarus a quello di Marte.

6 Fihrist 270; Ibn al-Qiftl 105 (ed. Cairo 74).

7 Fihrist 270; Ibn al-Qiftl 218 (ed. Cairo 148).

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 357

Negli altri scrittori arabi sembra mancare ogni accenno
a Tlnqarus. Invece Tinkalus e citato come autorit^ in
astrologi del in e iv sec. eg. (ix e x Cr.), ossia in Abu
Ma'sar ed Ibn Hibinta, come vedremo piii avanti. Dopo
il iv sec. eg. la forma Tlnkalus sembra scomparire com-
pletamente dall' uso degli astrologi, ed essere sostituita
dalla forma Tankalusa, la quale ha origine dall' " Agricoltura
Nabatea," che il falsario Abu Talib Ahmad ibn al-Husayn
az-Zayyat (nel 318 eg., 930 Cr.) immagino tradotto in arabo
nel 291 eg. (904 Cr.) da Ibn Wahsiyyah sopra un originale
nabateo, frutto della sapienza degli antichi Babilonesi. Nella
prefazione di quest' opera e detto che Ibn Wahsiyyah aveva
tradotto 4 libri dal nabateo in arabo : il Libro di Dawanay
babilonese intorno alia cognizione dei segrett della sfera
celeste e dei giudizi [astrologici fondati] sugli avvenimenti
(hawadif) degli astri ; il Libro dell' agricoltura nabatea ; il
Libro dei veleni di Suhabsat e Yarbuqa; il Libro di Tanka-
lusa al-Babill al-QufanP sulle figure dei gradi della sfera
celeste e su cio ch' esse indicano riguardo agli eventi
(ahwal} dei nati in esse.

Questo libro di Tankalusa non tardo ad essere messo
in circolazione, forse per opera dello stesso Abu Talib az-
Zayyat, cosicch^ se ne conservano ancor oggi almeno 3 mss.2
oltre ad una traduzione persiana. L' autore e citato p. es.
nella Saflnat al-ahkam di an-NasIrP, sotto la forma U»>ULi3
t4, e nel commento di Naslr ad-din at-TusI

1 Di solito il nome nell' Agricoltura Nabatea ed altrove e scritto
Quqanl; Th. Noldeke, Noch Einiges iiber die a Nabataische Landwirth-
schafi" (ZDMG 29, 1875, 449), ha mostrato che si tratta di aggettivo
derivato da Qufa, 1' attuale 'Aqar Quf, a circa 10 km W di Bagdad.

2 0A in, 81, nr. 1047), ove & titol°

Pietroburgo (Inst. des langues orient., Cat. mss. arabi nr. 191, 2°), ove il
titolo e >£JUUJI p* j^a .j Jjb J*t ,>• ^^ (sic) l£^Jl£~u *->\&>

*Ujk*Jt £j.c. J^.1 U ^JU IjJLS^ «^*^3> Firenze (Bibl. Laurenziana, nr.
312 del Catal. Assemani).

3 H. Suter, Die Mathematiker u. Astronomen der Araber, Leipzig 1900,
p. 114, nr. 270, ritiene probabile ch' egli sia identico ad Abu '1-Hasan 'All
ibn an-NasIr, uno dei piu famosi astrologi egiziani della fine del v e del
principio del vi sec. eg. (xi-xn Cr.).

4 Ahlwardt, Verzeichniss d. arab. Hss. zu Berlin, v, 294, nr. 5895.

358 C. A. NALLINO

(f672 eg., 1274 Cr.) al 95° aforismo del Kap-rros o Centi-
loquium attribuito a Tolomeo1; F opera sua fu compendiata
dal famoso teologo, filosofo e cultore di scienze occulte Fahr
ad-dm ar-RazP, f 606 eg., 1210 Cr. — HaggI Hallfah in,
223, nr. 5045 (ed. Cstnpli 1311, I, 490) conosce il nostro
libro nella forma : aU,y,&3 ^U^M ^f ^JUU)t ^ ; ed altrove
(v, 247, 10877 = Cstnpli n, 332) attribuisce a Tankalusah
un commento (sark) al Kanz al-asrar wa dahair al-abrar*
del mitico Hermes al-Haramisah, riguardante il modo di
conoscere 1' avvenire mediante le lettere dell' alfabeto ed
i quadrati magici (awfdg}\

II Chwolson, persuaso che le presunte traduzioni dal
nabateo fossero veramente resti genuini dell' antica lettera-
tura babilonese, si occupo a lungo del libro di Tankalusa
sulle figure dei gradi della sfera celeste, secondo il ms. di
Leida5, e cere 6 di dimostrare ch' esso era stato compos to,
al piu tardi, nel i sec. d. Cr. — H. Ewald, in una recensione
del lavoro del Chwolson6, si avvicina all' ipotesi del Saumaise
riferita qui sopra (p. 358, n. i), e ritiene che il libro arabo di
Tankalusa il babilonese sia la traduzione del libro greco,

1 Cl. Salmasii de annis climactericis et antiqua astrologia diatribae, Lugd.
Batavor. 1648, praefatio fol. c 3, v. : " Interpres quoque Nasirodinus
Thusius, ad eum locum notat, In libro qui adscribitur Tenkeluxae Baby-
lonio, i<W^ l^JiX^o, scriptum extare cum quovis gradu ascendente,

similique modo ab Indis allegari ...... Iw^Jl&j autem sive Tenkelus ille

Babylonius quern memorat Nasirodinus, is omnino est qui Tempos Ba/3v-
Aawos Graecis vocatur, et fortasse in scriptis Graecorum perperam hodie
legitur Tewpos pro Tev/cepos idque deflexum ex illo nomine Babylonis
Tenclus"

2 Nell' elenco degli scritti di Fahr ad-din ar-Razi presso Ibn Abi
Usaybi'ah n, 3O12 : U»^Jbo^ ^.AZSs (il Miiller non indica varianti) ; in Ibn
al-Qiftl ed. Lippert, 292, 1. 22 (ed. Cairo 191, 1. 4 d. C.) :

A torto il Catal. di Leida (in, 81, nota) identifica il Kanz al-asrdr con
il libro di Tankalusa sulle figure dei gradi della sfera celeste ; 1' argomento
delle due opere e completamente diverso.

4 Un trattatello di chiromanzia esistente a Berlino (Ahlwardt HI, 572,
nr. 4258) e attribuito ai dotti "indiani" Tumtum e Tankalusa.

5 D. Chwolson, Ueber die Ueberreste der altbabylonischen Literatur in
arabischen Ueber setzungen, St. Petersburg 1859, 196 pp. (= Memoires
presentes a TAcad. Imper. des Sciences de St.-Petersbourg par divers
savants, t. vm, pp. 329-524). Le p. 130-164 (^458-492) riguardano il
libro astrologico di Tankalusa.

6 Nelle Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1859 (a me inaccessibili).

Jracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 359

ora perduto, che Teucro Babilonese aveva composto su TO,
TrapavareXXovTa rots Se/ca^ots, ossia sulle figure (rappresen-
tanti costellazioni diverse da quelle dell' Almagesto) che
sorgono all' orizzonte di un dato paese insieme con ciascuno
dei 36 " decani " (Se/caz'oi, TrpocrcoTra, " facies ") nei quali
1' eclittica e divisa. — A. von Gutschmid1, riconoscendo il
carattere apocrifo della presunta letteratura arabo-nabatea,
ritiene che Tankalusa sia " ein entstellter Griechischer
Name," ma nega ch' esso corrisponda a TevKpos per due
ragioni (p. 82): i°. che la r greca "sonst nicht durch o
ausgedriickt zu werden pflegt"; 2°. che 1' astrologo Teucro
Babilonese e il Tmqarus del Fihrist, distinto da Tmkalus.
Secondo il von Gutschmid Tankalusa, storpiatura di Tln-
kaliis, rappresenterebbe un altro nome greco (OeayyeXos o
©eo/cXos o ©evtfoXos). Infine egli da grande importanza ad
una notizia trovata dal Chwolson alia fine d' un ms. della
traduzione del libro di Tankalusa in persiano (moderno) ;
e 1' aggiunta di un lettore il quale dice: " Nella cronaca di
JJ>AJ sta scritto che questo libro fu composto 80 anni prima
dell' egira2," il che ci porterebbe al 542 d. Cr., durante il
regno di Cosroe I Anusarwan3. Quindi conclude (p. 88) :
" Ich glaube also, dass das Griechische Original des Thin-
kelus friihzeitig, eben in jenem Jahre 542, in das Persische
ubersetzt und diese Uebersetzung von Spateren geradezu
fur das Original gehalten worden ist : alle jene Angaben
liber Thinkelus durften aus Persischen Quellen geflossen
sein." Ma lascia in sospeso la questione dei rapporti fra
il libro persiano di Tlnkalus e quello pseudo-nabateo di
Tankalusa (pp. 88-89).

1 Die Nabataische Landwirthschaft und ihre Geschwister (ZDMG 15,
1861, i-no; ristampato nei Kleine Schrifien, Leipzig 1889-91, n) ;
cap. xxii : "Das genethlialogische Buch des Thenkelosha" (pp. 79-89;
cfr. 1 08).

2 Chwolson, I.e., p. 132 (=460): ^U^^t A^ jJt AllJ ^j-o ^j\j j^

djci AZw^J {£& ^j-^^j' j+~*4 J^> J^A. II Chwolson, a ragione, insiste
sulla poca fiducia che merita questa notizia, nella quale ^j>^> sembra
essere strano errore per ij>*b. Negli Annali d' at-Tabarl non si trova
menzione di Tankalusa ecc.

3 " Der bekanntlich viele Griechische und andere Biicher ins Persische
iibersetzen Hess" (p. 88). Probabilmente il von Gutschmid aveva presente
il passo di Agathia (da me citato qui sopra, p. 345, n. 3), il quale tuttavia
accenna solo a traduzione d' opere nlosofiche greche.

360 C. A. NALLINO

M. Steinschneider1, d' accordo con il Renan2 e contro il
Gutschmid, identifica a ragione i due personaggi Tlnqarus
e Tlnkalus del Fihrist (e d' Ibn al-Qiftl); considera il nome
Tankalusa come inventato da Ibn Wahsiyyah; lascia incerto
se si debba ritenere che Ibn Wahsiyyah abbia usato o non
un libro tradotto dal greco in arabo sotto il nome di Tln-
qarus = Teucro ; ed osserva che la questione potrebbe forse
essere risolta se si studiasse la storia delle figure dei " decani"
presso gli Arabi, notando anche che Abu Ma'sar nel suo
Intro duct orium vi, 2, indica quelle figure secondo i Greci,
i Persiani, gl' Indiani.

La via additata dallo Steinschneider fu seguita solo nel
1903, quando Fr. Boll3 raccolse da parecchi mss. greci
numerosi frammenti del libro perduto di Teucro (i sec. Cr.)
sui TrapavaTeXXovra, e pubblico inoltre4 F inedito testo arabo
del suddetto capitolo dell' Introductorium magnum d' Albu-
masar o Abu Ma'sar (f 272 eg., 886 Cr.). In questo sono
descritte le figure delle costellazioni che sorgono con i decani
o si trovano in essi, secondo 3 sistemi (mad/tab) : dei Greci
(al- Yunan ; sono le figure accolte dall' Almagesto), dei
Persiani (al-Furs] e degl' Indiani. Abu Ma'sar aggiunge
piu volte che il sistema dei Persiani e quello di Tlnkalus
(^^l&jJ, var. ^^AX^J). — II confronto con i frammenti greci
di Teucro ha mostrato al Boll il loro completo accordo con
quello che Abu Ma'sar riferisce secondo i Persiani e Tln-
kalus ; T identita di quest' ultimo con Teucro e dunque sicura.

Assodato questo punto fondamentale, mi pare che sia
lecito dedurne le conseguenze seguenti :

i°. — II libro di Tankalusa sui TrapavaTeXXovTa, giunto
fino a noi come tradotto da] nabateo in arabo, ed analizzato
dal Chwolson, e una falsificazione da considerarsi come
degna compagna dell' Agricoltura nabatea; il falsario si e
contentato di sfruttare la rinomanza di Tlnkalus, al cui nome
ha voluto dare un aspetto arcaico babilonese trasformandolo

1 Die arabischen Uebersetzungen aus dem Griechischen, § 137 : Teukros
(ZDMG 50, 1896, 352-354).

2 Sur rdge du livre intitule" : Agriculture nabatlenne (Mem. de 1'Acad.
des Inscr., t. xxiv, ie p., 1861).

3 Sphaera. Neue griechische Texte und Untersuchungen zur Gesch. der
Sternbilder, Leipzig 1903.

4 Boll, Sphaera, pp. 490-539. — Abu Ma'sar dichiara di scrivere il suo
libro nel 1161 di Du '1-qarnayn (cioe 234-235 eg., 849 Cr.).

Tracce di op ere greche giunte agli Arabi 36 1

in Tankalusa. II libro di Teucro-Tlnkalus descrive soltanto
le figure (non tolemaiche) delle costellazioni ascendenti
insieme con ciascuno dei 36 decani nei quali 1' eclittica e
divisa (3 decani di 10° per ciascun segno zodiacale); invece
Tankalusa immagina assurdamente di descrivere per cias-
cuno dei 360 gradi dell' eclittica le figure che ascenderebbero
contemporaneamente ad essi1, ed a tale scopo inventa con
grande minuzia descrizioni del tutto fantastiche, le quali non
hanno alcun rapporto con il sistema ragionevole di Teucro-
Tlnkalus.

2°. — II fatto che, per Abu Ma'sar, il sistema di Trapava-
reXXovra di Tinkalus e il sistema dei Persiani (opposto a
quello dei Greci e degli Indiani), e che inoltre Abu Ma'sar
deriva dal libro di Tinkalus alcuni nomi persiani di costella-
zioni, prova che questo libro di Tinkalus non era stato
tradotto dal greco, ma dal persiano. Se poi si tiene conto
che Abu Ma'sar componeva la sua opera nell' 849 d. Cr.,
e evidente che il libro persiano di Tinkalus non poteva essere
scritto se non in lingua pehlevica.

L' esistenza di questa traduzione pehlevica dei Trapava-
reXXoi/ra di Teucro-Tlnkalus e accertata anche per altra
via; giacche uno dei passi d' Ibn Hibinta, da me riferiti qui
sopra (p. 352), ossia quello del f. 154 r. del ms. di Monaco,
mostra che Buzurgmihr, il commentatore pehlevico del
Bizldag di Vezio Valente, gia conosceva e citava il libro di
Tinkalus il Babilonese2.

Finalmente F origine pehlevica del testo arabo ci da
anche la chiave per comprendere F origine della forma Tin-
kalus, che altrimenti non sarebbe spiegabile. Secondo le
regole solite di trascrizione dei nomi stranieri nelF eta sasani-
dica, Teu/c/309 doveva essere scritto in pehlevico Tewkros

Vj) V^°

, dove y puo essere letto ew, w, vi, In, ril, ne ecc.,

1 Si noti che questa particolarita esisteva anche nel libro di Tankalusa
usato da Naslr ad-din at-TusI, come risulta dal passo del Saumaise riferito
da me qui sopra, p. 358, n. i.

2 Disgraziatamente nel 1891 trascurai di copiare per intero quel brano
del f. 154 r., cosicche mi e impossibile di stabilire se il libro di Tinkalus,
da Ibn Hibinta messo a confronto con la citazione fattane da Buzurgmihr,
sia il libro autentico di Teucro-Tlnkalus oppure quello spurio corrente
sotto il nome di Tankaiusa.

362 C. A. NALLINO

ed Y essere letto ro, Id, ru, lu ecc. Si comprende quindi
agevolmente come sia nata la lettura Ttnk(a)lus, seguita
dal traduttore arabo, dall' autore del Fihrist ecc.

L' altra forma Ttnqarus, ricorrente nel Fihrist ed in
Ibn al-Qiftl, e da costoro (come poi dal von Gutschmid)
ritenuta nome d' un personaggio diverso da Tinkalus,
sembra, a primo aspetto, potersi collegare direttamente con
TevKpos ; infatti la r greca e conservata, e le consonant!
T e K sono rese rispettivamente con t (non /) e q (non /£),
appunto secondo le regole seguite dai traduttori siriaci ed
arabi nel trascrivere i nomi greet. Invece rimane inspie-
gabile la sostituzione di in ad ev5 anche supponendo che la
n sia un errore grafico nato nei mss. arabi ; rev da un Arabo

sarebbe stato certamente trascritto £>, e da un Siro in una

delle forme seguenti : o-£ o OCJL£ o o|^. — Tutto si spieghe-
rebbe bene se si ammettesse che 1' arabo Ttnqarus derivi
da una trascrizione siriaca del nome pehlevico, letto Tln-
karus ; la sostituzione di t e q al pehlevico / e k, insolita in
arabo, e invece regolare in siriaco.

Questi sicuri indizi di traduzioni d' opere scientifiche
dal greco in pehlevico meritano forse di essere messi in
rapporto con un passo del libro astrologico arabo Kitab an-
nakmut&n1 ft ' l-mawaltd, composto da Abu Sahl al-Fadl
ibn Nawbaht (f ca. 200 eg., 815 Cr.), passo conservato nel
Kitab al-Fihrist, ma, se non m' inganno, sin qui trascurato
dagli studiosi europei. L' autore prima narra (Fihrist p. 238
lin. 9-239 lin. 23) che la conquista d' Alessandro Magno
smembro 1' impero persiano e fece scomparire la scienza

1 Cos! e vocalizzato il nome in tutti i mss. del Fihrist (ed. Fliigel,
p. 238 lin. 9 e le note n, 238). Ignore che cosa esso significhi, oppure se
esso debba ritenersi (come e forse probabile) un nome proprio ; insostenibili
sono tutte le spiegazioni finora proposte dal Fliigel (note al Fihrist, n, 239;
dall' aramaico nehdmd^d "Trostungen und dann das zukiinftige Leben..."),
dal Clermont-Ganneau (Comptes-rendus Ac. Inscr. 1907, 483-484 *= ^«rw«7
d'archeol. orient., vm, 1907; corruzione del persiano nuhtdq ules neuf
voltes celestes"; cfr. RSO n, 1908, 478), dal Suter (Mathematiker-
Verzeichniss im Fihrist, 1892, p. 28; Mathem. u. Astronomen der Araber,
1900, p. 5; recens. d' Ibn al-Qiftl ed. Lippert, in Biblioth. Mathem., 3.
Folge, 4. Bd., 1903, p. 297; corruzione di an-numuddr " oroscopo"). — A
torto il Lippert nella sua ed. di Ibn al-Qifti, p. 255 (e quindi anche 1' ed.
Cairo p. 169) ha

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 363

dall' 'Iraq; poi dice che Ardaslr figlio di Babak1 ristabili
1' unita del regno, ed aggiunge (p. 239 lin. 23-31): " Egli
mando a cercare nel paese degli Indiani e dei Cinesi i
libri ch' erano presso di loro, e cosi pure nel paese dei
Rum ; fece copiare quelli che erano capitati a loro, unendovi
poi i pochi resti che erano rimasti nell' 'Iraq; cosi riunl i
libri ch' erano separati e mise insieme quelli ch' erano
dispersi. Lo stesso fece, dopo di lui, suo figlio Sapore
[I, regno 241-271 Cr.]; cosicche tutti quei libri vennero
trascritti in persiano, a quel modo che [li] avevano [com-
posti] Hermes babilonese, il quale fu re d' Egitto, Doroteo
Sidonio (^^>^t cr>>Htf>; cfr. ZDMG 46, 1892, 743), Codro
(?u*3J^5) greco della citta di Atene (cr-^t) famosa per la
scienza, Tolomeo alessandrino e Frmasb 1' indiano. Questi
libri furono spiegati ed insegnati alia gente, cosi come erano
stati desunti da tutti i libri la cui origine era dalla Babilonia.
Poi, dopo di loro due [Ardaslr e Sapore], Cosroe [I] Anu-
sarwan [531-578 Cr.] li riuni, li mise insieme e se ne servi,
per F inclinazione e 1' amore ch' egli aveva verso la scienza.
Gli uomini d' ogni tempo e d' [ogni] eta hanno esperienze
nuove e scienza rinnovata intorno alia potesta (>**) degli
astri e dei segni zodiacali, alia quale [potesta] per ordine di
Dio altissimo e affidato il governo del tempo "

Come si vede, al-Fadl ibn Nawbaht, d' origine persiana,
allude essenzialmente a traduzioni pehleviche d' opere
astrologiche.

1 Ossia Ardaslr I, che regn6 226-241 Cr.

CARLO A. NALLINO.
ROMA (33), VIA ATTILIO REGOLO 12.

PIR JAMAL

In August, 1920, I was asked to examine and report on
a beautifully written and almost unique1 Persian manuscript
containing the Kulliyydt of Pir Jamal, which had been brought
from Isfahan by Hajji Abdu '1-Majid Belshah and is now
in the India Office Library. It is a volume of 1518 pages
of folio size ; and as it remained in my hands for a few days
only, my acquaintance with it is necessarily slight. The
following details, however, may be worth publishing, for in
the case of an unknown author I venture to think that even
the most inadequate notice is better than none.

Jamalu'ddin Ahmad Ardistani, generally called Pir
Jamal, was a native of Ardistan, a considerable town lying
to the north-east of Isfahan2. That he was an eminent
Sufi appears from the fact that he gave his name to an
order of dervishes — the Pir Jamaliyya. His Shaykh and
murshid was Murtada 'All Ardistani, a pupil of Shaykh
Muhammad of Zuwara3, and he traced his spiritual pedigree
through Najibu'ddin Ali b. Buzghush of Shiraz, Shihabu'-
ddin Suhrawardi, and Ahmad Ghazali to Ma'nif Karkhi.
Another silsila (given in the Bustdnu ' l-siydha^] leads back
to Fakhru'ddin 'Iraqi, the author of the Lama'dt, whose
teacher, Baha'u'ddin Zakariyya of Multan, was a pupil of
Shihabu'ddin Suhrawardi. As Pir Jamal died in A.M.
A.D. 1474-5, he must have been contemporary with

Jami (ob. A.H. 898). It is mentioned in the Ustilu ' l-fustil,
on the authority of " a certain book," that he was martyred
(shahtd shud\

1 There is a less complete copy in ProTessor Browne's collection.

2 These particulars are derived from the Tardiqu 'l-haqaiq by Ma'sdm
'All Shah al-Ni'matu'llahi al-Shirazi (Teheran, A.H. 1319), vol. ii, p. 159.

3 Zuwara or Uzwara is near Ardistan. See G. le Strange, The Lands of
the Eastern Caliphate, p. 208.

4 By Ibn Iskandar Zaynu l-'Abidm Shirwani Ni'matu'llahi. This work
is described by Rieu in his Suppl. to the Cat. of Persian MSS. in the
British Museum, No. 140.

Pir Jamdl 365

The contents of the India Office MS. are as follows :

I. Mirdtu 'l-afrdd (pp. 1-128). A large number of
risdldt in prose and verse addressed to his disciples on
points of Sufi doctrine and the interpretation of verses of
the Koran. On p. 127 the writer describes a vision of
angels which he saw on the 8th of Muharram, A.H. 877.

II. Kanzu 'l-daqdiq (pp. I29-I75)1.

III. Mishkdtu 'l-muhibbin (pp. 175-179).

IV. Kitdb-i Rtik al-quds (pp. 179-297). A long math-
nawi in three parts, dealing with the Shari'at, the Tariqat,
and the Haqiqat. Each part is associated with one of the
Shaykhs in the author's silsila. Shihabu'ddin Suhrawardi
represents the Shari'at, 'Abdu 's-Salam Kamii (or Kamusi)
the Tariqat, and 'AH Ardistani (who invested Pir Jamal
with his own khirqa, i.e. appointed him to be his successor)
the Haqiqat. This mathnawt was finished in A.H. 865.

V. Tanbihu 'l-'driftn (pp. 297-369).

VI. Mahbtibu 'l-siddiqin (pp. 369-487). This mathnawi
is mentioned by Hajji Khalifa (ed. Fliigel v, 418), who says,
perhaps correctly, that it is j£$^lsu. He adds that it forms
part of the Kitdb kashf al-kuntiz. No work bearing that
title occurs either in the India Office MS. or in the list of
Pir Jamal's writings in the Tard'iqu ' l-haqd'iq ; but the
Tar. mentions a Sharhu 'l-kuntiz, which may be the work
referred to by Hajji Khalifa.

VII. Kitdb-i ma'ltimdti asrdri 'l-qultib wa-mafkumdti
anwdri ^l-ghuyub (pp. 488—493).

VIII. Kashfu 'l-arwdh (pp. 493-608).

IX. Qissai Ayytib (pp. 608-614).

X. Baydn-i haqd'iq-i ahwdl al-Mustafd (pp. 614—1285).

The subject of this great mathnawi is the Life of the
Prophet, regarded as the perfect model for mystics. Many
prose passages are interspersed. Probably the title given
above, which occurs on p. 713, is no more than a description

] Nos. II to XII are mathnawis.

366 REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON

of the poem. The whole work is divided into seven parts,
each being entitled separately as follows :

1. Misbdhu ' l-arwdh (pp. 614-713).

2. Ahkdmu 'l-muhibbin (pp. 713-762).

3. Nihdyatu 'l-hikmat (pp. 763-852).

4. Biddy atu 'l-mahabbat (pp. 852-900).

5. Hiddyatu ' l-ma'rifat (pp. 900-1015).

6. Fathu ' l-abwdb (pp. 1015-1159).

7 . Sharhu ' l-wdsilin (pp . 1159-1285).

XI. Mihr-afruz (pp. 1285-1293). The India Office
MS. gives the title as v>^' jv*, which I have corrected in
accordance with the Tard'iqu "l-haqd'iq.

XII. Kitdb-i Mathnawiyydt (pp. 1294-1313). This
consists of a number of risdlas. It begins with an explanation
of some verses in the Gulshan-i rdz of Mahmud Shabistari
(812-13, 815, and 19 in Whinfield's edition). Verses by
Nizami and 'Attar are also explained.

XIII. Kitdb-i Qasd'id (pp. 1314-1327).

XIV. Kitdb-i Tarkib-band (pp. 1327-1339). This
includes several examples of the tarji'-band.

XV. Kitdb-i Ghazaliyydt (pp. 1339-1373). In his
ghazals the author uses the takhallus Jamali.

XVI. Kitdb-i Rubd'iyydt (pp. 1377-1427).

XVII. A mathnawi vt which I have not been able to
ascertain the title (pp. 1428-1435).

XVIII. The Sixth Book of the Mathnawioi Jalalu'ddin
Rumi (pp. 1437-1518).

The list in the Tard'iqu 'l-kaqd'iq, though admittedly
incomplete, adds five more titles, viz., (i) Istiqdmat-ndma,
(2) Ntir 'aid nur, (3) Ndzir u manzur, (4) Miftahu 'l-faqr,
(5) Sharhu 'l-kunuz. On the other hand, it does not include
No. IX, while the seven parts of No. X are (perhaps
rightly) reckoned as independent poems.

Judging from the few passages that I have read, I am
not inclined to believe that Pir Jamal is an author of great
originality. Nevertheless, his works — the mathnawis in

Ptrjamdl 367

particular — comprise a vast quantity of material for the
study of Siifism in the I5th century and might repay a
careful examination.

The following is a translation of the passage in which
he describes his vision of the angels :

"On the eighth night of the holy month Muharram in the year 877,
being in ecstasy I saw that over against the house where this faqir (Pir
Jamal) and his friends live, the sky was cloven and angels came forth, so
many that they stood between the heaven and the earth all the way from
East to West, chanting in unison, with voices sad and sweet, a verse of the
sublime Koran, namely, In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate:
they upbraid thee with their having embraced Islam. Say, * Do not upbraid
me with your having embraced Islam. Nay, it is God who upbraids you,
inasmuch as He led you to the Faith. If ye speak truly (God has bestowed a
favour on you)1.' Then this host of angels vanished, and a multitude as
great as the first came forth, chanting with a louder voice the verse — Say,
4 O my servants who have trespassed against yourselves, do not despair of the
mercy of God. Verily, God forgiveth all sins, for He is the Forgiving, the
Merciful*.' Then those also departed, and another host came forth, chanting
with a voice louder than that of the former twain the verse — ' We are your
friends in this life and in that which is to come: therein shall ye have what-
soever your souls crave, and therein shall ye obtain whatsoever ye desire*?
After they had chanted these verses, the Presence whose light fills the
world, he that is the First and the Last — upon him be blessing and peace !
— came forth from the cleft in the sky and took his abode in the place of
which there has been mention already.

Now I will explain these happenings and interpret this experience.
Hearken, that thou mayst come to life from the state in which thou art to-
day ; and God bless the unlettered Arabian Prophet, Mohammed, and his
family, and grant him peace !

O my brother, know the meaning of the Greater Punishment, as dis-
tinguished from the Lesser. When the sins of a man are not pardoned, at
once he is delivered into the hands of punishment in such wise that he is
cast into a pit, which they call the Everlasting, whence he never can escape,
or a mountain is dashed against his head and he is made naught, or he is
transformed into a wild beast or some animal. But if it be ordained that
his punishment shall pass, this is the Lesser Punishment, and the sinner is
punished in such wise that they keep him at the bottom of a terrace and
pour over his head an ass-load of straw mixed with earth, so that he is
begrimed with dust ; yet at last he can be cleansed from that defilement,
and 'tis well, for grievous is the punishment of him who is made naught or
raised again in a foul shape.

O dear friends, watch your eyes and ears and hands and hearts, and live
as though ye were dead ! And to those who love (God) these two punish-
ments which have been explained seem of little account, for the retaliation
(qisds) on those who love (God) is that they are rejected and disregarded
(by the Loved One). The thing that has caused the lover to be rejected is

1 Koran, xlix, 17. 2 Koran, xxxix, 54. 3 Koran, xli, 31-2.

368 REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON

raised (on the Day of Judgement) in a horrible shape, and he and it are
annihilated together. That horrible shape seizes its fellow with its teeth ;
and its teeth are like those of a wild beast. Beware, and a hundred times
beware, lest ye be occupied with yourselves and with a thing that is not
pleasing unto God. To know this (Divine) pleasure and displeasure is a
hard matter. Therefore do not step aside from the Way of that sovereign
Presence (Mohammed), who is the First and the Last."

The collection of rub&iyydt — more than a thousand in
all — begins with several in which God is praised. These
are followed by a series (arranged from t to ^ in alphabetical
order) in praise of Mohammed. In many of them the Prophet
is addressed as the Logos, e.g. —

O thou who art the soul and the soul of soul and the Beloved,
And O thou who art all beauty and loveliness, both manifest and hidden !
Thou art the Tablet and the Pen and sight and perception and letters,
The desire of heart and soul and the meaning of the Koran.

Pir Jamal places 'All on a level with Mohammed and
extols him in similar terms.

Mohammed is the beginning and 'Ali is the end,

Mohammed is the storm and 'All is the calm.

The Divine verses (of the Koran) are from the mouth of our Messenger :

O friend, know that 'Ali is the core of the message.

Know that Mohammed and 'Ali are equals,

Ever partaking of one morsel with two mouths.

That is to say, the abundant grace which is always coming from God

They drink together, and draw the veil over themselves.

The author's nom de plume, Jamali, occurs in several
quatrains. One gives the date A.H. 864 :

Ptr Jamdl 369

Two others celebrate a certain Ruzbihan, who was evidently
a mystic of the same period. Afdal — probably Afdalu'ddin
of Kashan (ob. A.H. 707) — is twice mentioned. He seems
to be the author of the first of the three following rubd'is,
while the second is Pir Jamal's variation of it.

Rubfris are seldom characteristic, and so far as I can
judge, those of Pir Jamal have no extraordinary merit ; but
1 will conclude this article with a few selected specimens.

O Master, know that the Greatest Name (of God) is Love ;
The most noble is Love, because the most ancient is Love.
The instruction of teachers and the perception of intellects
And the Holy Spirit and Jesus the son of Mary — is Love.

Do not wish ill to any one, O man of good nature,

Whether they be people of the cell (Christian ascetics) or of the synagogue.

What a bad place is a bad thought ! Hell springs from it ;

Know that the joys of Paradise are from good thoughts alone.

B. P. v. 24

370 REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON

There are a hundred volumes of doctrine and one plain word,
O Master who art of Moses' religion and O eloquent Shaykh !
When there is meeting and vision and love and pain,
Where are Gabriel's verses (the Koran) and the Messiah's Gospel?

Far be intelligence from my head and from my door,

Inasmuch as the eye of intelligence is very blind.

Not that Intelligence, the light of whose light is a candle to the heart,

But that intelligence which is like an ant in a cave.

Thou art thine own barrier (prison). Arise quickly and depart !
That is to say, death to self (/and) is the life (baqa) of the dervish.
If dervishhood consisted in (garments of) wool and felt,
Goats and sheep would be the leaders of the Siifis.

Obey Mohammed and be a happy Necessitarian,
Do no harm in the world secretly or openly.
If thou wilt put these two qualities into practice,
Death, life, and suffering — let them be or let them not !

JwU

We desire not Paradise with the ascetic whose breath is cold ;

Give us the hot breath of the sinner and Hell !

To the drunken lover and the ragged libertine

One can declare the mystery of heart and love and Friend.

3 * >-> j^ 3

In the school of the heart there is no need for speech,
There are no works, no recollection or repetition. '
He who is not always drunk and sleepless
Is not admitted to the audience-chamber of my Beloved.

REYNOLD A. NICHOLSON.

DAS GLEICHNISS VOM AUFZIEHEN
EINES JUNGEN RAUBTIERS

Im Agamemnon des Aeschylus (Wilamowitz, 717 ff.,
Kirchhoff, 691 ff.) heisst es :

Str. €0p€\lf€V 8e XeOI>T09 l-

viv 80/1019 dydXaKTOi/ ov-

iv /BiOTov TrporeXeiois 720

KOLI

TToXe'a 8* ecr^' e^ dy/cdXais

V€OTp6(j)OV T€KVOV Bi

TTOTI

re yaar/oos i/ay/cats.
Ant.

ro Tryoos TOKewv, yapw
ty8a>i>
drats 730

SCUT' d/ceXeucrros e
atjLtari 8s ol/cos €<f>vp6r)
afjia^op dXyo? oi/c€rai5,
/xeya crt^os TrokvKTovov *
e/c #eoi) 8' iepevs rt? a- 735

ras

1 Im iiberlieferten Text entsprechen Strophe und Antistrophe einander
metrisch bis ins Kleinste, nur dass z;. 729 das von Wilamowitz durch Tpo^vcnv
ersetzte rpo<^as nicht stimmt (ob da vielleicht auch Tpo<f>a<s ^ra^i^v in
Frage kommen konnte, mogen Kenner entscheiden) und dass er, gewiss
mit Recht, in #. 730 «!> eingesetzt hat. Die noch von Kirchhoff aufgenom-
mene Conjectur Ae'ovra a-iviv ^.717^ zerstort nicht nur die metrische Ent-
sprechung, sondern giebt auch einen verkehrten Sinn, denn das noch
nicht entwohnte Lowenjunge, das mit den Kindern spielt und von seinem
Pfleger auf den Arm genommen wird, ist noch kein "Schadiger" wie der
erwachsene Lowe (oriVriys bei Homer), tm ist, so weit ich sehe, ein bloss
poetischer Ausdruck, und zwar fur Sohne vornehmer Abkunft, passt also
trefflich fur das Junge des Konigs der Tiere. Die Etymologic ist dunkel.
Mehrere moglich scheinende sind doch bedenklich. Fiir unzulassig halte
ich die Zusammenstellung mit sskr. sunu, die Ciirtius, Grundziige der
griech. Etymologic* ', 390 und Leo Meyer, Griech. Etymologic, ii, 6obieten.

24—2

372 TH. NOLDEKE

Das iibersetzt Wilamowitz sinngemass, aber frei, rhyth-
misch, aber ohne dem Schatten nachzujagen, das Versmass
wiederzugeben :

Es zog einmal ein Mann

ein Lowenjunges, Saugling noch, sich auf.

Wie war das Kleine zahm, 720

der Kinder Spielgesell', der Greise Lust.

Oft schaukelt er's im Arm,

als war's ein Kind. Da leckt' es seine Hand

und blickte fromm, und wenn es hungrig war,

so wedelt'.es und bat. , 725

Doch als es alter ward,

da zeigte sich die eingeborene Art.

Was war der Pflege Dank ?

Es schuf das Mahl sich in der Lammer Mord. 730

Die Herde lag zerstort,

der Hof voll Blutes, das Gesinde schrie :

erwachsen war des Hauses Hollengast

ein grimmig reissend Tier. 735

Nun legt Aristophanes in den " Froschen " 1431, 1433
(Suss) beim Wortgefecht zwischen Aeschylus und Euripides
jenem folgende Verse in den Mund :

OV XP*J XfolTOS (TKV^VOV iv TToXei Tp€<f)€lV
T}V 8' iKTpd^'T) TIS TO19 T/OO7TCHS V7Trjp€T€LVl.

Diese Worte sind mit Unrecht mehrfach als echte
Fragmente des Aeschylus angesehen worden. Aristophanes
wendet sie ausdrlicklich auf Alcibiades an, allem Anschein
nach mit den oben angefuhrten Versen des grossen Tragikers
spielend wie vorher mit solchen des Euripides. Denn dass
Aeschylus zweimal davor gewarnt hatte, einen jungen
Lowen aufzuziehen, ist doch recht unwahrscheinlich. Die
Zugabe des Komikers ist lv TroXei, wodurch eben das Gleich-
niss die Beziehung auf die Politik erhielt. An sich liegt es
ja besonders fern, dass ein Lowe in einer Stadt aufgezogen

1 v. 1432 fjLa\L(Tra ficv Xeovra fj.rj V rroXct Tpc'<£eii> kann nur jemand
eingeschoben haben, der die unnotige Lehre einscharfen wollte: ''aber
erst recht keinen erwachsenen Lowen!," jedoch keines selbststandigen
poetischen Ausdrucks fahig war. Plutarch, Alcibiades 15, hat den Vers
allerdings schon, lasst dagegen den ersten (1431) weg. Er oder sein
Gewahrsmann fiihlte vielleicht, dass beide nicht neben einander stehen
konnten.

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raubtiers 373

wiirde1. Und bei TTO'AIS dachte der Zuhorer gleich an den
Staat.

Der zum Sprichwort2 gewordene Vers

ov xpr) Xeoz>TOS <TKvp,vov Iv TroXet rpec^eti/

kam mir plotzlich in den Sinn, als ich vor einiger Zeit bei
einer neuen Durchlesung von Firdausl's Shahname die Stelle
las, wo Konig Afrasiyab in Bezug auf den ihm von dem
treuen Plran zur Aufnahme anempfohlenen fliichtigen per-
sischen Prinzen Siyawush sagt (Vullers-Landauer 588, w.
1205-7, Macan 423, 8-10):

Aber ich habe einen Spruch vernommen, mit dem die Einsicht iiberein-

stimmt :
So du das Junge eines gewaltigen4 Lowen aufziehst, wirst du es, wenn es

erst scharfe Zahne kriegt, biissen.
Wenn es sich mit Kraft und Kralle5 erhebt, wird es gerade mit dem

Erzieher gewaltsam anbinden.

Und ebenso sagt Zavare zu seinem Bruder Rustam, dem
grossten aller Heroen, als dieser auf Bitte des sterbenden
Isfandiyar, den er, durch seine Ehre gezwungen, im Kampfe

1 Darauf hat mich mein Freund und bis zur Auflosung unsrer Univer-
sitat College Ed. Schwartz brieflich aufmerksam gemacht. Beilaufig be-
merkt, haben die streitenden Dichter in den ihnen in den " Froschen "
beigelegten Aeusserungen iiber den eben so genialen wie ehrgeizigen und
gewissenlosen Alcibiades beide Recht. Trotz des Sieges bei den Arginusen
war es ja damals fur Athen ebenso bedenklich, ihm ganz zu Willen zu sein
(rot? [avrou] rpoTrots vTnypcreti/) wie ihn ganz von sich zu stossen.

2 Paroemiographi graeci, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, ii, 167. Der
Spruch stand wohl schon in weit alteren Sammlungen als der des Macarius.

3 Die wenigen, fiir den Sinn gleichgiiltigen uns bekannten Varianten
lasse ich in beiden Stiicken weg. Wesentlich anders kann auch der Urtext
iiberhaupt nicht ausgesehen haben. Nur ware eigentlich fiir 3 nach einem
Vocal immer 3, fiir d£» und A». aber ^^ und (^^ zu schreiben.

4 Das beliebte Epitheton des Lowen £ bedeutet eigentlich "mannlich,"
steht dann aber fiir " stark, heldenhaft." Dass es hier nicht sexuell zu
nehmen ist, versteht sich von selbst, denn das Junge hat ja immer auch
eine Mutter.

5 So wortlich. Das heisst, " begehrt er, nachdem er Kraft gewonnen,
nach Kampf."

374 TH. NOLDEKE

hat toten miissen, bereit ist, dessen Sohn Bahman zur
Erziehung zu iibernehmen (Macan, 1222, 9-11) :

Hast du nicht von einem Kenner den Spruch gehort, den er aus den

Worten der Alten vortrug1?
" So du das Junge eines gewaltigen Lowen aufziehst, bekommt es scharfe

Za'hne und wird mutvoll.
Wenn es dann das Haupt erhebt und Jagdbeute sucht, geht es zuerst

auf den Erzieher los."

Genau an den entsprechenden Stellen (Afrasiyab zu
Plran und Zavare zu Rustam) finden wir bei Firdausi's
Zeitgenossen Tha'alibl in dem uns erhaltenen Teile seines
arabischen Werkes, welches die, grosstenteils mythische,
Geschichte des persischen Reiches von den Urkonigen bis
zu den letzten Sasaniden enthalt2:

(S. 205)

Aber ich fiirchte, dass das Lowenjunge zum Lowen heranwachsen und
sich dann bemiihen werde, seinen Erzieher umzubringen.

Und

(S- 375) >+

O mein Bruder, du hast nicht recht getan, Bahman von seinem
(sterbenden) Vater zu iibernehmen, da er das Junge eines Lowen ist, dessen
Blut du zu vergiessen iibernommen hattest. Ich fiirchte gar sehr, dass er
unserm Hause den Untergang bringen werde.

Diese Stellen sind den oben angefuhrten des Shahname
so ahnlich, wie man es von einem sich gern kurzer fassenden,
aber doch deutlich redenden Prosaiker nur erwarten kann.
Doch hat Tha'alibi, der zwischen 1007 und 1020 schrieb,
nicht aus dem grossen Epos seines alteren Zeitgenossen
geschopft, denn, so viel er auch sachlich und nicht ganz
selten, wenn man von dem Unterschied der Sprache absieht,
fast wortlich mit ihm ubereinstimmt, so hat er doch, wie

1 Hier wohl besser die Variante, " den er...im Gedachtniss hat."

2 Hg. von dem hochverdienten Zotenberg.

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raubtiers 375

Zotenberg in seiner Einleitung im Einzelnen darlegt, neben
manchen anderen, uns zum Teil noch erhaltenen, Quellen,
besonders gerade die Hauptquelle des Dichters stark benutzt.
Es macht nichts aus, ob Tha'alibi das Werk selbst vor sich
hatte, oder ein anderes es ihm vermittelte. Doch ist ersteres
wahrscheinlicher. Jenes ist, wie ich in meiner Abhandlung
"Das iranische Nationalepos1 " glaube fest gestellt zu haben,
die Geschichte des persischen Reichs vom Anfang bis zu
seinem Untergang durch die Araber, die der Statthalter von
Firdausi's Vaterstadt Tos im Jahre 957/8 von einigen zoro-
astrischen Gelehrten zusammenstellen Hess. Das Werk war
in neupersischer Sprache, aber seine Quellen waren mittel-
persisch und natiirlich in den wunderlichen Pehlevi Charak-
teren geschrieben, die nur der lesen konnte, der sie durch
besonderes Studium gelernt hatte, also nicht leicht ein als
Muslim aufgewachsener, sondern nur gelehrte Zoroastrier
oder solche, die im gereiften Alter aus der nationalen Religion
zum Islam ubergegangen waren. Von seinen Quellen war
die wichtigste das " Konigsbuch " Chodhainama(k) — Shak-
ndme,das erst am Ende der Sasanidenzeit abgeschlossen war,
aber sich wieder auf altere Darstellungen stiitzte. Wir
dlirfen als sicher annehmen, dass das Gleichniss vom jungen
Lowen, das seinem Erzieher und Pfleger den Tod bringt,
an den beiden Stellen der mythischen Geschichte, wo es
FirdausI wie Tha'alibl haben, schon in einem Pehlevi Werke
des 7ten oder 6ten Jahrhunderts stand.

Kaum denkbar ist, dass dies eigentiimliche Gleichniss bei
Persern und Griechen selbststandig zu Tage getreten ware.
Freilich bringt bei jenen der herangewachsene Lowe seinem
Wohltater direct (Rustam) oder indirect (Afrasiyab) den
Tod, bei Aeschylus aber Schafen und vielen anderen Wesen,
ohne dass der Erzieher selbst genannt wiirde, aber dieser
Unterschied hat doch wenig zu bedeuten2.

1 Im Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. [Neue Bearbeitung, Berlin
und Leipzig, 1920.]

2 Ganz anders ist es, wenn ein der gemeinmenschlichen Ethik ange-
horender, nahe liegender Satz sich einmal bei einem Griechen und einem
Perser fast wortlich gleich findet, wie bei Hesiod, Opera et dies 309 (als
Schluss einer Lobrede auf den Fleiss) :

epyov 8' o£8ei/ ovetSos dtpyi-r) Se T* ovetSos
und bei dem reichen und vornehmen Nasiri Chosrau (1004-1088) :

376 TH. NOLDEKE

Da das Gleichniss auf griechischem Boden wenigstens
ein Jahrtausend friiher erscheint als auf iranischem, und in
wie vollendeter Form !, dachte ich anfangs dass es von dort
nach dem fernen Osten gewandert sei. Aber Schwartz
mochte lieber glauben, dass dieser au>o9, der wie der alvos
von dem Habicht und der Nachtigal (Hesiod, Op. 200 ff,)
und der vom Fuchs und Adler (Archilochus 67 [Hiller] ;
nach andrer Zahlung Si)1, mit einem Unheil endet, im
europaischem Griechenland nicht wohl entstanden sei ; da
sei der Lowe ja immer ein Fabeltier gewesen2. Im vorderen
Kleinasien gab es freilich in der Homerischen Zeit noch
Lowen, aber spater auch dort kaum mehr. Und so ist
Schwartz geneigt, die Wanderung des Gleichnisses vom
Osten ausgehn zu lassen, woher ja auch die asopischen
Fabeln zu den Griechen gekommen sind, so unsicher deren
specielle Heimat ist. Es kamen dann wohl nur weiter ostlich
liegende Gegenden in Betracht, denen im Altertum der
Lowe aus dem Leben recht bekannt war und zum Teil noch
ist. Die Vermittlung hatten, denkt Schwartz, ionische \6yoi
gegeben. Das lasst sich wohl horen. Ob dabei die Tierparke
der Perser in Betracht kamen, ist mir nicht so wahrscheinlich
wie ihm.

Leider fehlen uns alle Mittelglieder. Hatten wir von
Sammlungen aramaischer Sprichworter und Fabeln mehr
noch als einige diirftige Reste, so fanden wir darin vielleicht
etwas, das uns iiber diese Frage Licht gewahren konnte3.

"und Erwerb der Hand (durch Handarbeit) ist durchaus keine Schande"
(ZDMG, xxxiv, 670). Beilaufig bemerkt, haben nachher die hoher gebil-
deten griechischen Stadter, die auf den /?ai/av<ros tief herabsahen, diesen
Worten des alten Bauernpoeten schwerlich beigestimmt.

1 Jener ist Aesop 9 (Halm), dieser ist eb. 5 wiedergegeben.

2 Die Kiinstler, die das Lowentor in Mycenae erbauten, werden aller-
dings noch Lowen in ihrer Heimat gesehen haben, aber wie viel alter ist
deren Zeit als die der griechischen Poesie, und wie wenig Verbindungen diir-
fen wir zwischen der mycenischen und der griechischen Cultur annehmen !

3 In den Paroemiographi graeci, ii, p. 503 wird zum Sprichwort AeW TYJV
Tptxa, oi/os TOI> ftiov erzahlt, die Karthager hatten einen Lowensaugling
gefangen, gezahmt, und durch fiir Lowen ungewohnliche Nahrung so weit
gebracht, dass er als Lasttier wie ein Esel durch die Stadt gehen musste ;
dann hatten sie ihn aber wegen der Unnatiirlichkeit (7rapavo/ua) getotet,
da er ja von Haus aus ein rvpai/i/o? und nur durch Ungliick ein tSia/n?? ware.
Ob in diese alberne Geschichte, die noch dazu gar nicht zu dem Sprich-

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raubtiers 377

Wir haben aber noch ein ahnliches Gleichniss, worin an
der Stelle des Lowen der Wolf steht. Junge Wolfe sind ja
wirklich zahmbar1, doch mag es vorkommen, dass ein solcher
" Hauswolf" unter Umstanden trotzdem ein Scnaf zerreisst
und frisst. Hier scheint also eine Umbildung des alten alvos
vorzuliegen. Das Epigramm, Anthol. Pal. ix, 42, leider ein
dSeorTroro^, lasst das Schaf, durch dessen Milch der kleine
Wolf aufgefiittert wird, selbst reden :

TOV \VKOV ef i8ion> ju,a£o>z> rpe(f>a) OVK eWXoucra,

dXXa p cb>ay/ca£ei 7rot/>teVo9 d<f>pocrvvrj.
av^rjOels 8* UTT' e/xov /car' es/x,oO TraXi Qrjpiov corral'

rj X^P1** clXXafcu TJJV <^vcriv ov Su^arat.

Von den entsprechenden arabischen Versen kenne ich
drei Texte : den in den ij'jU^tj ^>wU*^J! von Ibrahim ibn
Muhammed al-Baihaql, geschrieben zwischen 908 und 932
(ed. Schwally) 132 ; den in den etwas alteren, falschlich dem

Gahiz (t 869) zugeschriebenen jtjco'^ ^—U^oJI (ed. van
Vloten) 40; und den von Damirl in seinem 1371 geschrie-
benen Tierbuch s.v. ^5* (in der Ausg. Bulaq 1284) i, 488,

den oW^l ^*^ des Ahmed ibn Husain al-Baihaql entnom-
menen. Der letztere, den wir den jiingeren BaihaqP nennen
wollen, beruft sich fiir die Verse auf den beriihmten alten
Philologen Asma'I (t83i), der sie aus Arabien mitgebracht
habe. Dabei ist etwas verdachtig, dass er das in ihnen
erzahlte Ereigniss wirklich erlebt haben soil ; aber dass er
die Verse von Arabern gehort habe, ist damit nicht ausge-
schlossen. Wir kommen bald auf Aehnliches zuriick. Und
dieser fiir uns spatest bezeugte Text, der bei Damirl, ist im
Ganzen der beste, und es wird genugen, dass ich ihn ohne
die fiir den Gesammtsinn meist gleichgultigen Varianten
gebe3.

wort passt, durch irgend welche Vermittelungen die Aufziehung des jungen
Lowen aus dem Gleichniss des Aeschylus geraten sei, mag dahin stehen.
Die wirkliche Bedeutung des Sprich worts kann doch wohl nur sein : " ein
Mensch der sich im Aeusseren als ein L6we,imLeben aber als einEsel zeigt."

1 Brehm, Tierleben*, ii, 28ff.

2 Die beiden BaihaqI brauchen nicht zu einer Familie zu gehoren ; der
Name besagt nur, dass sie aus der Stadt Baihaq sind.

3 Zwei dieser Verse in Sa'dl's Gulistan, i, 4 (ed. Sprenger, p. 29) kommen
hier nicht in Betracht. Ich wiirde mich iibrigens nicht wundern, wenn sich
die Verse auch noch in andern uns erhaltenen arabischen Werken fanden.

378 TH. NOLDEKE

UJUJ c

{•

- c» c

Du hast mein Schafchen zerrissen1 und mein Herz betriibt, wahrend du

doch ein Pflegling unsers Schafes warst.
Mit seiner Milch wurdest du ernahrt und unter uns aufgezogen : wer hat

dir denn mitgeteilt, dass dein Vater ein Wolf war ?
Wenn die Natur schlecht ist, so hilft dabei nichts der Wohlgesittete.

Man beachte dasfabula docet am Schluss der griechischen
wie der arabischen Verse. In welchem litterarischen Zu-
sammenhange die einen mit den andern stehn, mochte ich
nicht entscheiden, aber dass sie nicht ganz selbstandig sind
ist doch so gut wie sicher, und es ist auch durchaus wahr-
scheinlich, dass wir in ihnen eine Umbildung des Lowen-
gleichnisses haben. Fur dessen Heimat wird damit allerdings
nichts bestimmtes erreicht, denn der griechische Epigram-
matiker kann die Geschichte vom Wolf ebenso gut in Europa
wie in Aegypten, Syrien, Mesopotamien oder Babylonien
kennen gelernt haben. Und seine Zeit ist ganz unsicher.
Die arabische Verse sind wohl aus dem 8ten Jahrhundert, da
schon ihre Nachbildung (von der Hyane) aller Wahrschein-
lichkeit nach in dieses gehort (s. unten S. 3/9).

Jiinger als alle diese Texte ist aber, wenn nicht alles
triigt, der hebraische \mjalqitt Shim'onl (13 Jahrhundert),
cap. 523, aus dem NtDIT DH11P1 rh# aufgenommen. Denn
die hochste Autoritat auf diesem Gebiet, Zunz2, halt dies
Werk, aus dem nur noch Fragmente, eben im Jalqut, er-
halten sind, fur spater als das Nin DHTin H^K, dessen Ab-
fassung er etwa urns Jahr 900 ansetzt. Dieser Text lautet
nach der ed. princeps :

hw nn^ nii N^D ny^ UN¥ nyn n^n^ nyrb

Dnyn p ip^D n^ni \hy
h Dinn x

1 Eigentlich, " ihm den Bauch aufgerissen."

2 Gottesdienstliche Vortrdge der Juden2, 265.

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raub tiers 379

imm PM nan rrn SHJP JV:D vS«

2oinn

Ein Gleichniss von einem Hirten, der sein Vieh in einem Walde
weidete. Der fand ein Wolfjunges, erbarmte sich seiner und saugte es mit
Ziegenmilch. Da kam sein Camerad3, sah ihn und sprach zu ihm : "tote
es ; du sollst kein Mitleid mit ihm haben, sonst mochte es dem Vieh Schaden
zufiigen." Allein er horte nicht auf ihn. Als der Wolf aber gross geworden
war, sah er da ein Lamm, so totete er es, (sah er) einen Bock, so frass er
ihn. Da sprach jener : " hab' ich dir nicht gesagt : habe kein Mitleid ? "

Der oben genannte jiingere BaihaqI giebt nach Damlri
s.v. £~£ (Ausg. Bulaq 1284) ii, 90 an, dass Abu 'Obaida
(t gegen 825) dem Yunus ibn Hablb (1778) auf die Frage
nach dem Ursprung der sprichwortlichen Redensart j**?i,£=>

>«U ^t, "wie der, welcher der Umm 'Amir (d. i. der Hyane)4
seinen Schutz gewahrt," eine Geschichte erzahlt habe, die
sich also, gleich der auf Asma'I zurlickgefiihrten, auf zwei
hochberiihmte Philologen stiitzen soil. Ihr Inhalt ist fol-
gender : Eine von einer Jagdgesellschaft verfolgte Hyane floh
ins Zelt eines Beduinen, und dieser nahm sie als seinen Cast in
seinen Schutz und drohte den Verfolgern mit WafTengewalt,
wenn sie den nicht anerkannten. Als sich diese daher zuruck-
gezogen hatten, gab er der Hyane zur Erholung sowohl
Kameelmilch wie Wasser5. Als er aber einschlief, sprang
sie auf ihn los, riss ihm den Leib auf, trank sein Blut,

1 So : ob der Text ganz in Ordnung, ist mir nicht recht sicher.

2 Dr Ginsburger erklarte mir richtig das D1PIH fcO aus dessen mehr-
fachen Vorkommen in den Stellen des Deuteronomiums, auf welche das

Gleichniss bezogen wird. D1HH /S am Schlusse zeigt den iiblichen Pro-
hibitivausdruck. — Ich verdanke die Kenntniss dieser Stelle meinem Freunde
S. Landauer, der mir schrieb, dass Dr Horovitz in Breslau sie sich einmal
bei der Lectiiredes Gulistan (s. oben S. 377) notiert habe. Dr Ginsburger
hatte die Giite, mich die mir von Landauer angegebene Stelle in dem der
Strassburger Bibliothek gehorenden Exemplar der ed. princeps des Jalqut
einsehen zu lassen.

3 Das ist doch wohl die Bedeutung. Vrgl. das im Syrischen ganz
gewohnliche Olkl* ^-Lr} "sein Namensgenosse." Oder ist es "der Herr
seines Geschaftes," d. h. der Besitzer der Herde ?

4 Im Arabischen haben manche Tiere neben ihren eigentlichen Namen
auch solche mit Abu, " Vater," oder Umm, " Mutter," zusammengesetzte
Namen, wie das bei den Menschen Sitte war und ist (s.g. Kunya).

3 Wasser ist in den Wiistenlandern ein kostbares Getrank !

380 TH. NOLDEKE

verschlang seine Eingeweide und lief dann fort. Aber ein
Vetter des Umgebrachten, der bald darauf ins Zelt trat und
seinen Zustand sowie dessen Ursache erkannte, verfolgte
die Hyane, totete sie und machte die unten folgenden
Verse. — Es ist nun wohl denkbar, dass die beiden Philologen
diese Verse wirklich gekannt haben, zumal wir keinen genii-
genden Grund haben, die Angabe zu bezweifeln, dass der
Chalif Ma'mun (813-833) den ersten derselben einmal
citierthabe (Baihaqi, ed. Schwally, 180), aber die Erzahlung
darf man ihnen eben so wenig zutrauen wie dem Asma'I die
Wolfsgeschichte. Passen doch die Verse schon durchaus
nicht in den Mund des Rachers. Von diesem und von der

Rache iiberhaupt sagt denn der als Quelle von Ps. Gahiz 40
und dem alteren Baihaqi I321 angefiihrte Sufyan (ion
'Uyaina t8i4) auch gar nichts. Er giebt sonst dieselbe
Geschichte, jedoch mit einigen Abanderungen. So ist der
torichte Gastgeber ein alter Mann (den wir uns vielleicht
wegen seiner Altersschwache eher als Angriffsziel der Hyane
denken sollten). Er ernahrt das magere Tier langere Zeit,
bis dieses, dadurch zur Vollkraft gelangt, den Schlafenden
anfallt und umbringt. Die Verse werden da einfach einem
Anonymus "dem Dichter" zugeschrieben. Aber auf jeden
Fall ist die Erzahlung, wie so oft, auch hier erst aus den
Versen entstanden, und sie sind wieder erst zur Erklarung
der sprichwortlichen Redensart gemacht worden, und zwar
so unpassend, wie das bei der Deutung von Sprichwortern
nicht selten geschieht. Kein Beduine wiirde je eine Hyane
in sein Zelt oder iiberhaupt in seinen Schutz aufnehmen,
noch wiirde eine Hyane in ein Zelt fliehen. Die Redensart
bedeutet: " wenn jemand einem unzuverlassigen Menschen
vollstandigen Schutz gewahrt, so dass er ihn gegen jede
gewaltsame Antastung sicher stellen oder schlimmstenfalls
wie seine nachsten Blutsgenossen rachen muss, dann ist er
so unverstandig wie einer, der eine Hyane aufnahme."
Vielleicht geht das sogar urspriinglich nur auf die Veracht-
lichkeit des feigen Raubtiers und des mit ihm verglichenen
Menschen, nicht auf deren Gefahrlichkeit. Der Fall ist als
rein hypothetisch, in Wirklichkeit undenkbar aufgefasst.
Die Verse nehmen das aber schon anders. Die Erzahlung

1 Bei ihm kommt der erste Vers auch 180 vor.

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raub tiers 381

ist das Letzte in dieser Reihe. Auch von jenen habe ich je
einen Text aus den oben genannten drei Werken vor mir,
halte aber wieder fur unnotig, die Varianten anzufuhren bis
auf eine, welche den Sinn betrifft. Ich gebe auch hier den
Text Damlrl's :

Und wer Unwiirdigen Wohltaten erweist, dem geht's wie dem, welcher

der Umm 'Amir Schutz gewahrte.
Er bewirtete sie, als sie seine Nahe als Schiitzling aufgesucht hatte4, lange

mit der reichlichen Milch seiner Milchkameele
Und sattigte sie ; aber als sie ganz voll geworden war, zerriss sie ihn mit

Zahnen und Krallen.
Sag' also den Wohltatern : " das ist der Lohn dessen, der einem Unwiir-

digen andauernd wohltut"

Diese Verse, die ja auch mit einem fabula docet enden,
sind doch gewiss denen iiber den Wolf nachgebildet, wie sie

denn auch bei Ps. Gahiz und dem alteren BaihaqI zusam-
menstehn. So hatten wir auch hier eine schwache Verbin-
dung mit dem im Chorlied des Aeschylus ausgefiihrten
Gleichniss vom Lowen.

1 So besser als das von den Handschriften gegebene

2 Ps. Gahiz <ulu C-v».U.

0 f.

3 Vrgl. Chansa ( Beirut 1888)35, 7 vom

4 Also nach dem besseren Text kommt die Hyane wenigstens nicht in
die Wohnung, sondern begniigt sich mit der Nahe des Menschen. Die
Lesart des Ps. Gahiz hat dagegen : " als sie sich in seinem Tor gelagert
hatte."

TH. NOLDEKE.
STRASSBURG, Februar 1920.

382 TH. NOLDEKE

NACHTRAG.

Freund Landauer machte mich noch aufmerksam auf
eine Stelle des Wayiqra Rabba, 19 (gegen Ende), die, wie
ich darauf gefunden habe, auch in Levy's Worterbuch s.v.
TO angefuhrt wird :

nDDi PIM nnN hy wz zbib wi ^ ^inn uh wi rtaa ats ^

4< Ein gutes Junges von einem schlechten Hunde zieh
nicht auf; wie viel weniger ein schlechtes Junges von einem
schlechten Hunde." Landauer mochte in der ersten Halfte
dieser Stelle einen Auslaufer des alten Gleichnisses sehen,
in der zweiten die Anwendung auf einen besonderen Fall.

THE SABIANS

In his learned work, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus
(1856), Chwolson has collected most of what Arab sources
offer us in illustration of this kind of religion, and with great
lucidity elicited the principal lines of its development as
read by him. His work has been more than fundamental
and his points of view are still upon the whole accepted by
students of the subject. His results may be stated briefly in
the following items :

(1) According to the Refutation of Heresies, which was
thought in Chwolson's time to derive from Origenes, but
which is now ascribed to Hippolytus (ob. 235), a man named
'H\xacrcu came from Parthia with a book that had been
revealed by an angel, and gave it to a man named Soy&cu.
This name implies the sect of the Sabians who are identical
with the Mandaeans (Chwolson has Mendaiten).

(2) About this sect the Fihrist says : "In the swampy

regions about Wasit and Basra is found a sect <U. ixpjl,

'those who wash themselves,' whose founder was called

I, i.e. el Hasaih (Elhasaih)."

(3) These Sabians ( = Mandaeans = Elchasaeans) are
identical with jj^LoJt mentioned Sur. 2, 59, 5, 73, 22, 17.
As Norberg and Michaelis have surmised, this name derives
from the Aramaic yi¥ : to dip, baptize.

(4) Out of their circle arose the Manichaeans, Manl's
father Futtaq (Chwolson : Fonnaq) having settled among
them while his wife was pregnant.

(5) According to the Fikrist the Harranians adopted the
name "Sabians" in the year 830 under Ma'mun in order to
be acknowledged as one of the recognized religious com-
munities of Islam. As the stars played a very great part in
their religion, " Sabians" came to be a name for star- worship-
pers, and later on for heathens generally.

The first two items depend on the passage in the Fihrist.
It runs thus: " Al-mugtasila. These people live in great
numbers in the regions of the swamps ; they are the Sabians
of the swamps. They profess that people are to wash them-
selves, and everything they eat. Their head is called

384 JOHS. PEDERSEN

and it is he who founded their religion. He maintains that
the two principles of existence are the male and the female,
and that the herbs belong to the male principle, whilst the
mistletoe belongs to the female, the trees being its roots.
They have some detestable axioms that can only be called
nonsense. He (w*8^) had a disciple named Sham'un. They
(the mugtasila) agreed with the Manichaeans with regard
to the two principles, but otherwise their religions differ.
Among them are some who worship the stars up to the
present day " (Fihrist, ed. Fluegel, p. r * . ).

Further the Fihrist says about the mugtasila : " Mam's
father Futtaq visited a heathen temple. A voice told him to
abstain from meat, wine, and marriage, and this was repeated
several times. And when Futtaq had learnt this, he joined
some people who lived in the regions of Dastumisan, and
who are called al-mugtasila\ and in those regions and the
swampy districts the remnant of them live up to our days.
And they embraced the creed (^jbju)) that Futtaq was
ordered to adopt" (p. *TA). Dastumisan is just the region
about Wasit, Basra, and Ahwaz (Yaqut n, ovt). Thus the
mugtasila were ascetics like the Manichaeans. Characteristic
of them was the prohibition against marriage and the use of
meat and wine ; washings of themselves and their food ;
worship of the celestial bodies ; and speculations about the
male and female principles. But of the Mandaeans, who are
known from their own literature, we know that they set
marriage high, and that they ate meat, whereas we know
nothing at all about the above-mentioned speculations. Thus
they have only the washings in common with the mugtasila,
but this is a practice found with many gnostic sects. The
identification of the Mandaeans and the mugtasila must
therefore be given up, as has been already shown by Noldeke
(Gott. gel. Anz. 1869, i, 484 ff. ; cf. Brandt, Elchasai,
Leipzig, 1912, pp. 141-144).

But the same is true of the identification with the
Elchasaeans. The Elchasaeans cannot be Mandaeans. As
shown by Pallis in his Danish work on the Mandaeans
(1920), these worshipped the fire, which is an evil element
with the Elchasaeans. And they cannot be identical with
the mugtasila, as they do not prohibit marriage. In his work
on Elchasai Brandt has in fact given up this identification,

The Sabians 385

but he still maintains that the mugtasila bear the name of the
Elchasaeans, which they are then supposed to have assumed
later on in history. Even this link must be broken. The name
Elchasaeans is written in different ways ; the various forms
are quoted by Brandt. Hippolytus writes 'HX^ao-at, Epi-
phanius 'HXfcu; the adherents he calls 'EX/cecratot ; according
to Eusebius, Origenes calls them 'EX/cecrcurai. None of these
forms, no more than the Semitic form found withTheodor bar
Khuni, 'Elkasa or 'Elkesa (Pognon, Inscriptions mandattes
des coupes de Khonabir( 1 898), pp. 122,3), can give the Arabic
form £,<j~aJt, or as it is also written »-~x»Jt. Brandt sees the

difficulty of the identification (op. laud. p. 8), and yet he
insists on it (p. 146), although he is also aware that the two
sects have really nothing in common. Such has been the
influence of Chwolson's hypothesis. It is stated as a fact in
most works touching these questions.

The Mandaeans and the mugtasila are thus two different
sects, and the Elchasaeans are identical with neither of them.
Concerning the mugtasila we learn from the Fikrist that the
Manichaeans rose out of their ranks, and agreed with them
in the fundamental principles. The few characteristics stated
about them seem also to connect them closely with the
Manichaeans. Now we are told in other sources that ManI
got his doctrines from the Daisanites, and differed only
little from them (Shahrastam, ed. Cureton, » * « seq., transl.
Haarbriicker, i, 296). This statement is supplemented by
the Fihrisfs telling us that the Daisanites lived in the
swampy districts, which have been referred to as the home
of the mugtasila. It is therefore probable that al-mugtasila
were a sect closely related to the Daisanites. This is the
more probable, as, according to the Fikrist (p. rrA seq.) the
Daisanites were divided into several sects.

Of Bar Daisan we do not know much positively, but his
adherents seem to have had a certain importance. They are
mentioned together with the Marcionites and the Mani-
chaeans as heretics, and Ephraim the Syrian wrote against
them. The above-mentioned Theodor bar Khuni tells us
that Bardaisan like Valentinos professes that there are 300
male and female worlds begotten by the father of all (op.
laud. pp. 1 1 6, 169). This agrees with the speculations of the
mugtasila. Like the Christians, the Muslim historians mention

B. P. v. 25

386 JOHS. PEDERSEN

Bardaisan together with the Marcionites and the Mani-
chaeans. Al BirunI says, " Ibn Daisan and Marqiun be-
longed to those who believed in and listened to the words of
'Isa, and they took part of this, and part of what they heard
from Zaradusht, and from both these creeds they each
invented a religion (^AJ^C), which embraced the profession
of the eternity of the two fundamental principles ; and each
of them issued a gospel ascribed to the Messiah, and
declared everything else to be false. And Ibn Daisan be-
lieved that the light of God had come to live in his heart.
Yet the difference is not so great as to remove them and
their followers from the Christian community, and their
gospels are not in all respects different from that of the
Christians ; but in both are found additions and omissions ;
only God knows" (Chronol. orient. Volker, ed. Sachau, p. r - v,
7-12). In another place he also says something like this
about Marcion, Ibn Daisan, and Man! (p. rr? 9-12).

Thus these sects point out the Messiah as their founder.
Would it be a too daring hypothesis on these grounds to read
the difficult name in the Fikrist *~~*iJ\ ? While BirunI says
that Daisanites, Marcionites and Manichaeans founded
their creeds upon the Messiah, thereby giving another
picture of him than the Christians, the Fihrist would then
say that this sect gives its founder the name of Messiah.
His disciple Sham'un might then be Simon Magus. These
suggestions are however of less importance here. The main
point is that matters are much more complicated than sup-
posed by Chwolson. The Mandaeans are only one of the
many sects that flourished in Mesopotamia at that time,
and they are not even among the gnostics mentioned in
the Fihrist.

But in this way the whole basis for the identification of
the Sabians of the Koran with the Mandaeans crumbles
away ; for nothing suggests that this sect was of any special
importance in Western Arabia. ±>£A*&\ are mentioned in the
Koran together with Jews and Christians. (2, 59, 5, 73)
and Magians (22, 17), as people who believe in God. Before
the time of Mohammed the word must have had a meaning
that connects it closely with his doctrines — otherwise he
would not be able to use it in this way. The Prophet himself

is called a Sabian, and Uo is used about those who go over

The Sabians 387

to Islam (Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, rr*, 9, 14, 19;
Buhari, ed. Krehl, i, \\, 9, 20; *v,5;ii, *\\, I7;<*A>Y, 19;™*, i,
etc., see alsoWellhausen,7?^/£flrfl£.//^., 2 ed.pp. 236seq.).
Sprenger identified the Sabians with the Hanifs, and
everything seems to show that he was right. They too are
people who believe in God, neither Jews nor Christians ;
the nearest model for the believers, as Abraham himself was
&amf(Sur. 2, 129, 3, 60, 89, 10, 105, 30, 29, etc.; cf. Ibn
Hisham, ^°, n; Buhari, i, t% 61). A so strongly empha-
sized religious community could not fail to be mentioned in

the three places where o&l* are mentioned.

The etymology of W* is dubious. The explanation of
the Arab philologists, "to go over from one religion to
another," is founded on the Koran and tells us nothing.
Since the appearance of Chwolson's work the European
philologists generally derive it from the Aramaic jnv ; this we

have in £~o in the meaning, "to dye" ; but W is supposed
to derive from the meaning, "to dip, baptize," which would
correspond to the Aramaic usage. But in that case we should
expect a form derived from the reflexive, as Uo is always
intransitive, " become a Sabian." Sabi'un is derived from the
verbal form ; it cannot be derived from sebl'ayya, which is, by
the way, never found. Possibly it might be related to the Syrian
fba, "to want, to be glad or grateful, assensit" But we shall
not get far along these lines. For the present we must bear
in mind that sabiun and hanlfzxz. used about a creed related
to Jews and Christians, and yet different from them.

As we have seen, the author of the Fihrist used the
word "Sabians" about a gnostic community, which he called
"the Sabians of the Swamps." This implies that there are also
other Sabians. Especially he dwells upon the Harranians,
but several others are mentioned by the Islamic authors.
Chwolson has collected these records with great diligence,
but he arranges them chronologically according to their
authorities, and in this way he gives a false idea of the age
of the sources ; — it was before the days of hadit criticism.
All the sources date from the loth century A.D.

One of the oldest is Mas'udl. He mentions the follow-
ing kinds of Sabians in the Tanblh (Bibliotheca Geo-
graphorum Arab., ed. de Goeje, vm) :

(i) The kings of Rum belonged to »UiaJI and

25—2

388 JOHS. PEDERSEN

before they became Christians (\ 4; * re, 17). Oaisar Filip-
pos (Arabs) went over to Christianity, and left the creeds
of the Sabians, which he had hitherto embraced (* rr, 5 seq.).
Julianus was secretly a Sabian. When he became emperor,
he apostatized from Christianity, destroyed the churches,
re-erected the statues which the Sabians put up as images
of the highest substances and the celestial bodies, and he
punished with death those who did not come back to ala^aJI.
And those who came back to a^^a^Ji began to throw incense
(oW* = Xt/Sai'os) on the fire and to eat of the sacrificial victims
of pU-oJt and the like ( \ * • , 9-15).

(2) The Sabians of the Egyptians, who honour Hermes
and Agathodaimon as their prophets, and whose remnants
in this time are the Sabians of the Harranians (*% 20;
M\ 16).

(3) The followers of Zaradusht formerly embraced the
creed of the Hanifs, i.e. the Sabians, which was preached by
Budasp to Tahmurat (<*•, 15 sqq.).

(4) In one place Mas'udl speaks about the different views
of the intelligible world, and here he mentions the Indians
and the ancient astrologers and the adherents of the two
principles, and the corresponding allegorists of our days, and
the Hanifs and Chaldaeans, i.e. Babylonians, whose remnants
at the present day live in the swampy districts between
Wasit and Basra in some villages there, and who turn to the
North pole and the polar star in prayer; and al^uJI, i.e. the
Sabians of China and others, who follow the doctrines of
Budasp ; and the common Greeks, who turn to the East
in prayer ; and the Sabians of the Egyptians, whose remnants
in our days are the Sabians of the Harranians, and who
turn to the South in prayer ; — it is their qibla, and they turn
their backs to the North, and they abstain from much food
which the Sabians of the Greeks ate (p. \^\ ).

This statement harmonizes with that given by Mas'udl
in his Murug al-dahab (ed. Barbier de Meynard, i, 73 ; n, 1 1 1 ;
in, 348 ; iv, 44 seq.). The other authors of the loth century
quoted by Chwolson agree with this. Amongst these we shall
only mention Istahrl, who says that the Sabians had built the
great mosque of Damascus (Bib 1. geogr. i, y* , 3), a statement
which is also found in other authors (see Chwolson, i, 489).
To the sources quoted by Chwolson may be added al-Birum.

The Sabians 389

Like Masu'dl he mentions Sabians from Central Asia, in-
fluenced by Budasp and the Harranians(Sachau's ed. pp. r . t-
r-v). But the real Sabians are "those who were left of the
captives in Babylon, who were carried there from Jerusalem
by Buhtunussar. When they had stayed for some time in the
country and grown accustomed to the land of Babylon, they
did not want to go back to Syria, but preferred staying in
Babylon, and they did not adhere to their religion, but
listened to the doctrines of the Magians and adopted (^1 l^li)
some of them. Their religion became a mixture of that of
the Magians and Judaism, as was the case with some of
those who were carried from Babylon to Syria, namely those
who are called Samaritans. Most of these are found in the
district of 'Iraq, and they are the real Sabians. They live
scattered, not in a body, and they are not found in countries
to which they specially belong, as opposed to other countries.
To this may be added that they do not agree upon any single

confession (J^»-), inasmuch as (read ^^J^) their religion

is not based upon a firm pillar, either revelation or inspira-
tion, or_the like. They derive their origin from Enosh b.
Shit b. Adam. The name is also used about the Harranians,
who are the remains of people belonging to the ancient
western religion, having parted from it when the Greek
Romans had become Christians. And they derive their
origin from Agathodaimon and Hermes and Walls and
Maba and Siwar, and they profess their prophethood, and
the prophethood of similar men among the wise. This name
is better known as a designation for them than for others,
though they were not called so until the reign of the 'Ab-
basides in the year 228/830, in order that they might be
included among the community of those from whom the
name was taken, and to whom protection (iijJl) was given.
Formerly they were called Hanlfs, and idolaters, and Har-
ranians" (p. r * A, cf. c ••(.). In another place Blrunl says about
the Manichaeans that in his days they live in great numbers
outside the area of Islam, among the Turks, in China, and
in India, but in Islam only scattered, except in Samarqand,
where they are called Sabians (p. r • i).

None of these authors uses " Sabians" as a special name
of a single, definite sect. It is a common name of a number

390 JOHS. PEDERSEN

of sects that are scattered about the countries. Even the
Mesopotamian Sabians, who are supposed to be the original
ones, do not form a single sect, but a number of sects —
"Sabian" is a word for gnostic. When Biruni believes that
they owe their origin to a mixture of Judaism and the
religion of the Magians, this is certainly an imperfect, but
still a quite intelligible view of the origin of gnosticism.
Gnosticism is a collective designation of those forms of
religion into which the religions of antiquity developed. A
characteristic feature of it is dualism, the craving for the
release of the soul from this evil world to a higher world, to
which it belongs. What is said about the Greek emperors is
quite consistent with history. Julian was a gnostic, namely a
Neoplatonist, and it is quite intelligible that Buddhism with
its ascetic tendency and craving for release may be reckoned
in this category. When the Harranians are thought to be
connected with Egypt, this is also correct, as shown by the
Hermes literature. The word " Sabians" comprises all forms
of gnosticism, both the one that had quite given up the old
worship, and the one that like Julian's embraced most of the
old forms. Therefore the word is synonymous with the
designation wi~^-.

Hanif cannot very well be anything but the Syrian
hanfa, heathen. This word is used to translate "EXX^^es, John
vii. 35 ; Acts xviii. 4, 17, etc. (vid. Payne Smith, s.v.). In the
same way the Arabic <Ju*»- is used about heathens, e.g. about
the Philistines against whom Saul and David fought(Yacqubl,
ed. Houtsma, i, «s 4 infra ; °r, 8, 3 infra] cf. Buhl, En-
cyclopaedia of Islam, s.v.). But in the days of Islam the old
paganism had disappeared, and was only found in some
form or other as gnosticism — in the widest meaning of this
word1. The words hanlf and Sabian stand thus in the
same relation as " Hellenistic" and "gnostic" in our usage.
We have seen that Mas'udl uses the two words quite
synonymously.

Can this be owing to the fact that the Harranians had
fraudulently usurped the name of Sabians, as Chwolson
believed ? Chwolson's view assumes that " Sabians " originally
designates a single community, the Mandaeans, but we have

1 Yacqubl also tells us that the Philistines were »U^». and worshippers of
the celestial bodies — like all Hellenistic heathens.

The Sabians

seen that we do not find it in this sense, but only as a more
comprehensive term for gnostic sects, to which of course the
Mandaeans also belonged. Thus the Harranians' adoption of
the name is not a forgery. They were fully entitled to adopt
a name that was used about kindred communities, as when
a community that had formerly been called Hellenistic would
call itself gnostic.

If we suppose that this was already the meaning of
"Sabian" and "Hanif" in the time of Mohammed, the various
statements of the Koran become intelligible. That Moham-
med was under gnostic influence appears, among other
things, from his docetic view of Christ (Sur. 4, 156). It is
an all but obvious conclusion that the Hanlfs whom he sets
up as a model, and who are also called o^^» were the repre-
sentatives of some kind of gnosticism, which maintains that
man is to seek 3j±.*$\ and not UJjJt, a form of religion that
differs from Judaism and Christianity, but yet is closely allied
to both. At any rate it must have been strictly monotheistic,
and most likely it has supplied the Prophet with the subjects
of many Prophetic legends.

JOHS. PEDERSEN.

THE GENEALOGIES OF FAKHR-UD-DIN,
MUBARAK SHAH

In the year 1912 Mr A. G. Ellis1 purchased from Messrs
Quaritch in London a Persian MS in large octavo size and
comprising 125 folios in elegant nesta'tig writing on thick
yellowish paper. The MS dates from about the fifteenth
century, and was presumably bound at about the end of the
eighteenth or beginning of the nineteenth century for a
European who stamped on the back the title " Buhr Unsab"
On a flyleaf probably contemporary with the present binding
of the MS there is a note written by a Persian which, while
it contains much that is true, is at the same time misleading.
The following is a translation of this note :

" The Kitdb-i Bahr-i Ansdb was compiled in twelve years at Ghaznin by
Mubarak Shah2 Siddiqi, known as Fakhr-Mudir, who desired to lay it before
Sultan Shihab-ud-Din Ghiiri in Lahore : but owing to the departure of the
Sultan for Ghaznin (which he had made his Capital), and to the murder of
the Sultan on the way thither at a place called Damyak, this could not be
done. As soon as Sultan Qutb-ud-Din Ai-Beg heard of the news of the
Sultan's murder he marched from Delhi to Lahore, and by the intermediary
of the famous general Asad-ud-Dawlah, Sayyid ar-Rijal Ulugh Dad Beg
'Ali Muhammad Abu'l-Hasan, the work was laid before Sultan Qutb-ud-Din,
who duly commended it, and ordered his scribe to prepare a very fine and
rare copy in nestcfliq on Wasli paper.

Now it would seem from the style of writing of the Katib that this [MS]
is the selfsame copy which was written by the command of Sultan Qutb-ud-
Din for the Royal Library : and God knows best whether this is correct."

The writer of the Persian note displays his ignorance
when he says the copy made for Qutb-ud- Din's Royal Library
was written in nestalltq, for in 1206 A.D. this form of writing
had not yet been invented : and, seeing that Mr Ellis' MS
is written in an elegant nesta'liq, it cannot be the copy
referred to.

1 I take this opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks to Mr Ellis
for lending me this MS and giving me an opportunity of studying its
contents.

2 The author of the Arabic History of Gujarat tells us that Mubarak
Shah was a title conferred on the Head Farrash. A Farrash with this title
is mentioned in the Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri (see Raverty's Trans, p. 659).

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubarak Shah 393

Now with regard to the identity of this work and its
author, the references I found in other histories were not
quite convincing, and it seemed at first as if it were a question
of mere coincidence.

Let me quote these two references :

(1) Ibn-ul-Athir mentions among the various occurrences of the year
A.M. 602 that "in this year in the month of Shawwal died Fakhr-ud-Dfn
Mubarak Shah ibn Abu'l-Hasan al-Marv-ur-Riidhi, who wrote good poetry
in Persian and Arabic. He was held in great esteem by Ghiyas-ud-Din the
Great, lord of Ghazna, Herat and other towns. He owned a guest-house in
which there were books and chess boards. There the learned perused the
books and the ignorant played chess."

(2) Minhaj Siraj Jiizajani in the sixteenth " Tabaqa " of his Tabaqdt-i-
Ndsiri makes several allusions to a certain Fakhr-ud-Din Mubarak Shah of
Marv-ur-riidh (obviously the man referred to by Ibn-ul-Athir) and tells us
that in A.M. 602 he saw in the Library of a royal princess a copy of
the genealogical work composed by this Fakhr-ud-Din. There are three
references to the work1 and on each occasion an expression2 is used which
might lead one to suppose that the genealogies were in verse, and this was
the interpretation put on it by Raverty.

I am now convinced that Raverty was wrong, and that
Mr Ellis' MS contains a copy of the work seen by Juzajani
in A.H. 602. It did not at first occur to me that it is almost if
not quite inconceivable that an accurate genealogy could be
written in verse ; and secondly the expression of the original
quoted above though used technically for " composing"
verses could be applied equally well to the " arrangement" of
genealogical tables.

There is a second passage in Ibn ul-Athir (Tornberg,
vol. xii, p. 10 1 — Cairo xn, p. 64) which evidently refers to
our author :

" In the year A.H. 595 Ghiyas-ud-Din abandoned the Karrami heresy,
and became a Shafi'ite : and this was due to the presence at his court of a
certain individual known as Fakhr Mubarak Shah, who wrote verses in
Persian and was learned in many sciences. This man introduced to Ghiyas-
ud-Din, Shaykh Wahid-ud-Din Abu'1-Fath Muhammad Ibn Mahmiid al-
Marv-ur-rtidhi, the Shafi'ite lawyer, who expounded to the king the Shafi'ite
tenets, and explained to him the error of the Karrami sect. And thus the
king became a Shafi'ite and built Shafi'ite schools, and in Ghazna he built
them a mosque and provided for their welfare. In consequence of this
the Karramis did their best to injure Wahid-ud-Din, but God did not
permit their machinations to succeed."

1 See Text, Bibliotheca Indica, pp. *A and ™.

394 E. DENISON Ross

The Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri (see Raverty 's Trans, p. 384)
gives a totally different story of the king's conversion, and
does not mention that Fakhr Mubarak Shah played any
part in the matter.

The same Mubarak Shah is probably referred to in the
following passage in the Habib us-Siyar (Bombay edition,
vol. n, p. 155) :

" Among the poets was Mubarak Shah Ghiiri who is the learned author
of al-Madkhal al-Manz&m ft Bahr-in-Nujiim^ a work on Astronomy. He
was a contemporary of Ghiyas-ud-Din and wrote elegant verses in his
praise."

This extract from the Habib us-Siyar refers to the year
A.H. 599.

The identity of the book being thus established there
remains only the discrepancy regarding the author's father,
for Ibn-ul-Athir calls him the son of Abul-Hasan ; and in
the full genealogy which he gives of himself Fakhr-ud-Din
calls his father Mansiir, and there is no Abul-Hasan in the
whole tree. Allowing Ibn-ul-Athir or his text to be in error,
the identity of the author is otherwise established. Jiizajani
says the copy he saw was dedicated to Ghiyas-ud-Din
(Raverty says some MSS read here Mu'izz-ud-Din, which is
of course the correct reading, though he has himself adopted
the reading Ghiyas-ud-Din), whereas the present copy was
dedicated to Outb-ud-Din. We know from the author that
he intended to present his book in 602 to Mu'izz-ud-Din —
who was murdered before he had a chance of doing so
—and consequently presented it to his successor Qutb-ud-
Din. The Ellis MS represents a copy of the special copy
made for Qutb-ud-Din's Library. Fakhr-ud-Din makes no
reference to 'Ald'-ud-Din Husayn Jahdnsuz, in whose name
according to Juzajani the work was originally composed.
The title of the work is nowhere given. The author speaks
of it as the Shajara or the Shajara-i Ansdb. The title on the
cover and in the Persian flyleaf Bahr-i Ansdb seems to be a
later invention. There is a tantalising note in Raverty, p. 301,
which says : " One historian quotes a portion of Fakhr-ud-
Din's work, but it is too long for insertion here." I have been
unable to trace the historian in question.

There is an 'unwdn on folio i b which contained a super-
scription in blue ink; this has been erased, but judging by

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubdrak Shdh 395

the vowel points which are partly preserved it was merely
the "Bismillah" in decorative naskh.

I hope ultimately to be able to publish the complete
translation of this work with notes. The transcript is far from
perfect and in connection with the names of places and
peoples much study is required before a correct reading can
be established. My object in presenting this summary
account of the Ellis MS is to call attention to this interesting
work which has now been rescued from oblivion. Although
this little history has become so rare, copies of it must have
existed in India in the sixteenth century as it is quoted as
an authority by Ferishta.

The principal details into which enquiry remains to
be made are :

(i) The long list of Turkish tribes, p. xxiv.

(ii) The Indian peoples or pjaces mentioned in connection
with the Gukars, p. xi, and the Indian contingent, p. xii.

(iii) The Genealogical tables.

CONTENTS OF THE MS
i b-38 b. Introduction.

39 a. Blank page originally intended to contain a map of China,

Turkestan, and Mawara-un-Nahr.
3 95-48 a. Dibacha.
48 b-49 a. Genealogy of the Prophet not set out in tabular form.

49 b. Blank — Perhaps left blank out of deference to the Prophet.

50 a. Beginning of the Genealogical Trees of the famous people of

the World in tabular form, from Adam to Seth, followed by
five folios of prose narrative, which ends abruptly on folio
55 b in the middle of the story of 'Uj and his destruction by
Moses and the Israelites. Some folios of the original are pro-
bably missing here.
56a-i24b. Sixty-eight genealogies endingwith the Muliik-i-Jibal or Ghiirids.

The opening words on fol. i b are as follows :

J*** Ola^Ao # jt 0,^3 j&\ *£>

396 E. DENISON Ross

CONTENTS OF INTRODUCTION
fol. 3 a. Beginning of definitions of the Seven Climes.
fol. 5 a. A digression containing many quotations from the Qpr'dn written
in red ink, each of which is carefully translated into Persian,
regarding the establishment of Islam in the world.

fol. 12 b. Contains the first reference to the reigning dynasty and points
out how in the seventh century of the Hijra, Mu'izz-ud-Dm over-
threw the malignant Ghuzz who had got the upper hand in the
kingdom of Ghazna.

The following is an abridged translation of the succeed-
ing folios, in which only immaterial details and pious vows
after personal names have been omitted.

In the seventh century the world was in a state of dis-
order, and a tribe called the Ghuzz, who were robbers,
destroyers and rebels, had gained the upper hand over the
kingdom of Ghaznin, so that the real inhabitants of the
country, in order to escape from their tyranny, fled, leaving
behind them their goods and chattels and homes. In that
century there appeared a king of an ancient stock, a lord of
the happy conjunction, the blessed Martyr Mu'izz-ud-Din
Muhammad ibn Sam, the Helper of the Commander of the
Faithful, — may God cover him with his mercy and give him
a dwelling in the midst of Paradise, — who overthrew those
evildoers, and (13 a) captured the Capital Ghaznin where he
established himself. It is because the Capital Ghaznin is the
finest in the world, and had been the seat of great and just
kings that he selected it ; and from the banks of the Jaihun
at Tirmidh up to the shores of the Muhit ocean came under
his sway.

He embellished the world with Justice, and made it
flourish by his goodness, and smoothed the Government and
Administration by means of wise enactments. He engaged,
as prescribed by the Sunna, in Holy Wars, and overthrew
the Infidels, the Carmathians, the Evil Doers, and the
Assassins. And through him the world enjoyed Peace ;
dangerous and impassable roads became safe, and by day

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubdrak Shdh 397

and by night traders and merchants began to arrive con-
tinuously bringing much money and merchandise from
distant parts. And they used to import precious wares and
rare clothes, the like of which no one had ever seen. Under
the shadow of the justice, protection and encouragement
bestowed (13 b) by that just monarch, any persons who had
not had among their antecedents or relations a scamp of a
Hindu or a fool (long-eared one), might become the possessor
of troops of slaves of all kinds, stables and herds of horses,
strings of camels. And some became cavalry leaders and
generals and had their own drums and banners and tents and
governorships. And no one dared to take in anger or by
force so much as a bunch of herbage or a blade of grass or a
silver dirham : nor to quarter himself on a peasant. The door
was closed to tyranny and opened to justice and security.

In addition to all these blessings God further bestowed
on that just king a fortunate and successful slave in the person
of Qutb-ud-Din, who, with his liberality and generosity and
openhandedness (14 a) made slaves of a thousand free men.
And no king ever had such a slave, nor has any one seen the
like. And the first of the blessings which God bestowed on
this slave was that in his youth, before they brought him from
Turkestan to the Capital of Islam, he fell in Nishapur into the
hands of the learned Imam, deeply versed in science, exceed-
ingly pious, gifted and religious, a descendant of the learned
Imam Abu Hanifa. Indeed he was a second Abu Hanifa of
his own age. His name was Qazi Fakhr-ud-Din Kiifi.
Qutb-ud-Din studied the Qordn in the house of the Imam,
and under the blessing of his guidance became a Qordn-
reader and made a name for himself in religious matters.

The Turks were noted for their skill in games, and
running and playing draughts and chess, while he became
famous for reading the Qor'dn\ and by the blessing of his
Qor'anic studies, fortune and wealth and friendship (14 b)
turned a favourable eye on him, and thus he passed from the
house of that honoured learned Imam into the service of the
Great Just Monarch. And the King of Islam regarded his
service as blessed (mubdrak), and every day his influence in
the state increased. And since the victorious Sultan (may
God illumine his proof) observed with his kingly perspicacity
the qualities of good fortune and the signs of good luck on

398 E. DENISON Ross

his forehead, he cherished him like a beloved son and took
immense pains to train him. He made him Commander in
Chief of Kuhram, and the first beginning of his good fortune
was from Kuhram. And this was a very good omen. And
the Prophet (on whom be peace) was fond of omens (fdl),
and when he asked a man his name or any other question, if
the name was a good one or the reply he heard was good,
he used to say : "We have taken yourfd/ — from your mouth
is the explanation of the fdl" Fdls are from God and
auguries (tiro) are from Satan.

(15 a) As the beginning of his fortunes was from Kuh-
ram it signified that "All the mountains (Kuk) of gold and
silver and ' favour ' of Hindustan, which are the treasuries of
the Kings and Rais of India, have become obedient (Rdm]
to your desires. Profit well by it as you please and spend it."
And indeed it was so. And this good luck happened to him
in 588, and in that same year he defeated the army of Kolah
and captured the Rai of Ajmir, 14 elephants fell into his
hands, he conquered the forts of Delhi and Rantambhur, he
carried off four golden melons weighing 300 maunds. He sent
all four golden melons to the Sultan (Mu'izz-ud-Din) and the
Sultan of Islam sent one of them to Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din.
Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din gave orders for^ it to be taken to
Herat, and to make out of it a Mosque (Adhina) and ( 1 5 b) a
dome and a Maqstira (holy of holies), so that whoever should
pray in that Mosque or recite the Qordn, or study, or con-
template, whatever reward that person should earn, so much
reward should go to the treasury of that King.

In the year 590 was the victory over Rai Jit Chandra
(see Raverty, p. 470) and the capture of 100 elephants.
So much spoil was taken that it passes mortal comprehension.

In the year 591 was the capture of Ajmir. In the year
592 the King of Islam went to Gwalior and in his service
Qutb-ud-Din conquered Thankiri. In 593 he conquered
Nahrawala, and the army of Islam brought away spoils
chiefly in red gold and cash. And he distributed all the spoil
among the soldiers. He brought away 32 incomparable
elephants, and sent them to the Sultan. In 594 he captured
the fort of Budi'iin, and destroyed the idol temples of
Benares. (See Raverty, p. 521.)

(16 a) In 595 he seized Antarwal (j\jjZ&) and conquered

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubdrak Shah 399

Kanauj and took the province of Siroh. In 596 he captured
Malwa and the surrounding country. In 597 he captured
Gwalior, and took much booty. In 598 he presented himself
before the Sultan of Islam and requested that just as he had
brought Hindustan under the submission to the Sultan of
Islam, he might also bring Khorasan into subjection to the
lofty banner of the King of Islam. But the King of Islam
fully realised that the affairs of Hindustan would not prosper
without the presence of the hero of Hind, and that on account
of his absence troubles would arise, as the distance would be
great between them, and he ordered him to turn back.

In 599 he conquered Kalinjar and took countless booty.

(16 b) In 600 he conquered Budiir, and in 60 1 he waited
on the Sultan of Islam at Barshur, where the Sultan had
returned safely from Khwarazm and Andkhui after receiving
a wound in his eye. He had the honour of waiting on him,
and after receiving marks of favour returned to his head-
quarters Delhi, where he devoted all his attention to the
government of the province, the raising of an army and
the ordering of the troops. And from the day when his
fortunes began up to the time of writing he has given such
evidences of bravery and good leadership, that they have
become proverbial. And although all the victories which
God caused him to win are clearer than the sun, and well
known to all the world : nevertheless it must not be forgotten
how much was due to the care and assistance of the General
Husam-ud-Din Ahmed 'AH Shah, who was the slave and
officer of the King of Islam, and was never absent from his
stirrup, and was present at these victories and battles.
Indeed all the generals of this Court were gifted, brave and
noble, and each was distinguished for his courage, and
received an ample share of the fortune and prosperity of the
King of Islam, who by his patronage and favour made each
and all famous. To some (17 a) he gave high commands,
body guards, pavilions, drums, standards and districts, and
each performed fine acts of service, and was duly praised : so
that by the help of God and under the encouraging glances of
the Emperor the Kingdoms of Hindustan were conquered
and the whole country subdued up to the shores of the ocean
and up to the rising sun.

(17 b) And powerful Infidels and mighty Rais with their

4oo E. DENISON Ross

numerous elephants and armies were overthrown, and some
were taken captive and converted to Islam, so that Infidel
towns became Muhammadan, and in the place of idols, God
was established ; temples became Mosques and Schools and
Monasteries, and every year so many idolatrous men and
women were brought within the fold of Islam, and acknow-
ledged the Unity of God and practised Muhammadanism
and became worthy of Paradise ... and every child born
of them sings the praises of God and obeys Him, and reads
the Qordn and studies science....

And in 602 the King came to Hindustan and assembled
the armies of that country and proclaimed a Holy War
against the Gukars, the Siyahs1, and the people of Mt. Jud,
who had for a long time been preparing for war. (i8a)
And on account of the masses of warriors and strong places,
and the quantities of arms and armour, the armies of Islam
caused them no anxiety and carried no weight ; and they
boldly practised highway robbery and killed Musulmans, and
behaved in an unseemly way, so that owing to their evil
deeds the country was on the verge of ruin, and the in-
habitants were fleeing from their houses and hearths. And
most of the highways were blocked with the traffic, and the
Moslems were in despair. However, God most high vouch-
safed (18 b) victory and conquest to a King and an Army of
Islam, which made an enduring mark on the history of the
world, and overthrew 200,000 evil infidel Moslem-killing
highwaymen. They carried captive their wives and children
and countless booty fell into their hands, ( 1 9 a) such as had
never been taken during 200 years, consisting of fabulous
quantities of gold and silver and cash, and goods and cloths,
and horses, camels, cattle and goats, etc.

This world-conquering warrior of Hind received the title
of Malik, and was nominated heir apparent to Hindustan,
and from the Gates of Marshuk to the limits of Hind was
given to him and he was* made supreme ruler. He (Mu'izz-
ud-Din) left him (Qutb-ud-Din) his lieutenant in the Capital
of Hindustan, and sent him back to Delhi, as all the world
knows, whilst he himself returned to Ghaznin. And when he

1 I have left untranslated the following names in the MS : <J W* >
jjL^a., O !/*>*> O^>^> O^^' and O1^^*!;- $ee Raverty, op, cit.
pp. 481 seq. note.

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubarak Shah 401

arrived at Damyak he fell a martyr, as had been decreed
from all Eternity, and joined his God. May God most high
show mercy on him, and cause the great and just Malik to
be the heir to his prosperity.

(iQb) By this terrible catastrophe the world was left
without a protector and shepherd and was thrown into a state
of confusion and disorder

When the news reached the great Malik in Delhi, he was
absent from the town but he immediately returned to the
Capital and lamented as was fitting on the death of such a
ruler, and did not go out for several days, nor hold any court
nor transact any business, neglecting everything (20 a) on
account of this calamity which affected all the world equally.

When the inspiration of God most high, Who is the
Instructor of the lords of fortune, directed that the King-
doms of Hindustan should mourn and that he (Qutb-ud-Din)
should set about administering the affairs of all the people-
especially the people of Lahore1, the centre of Islam in Hind
and the second capital of Ghazna, towards whom the late
Emperor had shown special favour — he having cast a good
day and hour by the horoscope set out from Delhi to Lahore
in the hot season, and the troops on account of the heat, and
the horses and camels from the want of water and grass,
suffered greatly on the road. However, since his object
was the protection of the country and the welfare of its
inhabitants, he made light of the heat and discomfort : and
on Tuesday the i ith of Dhi'l-Qa'da 602 A.H. (20 b) the high
banner arrived in the village of Dddyamuh outside Lahore,
and there the King encamped. All the people of that
country, Qcizis, Imams, Sayyids, nobles, officers, agents,
soldiers, merchants, strong and weak, rich and poor, came
out to receive him, and made (21 a) rejoicing, giving thanks
to God that although a bright Sun had been eclipsed, a
brilliant new moon had arisen ; and though a large tree had
fallen in the garden of Conquest, a strong new fruit-bearing
Sapling had sprung up in its place (and so forth). (21 b) In
short they welcomed Qutb as undisputed successor to the
throne of Mu'izz, and on Tuesday the I7th of the same
month at an auspicious hour Qutb-ud-Dfn Ai-Beg entered
the Royal Palace.

1 Lahore is always written Luhaur in the MS.
B. P.V. 26

402 E. DENISON Ross

He ruled so well that one might (22 a) have thought he
had always been a king. And in spite of the large number of
troops collected round his banners — consisting of Turks,
Ghuris, Khurasanis, Khaljis and the Hindustan contingent...1
no one dared to take by force a blade of grass or a morsel of
bread, a goat from the desert or a bird from the sown, or to
billet himself on a peasant. The King put into practice all the
excellent customs established by his master and protector,
the late Sovereign.

And the first gracious act he performed for the people of
that town was to secure all Musulman property to its owners,
and to see that all taxes other than those ordained by the
Holy Law should be abolished, namely one fifth (22 b). And
according to the Sharfat in some cases it was one tenth and in
others half a tenth, and he gave orders for tawqi's to be drawn
up, and saw that every one had a copy. And he had them
taken to the outlying districts and villages. Thus the Musul-
mans were made happy and contented and offered up prayers
for the stability and endurance of this rule. The King further-
more did away with a great illegal practice (muhdas) : for the
Prophet said, "The best of arrangements is the middle way and
the worst are innovations." An innovation is a custom which
is instituted according to the pleasure of some individual but
is outside the Shari'at and has never been practised before. ...

(2 3 a) And he secured the continuance of other salaries and
endowments to which the learned, the lawyers, the natives,
the saints and pious persons were entitled. He gave large
sums from his private purse for these objects, and made
charitable bequests to widows and orphans, which please
God may long remain established.

Now all the Turks in spite of their good demeanour and
good fortune have been endowed with these same laudable
qualities, (23b) and all Turkestan has by virtue of this circum-
stance become great and prosperous. And there is no race
among the masses of unbelievers who have been converted to
Islam which do not hanker after their homes and mothers and
relations — indeed they are slow to accept Muhammadanism
in their hearts, and many turn renegade and revert to un-

1 I have left untranslated the following passage :

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubarak Shah 403

belief. Except only the Turks who when they are converted
(24 a) become such staunch Moslems that they forget hearth
and home and relations : and no one has ever seen a Turk
who turned renegade from Islam.

Our Author next poses the following- problem. If any
one should ask " What is the cause of the honour and fortune
that fall to the lot of the Turks?" the answer is: It is
common knowledge that all races and classes, while they
remain among their own people and in their own country,
are honoured and respected ; but when they go abroad they
become miserable and abject. The Turks on the contrary,
while they remain among their own people and in their own
country, are merely a tribe among other tribes, and enjoy no
particular power or status. But when they leave their own
country and come to a Muhammadan country — (the more
remote they are from their own homes and relatives the
more highly are they valued and appreciated) — they become
Amirs and Generalissimos.

Now from the days of Adam down to the present day, no
slave bought at a price has ever become a king except among
the Turks; and among the sayings of Afrasiyab, who was a
king of the Turks, and was extraordinarily wise and learned,
was his dictum that the Turk is like a pearl in its shell at the
bottom of the sea, which becomes valuable when it leaves the
sea, and adorns the diadems of kings and the ears of brides.

(24 b) And if the Turks have no rank, nobility or position
of their own, this is also a source of pride, for the King of
Islam (Qutb-ud-Din) — may God glorify his victories — is a
Turk....

Turkestan is the most extensive country on the face
of the earth ; on the East is China, on the West Rum, on
the North the Wall of Yajiij and Majuj, on the South the
Mountains of Hindustan where the snow falls.

He next proceeds to enumerate the rare and precious
products of Turkestan.

Tartar musk.
Tibetan musk.

Khotan musk.

Rich cloths from China, etc.

5) Qunduz (beaver).

(6) Riibah (fox).

26 — 2

404 E. DENISON Ross

(7) Yilghari ?

(8) Bartas (fur).

(9) Samiir (grey sable).

10) Saghur (? Saghri — horse leather).

n) Qaqum (ermine).

12) Sinjab (grey squirrel).

(13) Ghajgau (Tibetan ox).

(14) Khadang (poplar tree).

15) Tiiz (a tree).

1 6) Khutii (horn).

17) Sagag ?

(18) Baz (falcon).

(19) Shamin ?

(20) Yashm (agate).

(21) Fine horses.

(22) Bisrak camels.

(23) Bukhti camels.

(24) Wild camels.

And in the country of the Toghuzghuz which is the
original home of the Turks, there is a king, on the roof of
whose palace there is a golden furnace (tanntir) [i.e. a stupa]
of great height and covered with various precious stones.
This stupa is visible from a distance of five miles. A tribe of
that country worships this stupa and all the kings in China
reverence it — for China is regarded as a part of Turkestan.

In one part of Turkestan there is a forest called the
forest of Lura ; its inhabitants are wild men and do not mix
with other men, and the traders, who take cotton and other
goods there, place them in a desert spot which has from time
immemorial been the place of buying and selling, and then
withdraw to a distance. The wild men, on their part, bring
their own goods and place them near the goods of the
merchants. If the bargain seems suitable they leave their
own goods and take away those left by the traders. But if
it does not seem suitable, they leave some of their own
goods, and pick up the goods of the traders and place them at
a distance from their own, and withdraw. When a merchant
sees this from a distance he goes up and adds something to
his stock and again withdraws. Then the wild man comes
back, and if he is satisfied he takes the trader's goods and

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubarak Shah 405

leaves his own : and then both parties go away, without their
exchanging a single word.

Our Author next describes another forest also containing
wild men with strange habits.

He goes on to speak briefly of the Slavs and the Russians,
as do all the early geographers. He further tells us that
besides the Musulmans there are four (MS says "three")
classes in Turkestan — the Jews, the Christians and the
Zoroastrians and the Buddhists, and most of them re-
cognise the Creator, And they know about the Prophets
and those matters in which one ought to believe although
they do not believe in them themselves. And if they did not
know about them they would not have names for them in
their language.

Thus Khuda = Tangri [God].

Khudawand = /dfc or Ulugh Tangri [Lord].

Rasul = Yalavach [the Prophet].

Paighamber = Saghchi [Prophets].

fn Jahan = ^z/ aj'un [this world].

An Jahan = ol aj'un [the next world].

Ruz-i Qvy&m'd&^ulughgun [the Day of Judgment],

Bihisht= Uchmaq or Uchmakh [Paradise].

Duzakh = Chamnkh or Tamukh [Hell].

Hasht Bihisht = 6V&> Uc&ma£t\theS Paradises].

Haft Duzakh= Yeti Tamukh [the 7 Hells].

Hisab = Saqish [calculation, reckoning].

There are other things by reason of which the Turks
hold pre-eminence over other peoples. One is that after the
Persian language none is finer and more dignified than
Turkish. And now-a-days the Turkish language is more
popular than it ever was before. This is due to the fact
that the majority of Amirs and Commanders are Turks.
And it is the Turks who are most successful and most
wealthy ; and so all have need of that language. And the
highest nobles are in the service of the Turks under whom
they enjoy peace, prosperity and honour —

And again the Turks have got books and an alphabet —
and they know magic and astrology. They teach their
children writing.

And their scripts are of two kinds, namely Soghdian

406 E. DENISON Ross

and Toghuzghuz (29 a). Now Soghdian has 25 letters, and
there are three letters which do not occur in their alphabet,
namely sdd, zd and ghayn. It is written from right to left and
most of the letters do not join one another and their form is
as shown below.

[This page is given in photographic reproduction in the
Journal Asiatique, Mai-Juin 1913, L'alphabet Sogdien
d'apres un te'moignage du xme siecle.]

The Toghuzghuz alphabet has 28 letters, and is written
from right to left. (29 b) The letters do not join with one
another.

Here follows a list of the letters — and a specimen of the
way in which they write: Bismilldhir-Rahmdnir-Rahim,
which in the present copy is valueless.

The Turks also compose verses, both qasidas and rub&is.
The following rubd'i is quoted in order to show that
their poetry scans and has sense, with interlinear Persian
rendering (30 a) :

The Khazars also have an alphabet, which is derived
from that of the Russians — and a branch of the people
of Rum who live near them employ this writing, and they
call Rum Rus. It is written from left to right. The letters do
not join one another. They have only 22 letters. Here
follows a third table, the letters represented being

a, b, j, d, h, w, z, h, t, y, k, 1, m, n, s, gh, f, q, r, sh, t, th.

Most of these Khazars who use this writing are Jews
(30 b). Now the Turks consist of many tribes, most of whom
live in the plains, and have pasture grounds, but they do not
remain in one spot for their flocks except in winter when
snow covers the ground.

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubdrak Shah 407

If any one should wish to learn about all the Turkish
tribes, it would be impossible, but the following list gives the
names of some of the best known sub-divisions1.

Names of the various Turkish tribes :

jp Turk

24.

jji. Khazar

^JUj Yimak

25-

jj^.tp Qara Khazar

*W QygV

26.

JUJ^. Qipchaq

•iJ/3 Kharluq

27.

(^2\ ? Altay (?«/// numeral

J£r>- Chigil

"six")

juoJt ? Imir

28.

OU£-» ? Giigat

9»J;a» Kharluq

29.

JUa^j Bichanak

JUS Qynaq

3°-

J^l ? Oghul

i5*L> Yaghy

3i-

JU~» ?Satyq(? proper name)

j j

10.

JyL, ? Salur

32.

<J£j~* ? Sutuq (? same as

No. 31)

ii.

*JU- Khalach

33-

jU5 Tatar

12.

j£t Oghuz

34-

jll5!^5 Qara Tatar

I^.

Ua*. Khyta

35-

^^UUS Qangly

14.

^l^ see No. 16

" *

36.

}£-j\*t ? Barghu (? Mongolian

»$•

^jjl Urus (Rus)

Barghut)

16.

^ Qay

37-

ji Ghuz

i7-

Ol)3^ Oran

38.

j^itjj ? Qara Ghuz

18.

^^aLj ? Tokhsin

39-

j^jJu Taghuzghuz

19.

*Z~3 Tiibat

40.

Lfri-l Yaghma

20.

C*%jj|^5 Qara Tiibat

41.

^^Jstjl ? Oragir

-•

0 ^

21. .

y*iUi PSaqlab

42.

J^S PQayq

22. ,

.m Q£S Kamichi

43-

jALo Salghar

0 x

23-

^)lo^£» Kimak

44.

j^Jj ? Yazar

1 I have thought it worth while to give this list as it stands — reserving
for a future occasion a detailed examination, giving in this place only some
of the more obvious identifications.

408 E. DENISON Ross

45. j&># PDukiir 55- jU*\ Afshar

46. jj£b Bayundur 5 ^ j>& ? Bakriz

47. jyjU.^ Ala Yuntlyq 57. ^ i& Bakdali

48. j$£>\ ? Ui'ghur or Oghuz 58. "LSI

49. J>" ? Tughraq ^

50. OU Bayat 6o

51. Up>3 Tuturgha 61. j

52- o!/^i 62. duaji

53- c&J-' 63. J*«~»b Basmil

54. >^W 5/V for Yabghu * ? 64. ^U»wjj Jt Barskhan

"Now I have described all the peculiarities and wonders
of Turkestan, in order that all may realise the superiority of
the Turks, and I have enumerated the various tribes of the
Turks, because if all these tribes were to know of the noble
virtues and laudable qualities of our great and just King
(Qutb-ud-Din),they would immediately set out for his mighty
court which is the Qibla of the destitute, and enjoy the privi-
lege and happiness of kissing his hand, and their eyes would
shine on beholding his imperial glory: for it is as if the Sun
of happiness shone forth from his blessed forehead.

For it is fitting that all the Chiefs of Turkestan should
come and do honour to him at his court, and make the thresh-
old of his imperial palace their pillow, and become by his
favour the foremost chiefs in the world. They would, more-
over, convince themselves that his valour and bravery are
such that if Rustem were alive, he would have been his
chamberlain." And so forth for several pages in regard to
Qutb-ud- Din's valour.

He next praises his generosity — which won for him the
nickname of Lakh-Bakhsh (or the bestower of millions). In
proof of the King's leniency and justice he tells us that since
the King came to the throne no Musulman had received death
by his command. He would not tolerate the shedding of
Musulman blood — even if a man committed a serious crime.

1 Cf. >cl$> in Khazd'in ul-'ultim, quoted by Schefer, Chrestomathie
Persane, vol. i, p. 12.

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubdrak Skdh 409

Our Author proceeds to discuss the quality of mercy ;
this and similar reflections occupy many pages till we suddenly
come up to a blank page which in the original contained a map
of Turkestan. It is a matter of great regret that the (fol. 39 a)
copyist did not take the trouble to reproduce this map, which
must have proved of considerable interest.

The rest of the MS is occupied by the Dibacha, foil.
39 b to 48 a, summarized below, and by the genealogical
trees, foil. 48 b to 1 24 b. The Author's own tree occurs on
fol. no a.

THE DIBACHA.

(39b) The least of suppliants and the meanest of servants,
the weakling Muhammad ibn Mansur ibn Sa'id ibn Abi'l-
Faraj ibn al-Jalil ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Nasr ibn Khalaf ibn
Ahmad ibn Shu'ayb ibn Talha ibn 'Abdallah ibn 'Abd-ar-
Rahman ibn Abi Bakr as-Siddiq at-Taymi al-Qurashi entitled
Mubarak Shah and commonly known as Fakhr-Mudir, who
is the author and producer of these trees and genealogies,
says that his reason for extracting and collecting these
genealogies was as follows :

From the time of the irruption of the Ghuzz down to the
capture of Khurran Malik and the conquest of Lahore,
Fakhr-Mudir had been in constant attendance on Ghiyas-
ud-Din. During this time he had lost sight of his own
genealogical tree: but on the conquest of Lahore (in A.H. 580,
A.D. 1 184) the documents connected with the properties and
waqfs of his ancestors were sent for, and his genealogy again
came to light, and as he claimed descent from the family of
the Prophet, he resolved to draw up complete trees of his
ancestors, beginning with those of the Prophet of Islam and
of the ten Companions, for whom places in Paradise had
been guaranteed. He speaks feelingly of the days and nights
of strenuous labour which this cost him ; but in the process
he seems to have caught the genealogical fever and imposed
upon himself the task of working out the trees of all the
various famous men and dynasties of Islam. He tells us he
spent twelve years in collecting these materials and another
year in deciding how he should arrange his tables, and in
copying them out. When he had revised his draft three

410 E. DENISON Ross

times, he first showed his work to his father, who was one of
the learned men of his day. His father was delighted with
his son's performance and declared that for thirty years he
had himself contemplated undertaking a similar work, but
had never had the courage to set about it. He said to his
son : "Now you have performed a wonderful feat, but to
what purpose ? For there is no one to-day who can appreciate
it or realise the trouble it has cost you. Some will say :
' What is this you have done?' while envious men will say :
' What is the good of this ? ' However, pay no attention to
such jealous fools, for had they been alive all the great
savants of Ghazna who were my teachers would have been
warm in their praises. I refer to such men as Qdzi '1-Quzat
'Izz-ud-Di'n 'Omar, Khwaja Imam Bdkirji, Khwaja Imam
Mu'ayyad, Khwaja Imam ^St/aJ (?), Sayyid Imam Muham-
mad Abul-Futiih, Khwaja Imam 'All Shddan, Khwija'AH
Mukhaffaf, Khwaja Imam Zard'ifi, Q£zi Imam Ahmad Yiisuf
Isra'il, Khwaja Imam Qasim Muhammad Nishdpuri, Qazf
Mahmud Istawfi and Khwaja Imam Muhammad Ilyas. Take
care now of what you have done and see that it does not fall
into the hands of unworthy persons : for during the six
hundred years of the existence of Islam no one had done
anything of the kind. The race of benevolent princes,
generous ministers and noble-minded commanders has not
however quite died out, and haply your great work may meet
with the encouragement it deserves from such a one."

It was not until the autumn of 602 (A.H.) when the late
king Mu'izz-ud-Din arrived in Lahore that some of the
nobles and chamberlains saw this book and mentioned it
to the Sultan saying: "A certain person (45 b) has drawn
up some rare and wonderful genealogies, the like of which
has never been seen." "The Sultan thereupon sent for the
author and said : " Bring me the genealogies you have drawn
up that I may examine them."

Fakhr-Mudir replied that he could not show his book to
the Sultan except with the permission of the famous vezir
Mu'ayyid-ul-Mulk. Here follows (46 a) a page of narrative
which, thanks no doubt to faulty copying, is hardly intel-
ligible. The purport of it all, however, seems to be that
Fakhr-Mudir went to obtain this permission from the vezir,
and that the vezir, being at the time very busy with the affairs

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubarak Shah 4 1 1

of state and in a bad temper, came near to punishing Fakhr-
Mudir for his importunity, and Fakhr-Mudir, being a cautious
man, did not try again. Shortly after this the Sultan set out
for his capital (Ghazna) and on the way thither fell a victim
to the assassin's hand at a place called Damyak.

When Qutb-ud-Dm soon after this calamity entered Lahore
in victorious state and took up his residence in the imperial
palace, and when his generals and nobles had quartered them-
selves in various parts of the town, (46 b) Fakhr-Mudfr
became acquainted with certain leading men, and one of
them informed Mubdriz-ud-Dawlah Ulugh Dad Beg Toghrul
Tegm 'Ali Hasan of this genealogical work, who expressed
a desire to see it. When he had examined it he was highly
pleased and said that such a work had never been seen or
heard of. He said the King must certainly see it and was
convinced that when His Majesty had done so, he would
reward the author suitably, and would probably order a
special copy to be made for the Royal Library.

(47 a) In the meantime the book had also been seen by
Husam-ud-Dawlah Zayn-al-Umara Ahmad 'All Shah, and
these two great men — may they long continue to ornament
the King's court ! — agreed upon the following plan for
bringing the book to the King's notice.

On Fridays the King was wont to go out to the hunting
box of Asad-ud-Dawlah Ulugh Dad Beg 'All Muhammad
Abu'l- Hasan, and it was agreed that on Friday when he
alighted at that place, and from thence went to pray, they
should present the author and show the King the genealogies.

Thus Fakhr-Mudir had the honour of becoming ac-
quainted with His Majesty and of doing homage. The King
made the author sit down and all the trees from the genea-
logies of the Prophet, and the Khalifs down to those who
came after them were read aloud to the King. The King
expressed great pleasure at seeing the work and ordered a
special copy to be prepared for the Royal Library.

Fakhr-Mudfr concludes this Dibacha with the following
remarks :

" The King's wishes have been carried out and the new
copy has been presented to him. I trust that when his august
eye falls on it, the work may be honoured by his kingly
glances, and that I may myself be the recipient of favourable

4i2 E. DENISON Ross

patronage and gracious rewards, and thus be glorified above
my contemporaries and equals. So may God grant it ! "

In conclusion I wish to call attention to two important
dates which have been the subject of much discussion among
historians and are now in my view finally settled by this little
MS, namely:

(1) The capture of Delhi by Qutb-ud-Din in A.H. 588
(A.D. 1192).

(2) The entry of Qutb-ud-Din into Lahore and his
assumption of the throne of the Muslim Empire in India,
which extended over nearly the whole of Hindustan proper,
Sind and Bengal in A.H. 602 (A.D. 1206).

With regard to the date of the capture of Delhi, there is
under the arch of the eastern entrance to the Qutb Mosque
an inscription saying : Qutb-ud-Din Ai-Beg conquered this
fort, and built this mosque in the course of the year A.H. 587
(or 9) [A.D. 1191 (or 93)]. The reading of the unit has been
much debated, the written numerals in Arabic for seven and
nine being very similar. General Cunningham was for read-
ing nine, while Sir Syed Ahmad and Mr Thomas wished to
read seven : and a number of Indian historians have given
587 as the date of the capture of Delhi by Qutb-ud-Din. The
author of this little manuscript gives 588 (see p. 398) as the
date of the capture, and I think his authority as a con-
temporary in the service of Qutb-ud-Din equal at least
to that of any other. [The Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri and the Arabic
History of Gujardt^, which is most accurate, also give 588.]
My opinion is that the date on the Mosque should be read
589 A.H. and that it has reference only to the building of the
Mosque, though the capture of the fort is mentioned in the
first place.

The second date is not so important, but at any rate it
should dispose of a doubt which has hitherto existed owing
to conflicting statements of other historians (see Tabaqdt-i-
Ndsiri, Raverty's Trans, p. 481). In 602 there was a formid-
able rising of the Gukars, and Mu'izz-ud-Din, who had been
absent on a somewhat disastrous expedition in Khorasan,
called up Qutb-ud-Din with his Hindustan army, and it
appears from various accounts that until the arrival of

1 An Arabic History of Gujardt, ed. by E. Denison Ross, John Murray
(Indian Texts Series), vol. n, p. IA*, line 20.

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubdrak Shdh 4 1 3

Qutb-ud- Din's army the fate of the day had been in the
balance. The best account of these events is given in a
compilation known as the Tdrikh-i-Alft. Great doubt has
always existed as to the occasion on which Qutb-ud- Din
received the title of Malik and was made heir to the throne
of Hindustan, and also as to the movements of Qutb-ud-Din
between this victory over the Gukars and his accession in
Lahore after the assassination of Mu'izz-ud-Din (see note in
Raverty, p. 534). The Arabic History of Gujardt1 says :
" After the death of Mu'izz-ud-Dfn, Qutb-ud-Din wrote to
the late Sultan's nephew Mahmud begging him to occupy
the throne at Ghazna, and when he replied that he would be
content with what he possessed of his father's kingdom,
Qutb-ud-Din begged that he might be his viceroy in India.
To this Mahmud agreed and conferred on him the title
Sultan Qutb-ud-Din — and up to that date he had been
known as A'i-Beg Shal, and he sent him a royal canopy."
We now know from the circumstantial account given by
Fakhr-Mudir, that Qutb-ud-Din returned to Delhi in the
interval, and that he reached Lahore from Delhi on the
nth of Dhi'l-Qa'da, 602, and ascended the throne six days
later, Tuesday, the i;th Dhi'l-Qa'da. Major Raverty, after
weighing all the evidence, decides for 603 as the date of
Qutb-ud- Din's accession (p. 525). There is further dis-
crepancy regarding the day of the month and of the week.
I think here again Fakhr-Mudir's words may be taken as
final, for he was in all probability himself present on the
occasion.

1 Vol. ii, p. IA», line 3 seq.

E. DENISON Ross.

DIE NAMEN DER 2 BISTUMER (DEPENDEN-
ZEN DER PERSIS): oW- SIRAN UND c^ju^t
MRMDfT, VERDERBT AUS o'J^ SENDAN
UND

Sachau's gehaltvolle Abhandlung Zur Ausbreitung des
Christentums in Asien (Berliner Akademie, 1919, 80 S.),
konnte des naheren als Ubersicht liber die nestorianischen
Kirchenprovinzen (Metropolitien, Hyparchien)und Bistiimer
des Ostens nach syrischen und arabischen Quellen bezeich-
net werden. S. 58 werden die 7 Bistiimer der Persis (ur»A
Pars, ^jU Far(i)s, Farsistan) aufgefiihrt: (i) Rew Ardasir,
arab. Resahr, die exzentrische Metropolis ganz im Westen
der Persis, an der Grenze gegen die Kirchenprovinz Susiana
(^Uwj^i. Huzistan). (2) Istahr-Persepolis im Zentrum. (3)
Darabgird im Slidosten. (4) Ardasirhurra = Gor (j$».) = Firu-
zabad (sudlich von Siraz). (5) Bih-sapur, arab. Sabur,
"gegenwartig bezeichnet durch ein Trummerfeld im Nord-
westen der Stadt Kazerun": die neueren Karten, z. B.
Andree u. a. bezeichnen es als Ort, nicht als Ruine, Schah-
pur. (6) Maskena dhe Kurdu, Kurdensiedlung (nicht naher
zu bestimmen). (7) Die Insel Kis, der Siidkiiste Persiens
vorgelagert.

Dazu setzt Sachau S. 59, 1-3 noch die Notiz: " Elias
Gauhari [der nestorianische Metropolit von Damascus in
seiner um 893 D. verfassten arab. Collectio canonum\ erwahnt
als Bistiimer der Persis ausser den hier aufgefiihrten Nrn. 2,
3, und 5 noch Schiriz (1. Slraz), Karman, olh^' c-uj^^o, und
die Insel Socotra."

Da es ein irgend entsprechendes oW^ und COJL«^« nicht
giebt, sind wir auf Konjekturen angewiesen. — Wollten wir
zunachst in der Nahe des gerade vorher genannten, offenbar
als Dependenz der Persis gedachten Kerman bleiben, so
mochte man fiir oW-» und wojt«j-e an Verderbnis aus den
alten Stapelplatzen oW-j*^ Siregan, arab. sanft oVj*^1 al

s b s

Siragan und t**>ji Bardasir, siidwestlich der Hauptstadt
Kerman der ostlich von Farsistan liegenden Provinz
Kerman (Caramania) denken; vgl. dazu Guy le Strange,

Die Namen der 2 Bistiimer Sirdn und Mrmdit 4 1 5

The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, pp. 300-303. Etwas
ferner lagen schon die 2 siidostlichern Etappen: Giruft

*z**j*** und Narmaslr j-^Up. Am persischen Golf dagegen
konnte man an die etwa passenden Handelsemporien der
Persis und Kermans denken: Siraf ^!/*-» und Hormuz >«JA
(J^OJA). Am allerbesten aber stimmen graphisch und sach-

x 0 t J

lich, wenn wir zwischen Kerman und Socotra \^^^ in weitem
Bogen nach Indien ausgreifen zu den syrischen Thomas-
christen der Kiiste von Malabar (arab. j W*«), die Konjekturen
jtjUw Sendan nordlich von Bombay und c^»ju>^« =

Serendib = Ceylon (o%*)- Zu Sendan und Serendlb-
Ceylon vgl. Merveilles de tlnae (Leide, 1883), Index und
Exciirse.

C. F. SEYBOLD.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE TWO

SANCTUARIES OF ISLAM BY

IBN <ABD RABBIHI

The author. His life.

One of the most brilliant figures in the literary history
of the Umaiyad Spain is that of Ahmad b. Muhammad b.
*Abd Rabbihi, with the kunya of Abu 'Umar1. He was
born in A.H. 246/860 in Cordova and died in the same city
at the advanced age of about 82 (lunar) years2 in A.H. 328/940*
of paralysis, which attacked him several years before his
death4. He was descended from a client of Amir Hisham
b. 'Abd al-Rahman (r. 172/788-180/796). He probably
lived the early years of his life in poverty and obscurity, but
rose by dint of his learning and character to a position of
great eminence5. He was not only a poet but a scholar well-
versed in religious and secular sciences6. He had studied
theology as Ibn al-Faradi tells us with such learned doctors
as Baqi b. Makhlad7 (t 276), Ibn WagMah8 (f 286) and al-
Khushani9 (t 286), and like most of his countrymen was of
the Maliki persuasion. It seems, however, that what attracted
him most was poetry and not theology10.

1 So in Humaidi (Bodleian MS Hunt 464) and most of the printed
sources. In a note prefixed to a British Museum MS of 'Igd, Add. 18,502,
he is called ^^c- #\, as also in Matmah al-Anfus, Cairo edition of A.H.

1325, p. 58* seq., but the form j^ #\ occurs in a verse of a contemporary
(Maqqari, Leiden ed. 11, 2oo4). Only once in the 'Igd (i, 2203) have I
found him called <UJt ju* ^jl. So also in Ibn Khaldiin, Muqaddima
(Cairo edition of 1327, p. 690*).

2 Cf. Matmah, 60 " (= Yaqiit, Irshdd, n, 69 15).

3 Ilumaidi, fol. 43. Yaqiit (Irshdd, vi, 2, 67'°) gives 348 as the date of
his death, but that seems to be an error of the scribe or misprint, and the
same applies to Ibn al-Faradi (i, 37, No. 118) where 382 is given instead
of 328. Cf. Bughyat al-Wu'dt, i6i18.

4 Ibn al-Faradi, l.c.\ Ibn Khallikan, Cairo edition, i, 33.

5 Yaqiit, I.e.

6 He is often called 'al-Faqih' in llqd. Cf. also Matmah al-Anfus, p. 58.

7 For him see Yaqiit, o.c. p. 368.

8 Humaidi, 40 b2; Ibn Farhiin's al-Dibdj, Cairo, 1329, p. 239.

9 For him see Bughyat al-Wuldt, 67 13.
10 Yaqiit, Lc.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 4 1 7

Ibn (Abd Rabbihi as a poet.

He was the laureate of the Umaiyad kings of Spain and
he wrote panegyrics in praise of every one of the four
during whose reigns he lived, from Amir Muhammad
(r. 238-273) to 'Abd al- Rahman III (r. 300-350)'. These
poems of his probably represented the hostile attitude which
the Umaiyads in general had towards 'Alf, for al-Maqqari
(Leiden ed. i, 808) refers to a rajaz poem of his in which
the early Caliphs were mentioned and in which he counted
Mu'awiya as the fourth orthodox Caliph and entirely omitted
'AH. Another poem of his in praise of al-Mundhir b. Mu-
hammad (r. 273-275) is said to have greatly offended the
Fatimid al-Mu'izz li-din Allah and called forth a reply from
his court-poet Abu '1- Hasan 'All b. Muhammad2.

He must have been a prolific poet, for al-Humaidi had
seen a collection of his verse in more than twenty parts, and
this not necessarily complete. His Diwan3 is lost but over
1350 of his verses are preserved in al-'Iqd*y including one
long poem in rajaz (345 verses) celebrating the martial deeds
of 'Abd al-Rahman during the first 22 years of his reign
(end of Vol. n)5. Such a large number of his own verses

1 Ibn al-Faradi. One long and several small poems of his in praise of
'Abd al-Rahman III are preserved in the 'Iqd. See for example edition
of 1321, i, 35, n, 307 seq. (=i, 33, n, 286 in ed. of 1305 called B and
i, 42, n, 362 in ed. of 1293 called C in the following pages).

2 Ibn Khallikan. His attacks on the 'Abbasids are referred to by Ibn
Sharaf of Qairuwan (d. A.M. 460). See Rasdil al-Bulaghd, p. 251. Cf. Haji
Khalifa (ed. Fliigel), iv, 232.

3 It presumably existed in the time of Ibn Khallikan, v. his article on
our author.

4 Some 93 more are to be found in other sources. Matmah has 27
(pp. 5816seq", 6o18; repeated by Yaqut, Ibn Khallikan and Maqqari).
Tabaqdt al-Umam of Ibn Sa'id has 14 (pp. 64", 791) and Ibn Khallikan
(p. 3314) 2. The Yatimat al-Dahr contains about 60 verses not quoted in
the 'Jqd, viz. all the citations in Yatima, i, 360, 361 (except 11. 12-13), 363>
and also 4342 and two half-verses on 425. Tha' alibi had perhaps not seen
the ''Iqd, for he notices the author twice, once as Ay JUP ^j ju»»-t (i, 360)
and again as dj> ju£ ^ Ju»a».o ^ J^*.t (i, 412) as if they were two
persons !

6 This is an important poem. Even apart from its historical value,
it is interesting for the student of Arabic poetry, as it is one of the few
narrative poems in the language. The chronicle of events given in the
poem is valuable as coming from a contemporary who was living at the
court. It differs in several instances from that adopted by Ibn Khalddn and
others and supplements the narrative given by the historians (including Dozy).

B. P.V. 27

418 MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

he introduced into the book in order to show " that the
Maghrib too, in spite of its remoteness and though cut off
from the centres of Arabic learning, was gifted with poetry
as with prose" (^Iqd, Introduction to Vol. i), and he oc-
casionally stops to compare his own verses with those of
the best poets of Arabic in the East, sometimes writing in
the same metre and rhyme.

He seems to have handled all the usual themes of Arabic
poetry, viz. panegyric, elegy, asceticism, love, descriptions,
etc., etc.1 He had also written folk-songs of the type called
muwashshah (cf. M. Hartmann, Das arabische Strophen-
gedicht, das MuwasZah, Weimar, 1897, P- 23)» after learn-
ing the art of writing them from the inventor of the type,
Muqaddam b. Mu'afa al-Fariri or al-Qabri (Hartmann, o.c.
p. 71), a poet of the court of the Umaiyad Amir 'Abdallah
b. Muhammad (r. 275-300), but none of these poems of
the master and the pupil reached the later generations2.
Towards the end of his life he wrote certain poems of an
ascetic and moral nature which he called al-Mumahhisdt
(''the nullifying ones"). By these he sought to nullify the
effect of the love poems in the same metre and rhyme,
which he had written in his earlier days. For a specimen
see Matmah, 6i5 ( = Yaqiit, Irshdd, 2, 687; cf. 72*).

It is said that al-Mutanabbi as a young man3 heard
some verses of Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi recited, and exclaimed :
"Assuredly 'Iraq will come to thee crawling!" Ibn Khal-
likan also praises the beauty of his ideas and says that his
verses are " well-written " (jJ!*.)4.

Judging from the specimens of his verse which have
come down to us, he must no doubt have possessed a great
deal of technical skill in his art. His verse has a remarkable
flow and natural grace, its various parts are well-balanced,
his similes are pretty, his rhymes clever. His imitations

1 Specimens of all these are found in the llqd.

2 Cf. Ibn Khaldiin, Muqaddima, 690.

3 Al-Mutanabbi died in A.C. 965 and Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi in 940. The
anecdote and the poem are found in Matmah, 59, Yaqiit, 71 and Maqqari,
n, 382. The poem (found in 'Iqd, in, I477) is ascribed in Yatima, i, 364 to
'Abd al-Malik b. Sa'id al-Muradi. It is possibly placed wrongly through a
scribal error.

4 See also Ibn Sharafs remarks on Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi as a poet in
Rasffil al-JSulaghd, p. 251.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 419

often surpass the originals in beauty of form and in scope.
Nor is he devoid of a certain type of humour. But in the
range of his ideas he does not on the whole differ very
much from his predecessors or contemporaries of the East :
his observations are more or less of the same type and
exhibit the same characteristics. Any striking originality
of ideas is, as a rule, not met with in his pages. In fairness
to him, however, it must be said that what we have is only
a small fraction of his work and that too, in general, of a
fragmentary character.

It was not only as a poet but also as a prose-writer that
his countrymen looked upon him as one of their best repre-
sentatives, if not the best1. His title to fame will rest on his
great prose compilation, the llqd al-Farid*.

Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi as an 'Adib. The 'Iqd.

This work, as is well known, consists of 25 books, each
subdivided into two parts, and covers more than a thousand
large pages in the printed edition of A.H. 1321 (generally
35 lines to the page). It deals with the whole range of
topics with which the student of 'adab was expected
to be acquainted. It is a work of encyclopaedic nature
dealing with the Arabian conception of government, war,
deputations, proverbs, elegies, genealogies, speeches, geo-
graphy, history, including the battle-days of the Arabs,
music, medicine, witticisms, etc., etc. Each of these topics
is subdivided into a large number of headings, under which
the author arranges his stores of information. But for the
introductory remarks at the beginning of each chapter and
occasional observations, the author as a rule has little to say
himself. All his energy is concentrated on the selection,
sorting and arrangement of the vast materials available to
him3. These selections4 were often made from anthologies

1 Cf. Ibn al-Faradi, I.e. ; Ibn Hazm quoted by al-Maqqari, n, 130.

2 According to Haji Khalifa, v, 302, no. 11065 he had written another

prose work called

3 Cf. '/?</, i, 32: *tj3t o-« 3>^ ''**" Uj.. jUrfJ oUU *-3 J

Varying in length from, say, a quarter of a line to several pages.

27—2

420 MUHAMMAD SHAF!

already existing1, but, as the author explains, he found that
they had grown too numerous, and taken individually were
too imperfect, to satisfy the student2. Hence he set himself
the stupendous task of compiling a book of selections, prose
and poetical, which would be truly comprehensive and which
would include " most of the ideas used by the scholar and
the man of the street, the prince and the plebeian3." He
laid under tribute the whole mass of Arabic literature,
including translations from Greek, Persian, and Sanskrit,
and not omitting even the Christian and Jewish writings4.
In doing this he sometimes transferred to his own pages,
with or without alteration, whole chapters and even whole
books of other writers usually without acknowledgement5.
He omitted the ' chain of authorities/ he explains6, for the
sake of brevity and because the utility of what he wanted to
communicate did not depend on the authorities who had
handed it down.

Whether we accept or reject his explanation, the fact
remains that through him have been preserved, wholly or in
part, a number of books that are otherwise lost, e.g. Abu
Ubaida's book on the Battle-days of the Arabs, which, as
al-Qalqashandi (Subh al-a'shd, i, 393) tells us, has for the
most part been incorporated in the 'Iqd\ also the Book of
Proverbs by Abu 'Ubaid. The same is true of certain works
of al-'Asma'i, Ibn al-Kalbi, Ibn Qutaiba, etc., etc., and

1 One of these undoubtedly was the lUytin al-Akhbdr of Ibn Qutaiba,
as Brockelmann has pointed out, and possibly our author was referring to
it when he spoke in his Introd. (i, 3) of the anthology which he found "was
not comprehensive'' enough. It is also a fact that the plan of the lfqd was
suggested by the lUyun, 7 out of its 25 books having the same titles as in
the ' Uytin. But the actual quotations from the ' Uytin form only a small
fraction of the books that are common to both. The first 20 pages of the
'Igd, Kitdb al-Sultdn^ when compared with the corresponding book of the
1 Uyun, give only about i6°/0 of matter borrowed from that book.

2 *Iqd, Introd. to Vol. i. 3 Ibid.

4 There are 4 quotations from the New and 9 from the Old Testament
in Vol. i alone. On i, 238 ( = B 222, C 292) he quotes an Aramaic sentence
in the original.

5 E.g. the whole of the iSjIj^l v^> <7^> i» 65-67 ( = B 61-63, C 80-
83) is taken almost verbatim from the Kdmil of al-Mubarrad, pp. 578, 585,
649, 68 1 and 688. Only in some 40 cases in Vol. i does the author name
the book which he is quoting. But the name of the author or chief narrator
is in many cases appended to the citation.

6 llqd, Introd. to Vol. i.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 421

particularly of the writers quoted in the historical portions
of Vols. ii and HI such as al-Mada'inf, al-'Utbi, al-Riyashf,
al-Zubair b. Bakkar, Ibn Abi Shaiba and others, our author
frequently quoting original documents in extenso.

Curiously enough the book contains very little from the
Spanish authors and poets. The story of the disappoint-
ment of the Sahib Ibn 'Abbad on seeing the book is well
known1. Similarly al-Tamimi in a letter to Ibn Hazm
(Maqqari, i, 109) blames the author for not giving in his
book any information about his own native town.

The latest date mentioned in the book, as far as I have
noticed, is A.H. 363 (^Iqd, in, 49; cf. also n, 169) in con-
nection with the abdication2 of the 'Abbasid Caliph al-
Muti', but that must have been the work of a later writer
who wished to make this section up-to-date. I think it is
significant that the author brings his poem on the wars of
'Abd al-Rahman III (end of Vol. n) to a close with the
events of 322. In any case, if we accept the usual date of
the author's death, viz. 328 — which there is nothing serious
to challenge — we find that the 'Iqd was compiled by the
author in the later part of his life ; at least he was adding
to it in his old age. There is a reference to 'Abd al-
Rahman III as <UUt CH* j**\s in 'Iqd> i, 3526 and to his title
of v>~«5*M ***\ m n> 3°87- These titles the prince assumed
in A.H. 3i7 = A.D. 929 (cf. Spanish Islam, the tr. by F. G.
Stokes of Dozy's famous Histoire, p. 423). If further proof
were necessary, it is afforded by the author's ripe scholarship
and amazingly extensive reading, to which every page of
the book bears testimony.

The book was twice abridged in later times, first by
Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Rahmdn al-Wadiyashi(?)
al-Qaisi (fA.H. 570) and again by the author of the Lisdn
al-'Arab (fA.H. 71 1)3. These abridged editions seem to
have been lost. In modern times an abridged edition of the
book has been published in Egypt to serve as a school text.

1 See Yaqtit, o.c. p. 67.

2 The date of his death has dropped out from the text.

3 See Bughya 182, 106.

422 MUHAMMAD SHAFI*

Ibn 'Abd Rabbihis description of the Har amain.

It is out of the geographical section1 of the 'Iqd — a
section which is otherwise rather unusually scrappy, brief,
and unsystematic — that I have selected the following de-
scription of the Haramain or the Two Sanctuaries of Islam.
The description is very detailed and full — the fullest avail-
able for those centuries, with the exception of Azraqi's.
But the special interest of the passage lies in the fact that
the author is writing from personal knowledge. There is an
incidental reference2 to an observation of his own relating
to the pigeons of the Haram, which shows that he had
actually visited3 the places he was describing. There are
also several references in it to places in Cordova which
further support this conclusion. We have thus in him a
predecessor and a compatriot of Ibn Jubair giving us like
him one of the best descriptions of the sacred mosques.

The date of Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi's pilgrimage must be
placed earlier than A.H. 317/929, the year in which the
Carmathians removed the Black Stone (they returned it
after more than 20 years), for the author describes that
stone as if he had seen it. A more definite date it is not
possible to fix, but as in 317 the author was about 7 1 ,
perhaps we should not be far wrong in placing the date
in the last quarter of the third century of the Hegira era.

The language used by the author in this description is
of considerable philological interest, as it gives us several
instances of the usages of words peculiar to the Maghrib.
I have therefore added a Vocabulary, mainly to draw atten-
tion to the references, for in several instances the dictionaries

1 According to Yaqiit, o.c. p. 67 this section came at the end of the
book. In the printed edition it forms part of the third book from the end.
This is the only instance in which the present arrangement of the book
differs from that of the days of Yaqiit.

2 There is very little autobiographical material in the llqd. On n, 1 1
seq. he mourns the loss of a highly educated son whose name seems to be
Ab\i Bekr Yahya. There are a number of other minor incidents related,
e.g. on i, 82*.

3 It is strange that al-Maqqari does not include him in the 5th chapter
of his Introd. in the list of the Spanish- Arabian scholars who had travelled
in the East, although he mentions on I, 538 the name of a grandson of our
author among them. For the reference in question see llqd^ HI, 29825, B about
281, C 364.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 423

are of no help and the meaning can only be guessed from
the context1. I have also added a few brief notes, for what-
ever they are worth3.

Following these descriptions in the original is a section
devoted to the mosque in Jerusalem. Being pressed for
space I have omitted that section : moreover Le Strange has
already utilized it fully in his Palestine under the Muslims.

It need hardly be added that a good plan of the sanc-
tuaries as is given in Rihlat al-Hijdziyya of al-Batnunf (often
quoted in the following pages as al-Batnunf) would be
helpful in following the description.

A. Description of the Sacred Mosque (of Mecca).

Ibn <Abd Rabbihi's <Iqd al-Fartd, in, 297, i3.

The court of the Mosque is big and broad. In length it
measures from the Banu Jumah Gate to the Banu Hdshim
Gate4', which latter is opposite to the house of Al-' Abbas
b. 'Abd al-Muttalib5, 404 cubits, and in breadth from the
Safd Gate to the Ddru l-Nadwa* (the Council Chamber),
measured along the eastern front of the Ka'ba 304 cubits7.

1 In some instances the explanation given is merely tentative.

2 Dozy in the notes stands for his Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes.

3 Edition of A.H: 1321 = p. 362 of the edition of A.H. 1293 and p. 280
of the edition of 1305.

4 I.e. from the north-east to south-west (roughly speaking). The name
Babu Bani Jumah seems to have been given up at an early date, e.g. Nasir
Khusrau does not mention it. The quarter of Mecca occupied by the Band
Jumah was the lower and southern part of the valley of Mecca, called
al-Masfala (Bekri, i55ls). Considerable changes were made in this Gate in
A.H. 306-7 (Azraqi, 327 seq.). The Band Hashim Gate is also called Babu
'All according to Batnuni, p. 98, but it appears from Nasir Khusrau's Sefer
Nameh (Paris, 1881, p. 70, bottom) that Babu 'All corresponds with the
present Babu '1- 'Abbas ; cf Azraqi, 324, bottom.

5 The house of al- 'Abbas is located by Azraqi (446) between al-Safi
and al-Marwa close to the pillar of al-Mas'a,

6 Apparently the Babu '1-Nadwa is meant and not Daru '1-Nadwa, cf.
Ibnu'l-Faqih (a contemporary author), p. 2 1 13, and N«4sir, 7o3. The Daru '1-
Nadwa is said to have been built by Qusaiy b. Kilab and used as a council-
chamber by Quraish. Later, it was sold to Mu'awiya, who converted it into
a Government House (Baladhuri, 52). It was in the north-west of the Ka'ba
and was demolished in A.H. 281 and changed into a mosque. The site
corresponds to the Musalla '1-Hanaff to-day (Batnuni, 95).

7 The area of the mosque is given by Ibn Khurdadhbih (p. 132) as 370
by 315 cubits.

424 MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

It has three covered galleries surrounding it on all sides (sic),
opening into each other. They are included in the measure-
ment given above1. Their ceiling is gilded and they are
supported on columns (297, 5) of white marble numbering
50 counted from east to west along the court, in its length,
and 30 in its breadth. The distance between every two
columns is about 10 cubits. The total number of columns in
the Mosque is 434*, each column is 10 cubits long and 3 cubits
in circumference3. Of these, 320 columns have gilded capitals.
The whole of the enclosing wall of the Mosque is ornamented
with mosaics on the inside4, and its gates are supported on
marble columns varying in number between four, three and
two. The number of gates is 23*. They have no doors6 (?).
Ascent to them is by means of a number of steps.

Description of the Ka'ba.

(297, 10) The Holy House of God is in the middle of
the Mosque. Its height in the time of Abraham (on whom
be peace) is said to have been — and God knows best —
9 cubits, its length at the base 30 and its breadth 22 cubits,
and it had 3 roofs. Then Quraish built it in the Jahiliyya
(pagan times) and though they restricted themselves to the
foundations laid by Abraham they raised its height to
1 8 cubits and diminished its length at the base by 6 cubits
and a span7, which space they excluded towards the Hijr.
When Ibnu '1-Zubair demolished the Ka'ba he restored it to
the foundations of Abraham and raised it to the height of
27 cubits. He also opened in it two doors, one to the east for
entrance and one to the west for exit. It remained so until

1 ^3^3 if referring to l^jjU-j seems to be redundant ; if it goes with
Of£»3, the pronoun can only refer to OlL*}Jb.

2 A contemporary of the author (Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2i15) gives the number
of columns as 465.

3 Cf. Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2i15; Azraqi, 32o2.

4 Probably the same mosaics as were brought by Ibnu '1-Zubair from
San 'a, Murtij, v, 192.

5 Cf. Azraqi, 32318, where the total is given as 23, but his actual total
should be 24, as in Ibnu'l-P'aqih, 2i17.

6 The exact sense of Ghalaq is not clear ; see Vocabulary. Cf. Gl. Ibn
Jubair s.v. Nasir (p. 7o14), who visited Mecca more than a century later,
found that the Gates, which then numbered 18, had no doors. But the
other meaning suggested in the Vocabulary is also possible.

7 Cf. Azraqi, 104 seq., H53«19; Ibnu '1-Faqih, 20; Ma^drif, 278*.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 425

he was killed (297, 15). When Al-Hajjaj gained mastery
over Mecca he applied to 'Abdu '1-Malik b. Marwan for per-
mission to demolish that portion which Ibnu '1-Zubair had
added to the Ka'ba from the Hijr. This permission the
Caliph granted. So Al-Hajjaj restored the building to the
foundations of Quraish1, and closed up the western door,
though he did not diminish anything from the height of the
building2.

The measurement of its southern side to-day, from the
A swad corner to the Yemenite is 20 cubits ; of its northern*
(read ^y^aJl) side from the 'Iraq corner to the Syrian — and
this is the side which is adjacent to the Hijr — 21 cubits ; of
its eastern side from the 'Iraq corner to the one in which is
set the Black Stone, 25 cubits ; of its western side from the
Yemenite corner to the Syrian corner 25 cubits4.

(297, 20) Running around the whole of the House with the
exception of the Aswad corner is a plastered structure5, in
height about the length of the forearm6, and nearly as much
broad. It is intended to protect the House from torrents of
rain water.

The door of the House is to the east and is a man's
height from the ground. Its length is 6 cubits and 10 fingers ;
its breadth 3 cubits and 18 fingers. It is made of teak wood,
the thickness of each leaf being 3 fingers7. On the outside
it is plated with gold8, on the inside with silver9. Each leaf
has six cross-pieces and they have two hooks or staples into

1 Cf. Azraqi, 138 seq.; Ibnu '1-Faqih, 20, middle; Baladhuri, 46 seq.

2 I.e. the height continued to be 27 cubits; cf. Ibn Khurdadhbih, i332.

3 Read /J^aJt for .-.^ifcJt, cf. Ibn Jubair, i go4 and note c. For this

use of ^^Jt cf. 'Iqd, 297^ 29830, 299". On 3oor-n too aLI has to be

read for <Lj^aJI, and ^5>aJ! for

4 Cf. Ibn Khurdadhbih, I324; Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2O16. Ma '4rif(2 78 4) gives
the area of the Ka'ba as 490 square cubits.

5 See Azraqi, 217"; Batniini, io53.

6 More exactly "the bone of the forearm."

7 Cf. Azraqi, 216. The doors in his time were those that ^.UjLaJl had
supplied, ibid. i463. *•"

8 The doors were first plated with gold during the reign of Wali'd I,
and again during the reign of Muhammad b. al-Rashid, Azraqi, 146 seq.

9 According to Azraqi, p. 144", before Ibnu '1-Zubair's time the Ka'ba
had a door of one leaf. He made it of two leaves.

426 MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

which a golden lock is fixed1. Its hdjibs (?) are all cased with
gold plates with the exception of the right one, for the rebel
'Alid2 removed its gold when he obtained mastery over
Mecca, and it has since been left in that condition.

(297, 25) Under the upper lintel is another one covered
with gold plate, and the two leaves are behind it, and the
lower lintel is covered over with silk brocade down to the
ground. The space between the Aswad corner and the door
is 5 cubits3 or thereabouts. This is the Multazam as is stated
on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas.

The Black Stone is placed at the height of two blocks of
stones from the ground. These stones have been scooped
out to insert the Stone, and the third one projects above the
other two by two fingers. The Stone is smooth, of banded
onyx-like structure, and there is on it an intensely black spot
of the size of the bent hand. Its sides are held fast by silver
nails4. It has cracks and on a part of it is a silver plate
which one would take to be a splinter split off from and used
for repairing it (297, 30). The blocks of stone of which the
Aswad column is made are slightly coarser and bigger than
our stones8.

The House has two roofs6, one above the other, which
are pierced with 4 apertures7, one opposite the other for
light. The lower roof is supported on 3 rafters of teak wood8
ornamented and covered with gold plate. Inside the House,
and set in the western wall opposite to the gate at the height
of 6 cubits from the floor, is the onyx stone, with black and

1 Cf. Nasir, 72, middle.

2 This is perhaps Husain b. Hasan al-Talibi, mentioned by Azraqi on
147, bottom. He obtained mastery over Mecca in A.H. 200. Cf. Ibn
Khaldiin, Muqaddima, p. 309.

3 Nasir (72*) says it is 4 cubits.

4 This must relate to the condition of the stone before A.H. 317, the year
in which the Carmathians carried it away. The stone was cracked in a fire
which had burnt the Ka'ba during the time of Ibnu '1-Zubair; cf. Azraqi, i4o8.

5 The significance of ' our stones ' is not clear to me.

6 According to Ibnu '1-Faqfh (2421) the Mosque of Medina too was JUx*,
i.e. had a double roof. It appears from the remarks of Burton (i, 207,
note 2) that the roof of the Ka'ba is still double as of old.

7 Cf. Azraqi, 205. Nasir, 72^, found them covered with glass.

8 Cf. Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2o20; Nasir, 7222. Cf. Batniini, 106, bottom, who
gives us to understand that the columns which are now to be seen in the
Ka'ba are the same old ones.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 427

white bands on it. It is 12 fingers by 12 in size and is
encircled by a ring of gold 3 fingers in thickness. It is related
that the Prophet (may God bless and save him) kept it in a
line with his left eye-brow, when he prayed inside the House1.

The Hijr is to the north of the House and is enclosed
from the 'Irdqian to the Syrian corner by a low curved wall
of which the extremities are about 2 cubits apart from the
adjacent corners (of the Ka'ba), the openings being meant
for entrance (298, i) and exit. The distance between the
middle of the Hijr on the curved wall and the House is about
the same as between the two corners (of the Ka'ba)2. The
height of this wall is half the height of a man. It is cased
all over with marble and the interstices are filled with lead.
The floor of the Hijr is paved with marble and the rain-spout
discharges itself into it, the qibla of the area being in the
direction of the spout.

The rain-spout is placed on the wall of the Ka'ba in the
middle of it, and projects from it about 4 cubits. Its breadth
as well as the height3 of its sides is 8 fingers and it is covered
all over with plates of gold4. The plates are fixed (298, 5)
with nails having golden heads.

The whole of the House is covered (with curtains) with
the exception of the Aswad corner, for the curtain leaves an
opening there up to the height of a- man and half as much
again. When the annual Pilgrimage approaches, the Ka'ba
is covered with the Qabati cloth which is a kind of white silk
brocade of Khurasan. That covering is kept on it as long as
the people are in a state of "ihrdm, but when they quit that
state, namely on the Day of Sacrifice, the House quits that
state too and (a curtain of) red silk brocade of Khurasan is
then put on it. This curtain has circles, wherein are inscribed
(formulae in) praise and magnification of God and referring
to His Might and Majesty. It remains so covered until the
next year; then the covering is removed as I have described.
When the coverings become too many and therefore dangerous
for the House on account of their weight, some of them are

1 Cf. Azraqi, 206, top.

2 I.e. 21 cubits, cf. 297". Ibn Khurdadh. (133*) gives the circumference
of the Hijr as 50 cubits.

3 L^* before <CJtw seems to be an error for $.

4 Cf. Nasir, 73".

428 MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

removed and appropriated by the ministers of the House,
viz. the Banu Shaiba1.

(298, 10) An Egyptian has related that he was present
when the House was exposed in the year 65 A.H. ; he noticed
that its cement consisted of saffron and of frankincense, and
a narrative has also been related on the authority of a
Meccan, who traced it up to the learned doctors of that city
through an uninterrupted chain of transmitters, to the effect
that they examined the Black Stone at the time when Ibnu
'1-Zubair pulled down the House and extended it. They
measured its length and found it to be 3 cubits2. They also
found it of an intensely white colour3 except on the external
side. Its blackness is said to have been due — and God knows
best — to the touches and kisses it has received from the
Pagan Arabs and to (their) smearing of it with blood4.

The Mag dm5 is to the east of the House at 2 7 cubits from it,
and the face of him who prays behind it, turning towards the
House, is directed to the west and the 'Irdq corner is to his
right and the door (of the Ka'ba) (298, 15) and the Black Stone
are to his left. According to the report of one who has seen
it, it is a stone of irregular shape about a cubit in length and
nearly as much in breadth. It has the impression of the foot
of Abraham (on whom be peace) of the length of a fore-
arm. The Stone is placed on a raised platform lest a torrent
of rain-water wash it away6. At the annual Pilgrimage it is
covered with a perforated iron case7 to keep the hands off it.

All round the House are (?)8 large iron pillars of a rect-
angular shape. The shafts as well as the capitals of these
pillars are gilded, and on them light is made at night for

1 See Batniini, 135, middle.

2 Cf. Ma<-drif, 2782. The stone is there said to be of the same length
as the breadth of the wall of the Ka'ba, which can be calculated as 3 \ cubits
in the following manner. The length of the western wall according to our
author is 25 cubits from the outside, from the inside it is 18 cubits (Ibnu '1-
Faqih, 20 18). The breadth of the two adjacent walls is therefore 7 cubits.
For other traditions as to the length of the stone, see Azraqi, 15 120
(= Nasir, 722), 144 10; Mas'udi (al-Tanbih\ 386 5.

3 Cf. Mishkdt, Bk II, ch. iv, pt 2 ; Azraqi, 15 13.

4 Azraqi, i534, gives a different reason.

5 Cf. Nasir, 7413.

6 Cf. Azraqi, 275.

7 Azraqi, 279', speaks of a teak-wood case.

8 Cf. Nasir, 75 3. The word after )\$~» seems to me to be corrupt.

A * Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 429

the benefit of those performing the Tawaf or walk round
the Ka'ba. The distance between each column and the
House is nearly the same as between the Maqdm and the
House (i.e. 27 cubits).

Zemzem is to the east of the Aswad corner at the distance
of about 30 cubits from it. It is a wide well, its sides being
of stone and (298, 20) the top having a ring of wood. Its
roof, which is arched and ornamented with mosaic-work1,
rests on four angles; every one of which is supported on two
marble columns under it contiguous to each other. The space
between every two angles is closed with wooden balustrades
of red wood up to the door which is on the eastern side.
Running round the whole of the arched roof is a veranda-like
structure (for shade). To the east of Zemzem is a big room,
the roof of which is also arched and ornamented with mosaic-
work. It is kept locked. Further east is another big room,
square (or rectangular) in shape with three vaults, and having
a door on each side2.

The pigeons of the Mosque are numerous and so tame
that one nearly treads on them. They are of the colour of
our domestic pigeons, but stronger. Not one of them sits
(298, 25) on the House, or flies over it8. Indeed this struck
me as strange (and I watched them) and observed that in
ascending in their flight just when they were about to fly over
the House they dived downwards and reached a point lower
than the House, then proceeded on to its right or left4. Their
dung (read tySp) is visible on the building in the Mosque
with the exception of the Holy House of God, for that is
clean, having no trace (of it) in or upon it. And Glory
is to Him Who has magnified it (the House) and made
it clean and holy, and He is exalted with supreme exaltation.

Between the Safd Gale, which is to the south of the
House and the Safa, is the thoroughfare which is situated in
the bed of the water-course. f Beyond the thoroughfare is a
wide space occupied by petty merchants. Then one reaches
Al-Safa at the foot of the Abu Qubais mountain. It is sur-
rounded by buildings on all sides except the one from which

1 The mosaics were set in A.H. 220, Azraqi, 301 8.

2 Cf. Nasir, 74, bottom.

3 Cf. Ibriu '1-Faqih, 19'; Batnuni, 146" seq.; Burton, n, 175.

4 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 99 8.

430 MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

you ascend upon it. The ascent is by means of 3 (298, 30)
stone steps1. Standing on Al-Safa and turning to the north,
one sees the House through the Safa Gate. Al-Marwa is
towards the east of the Mosque, between east and west2
(i.e. north) of Safa. This also is surrounded by buildings
except in the direction from which one ascends upon it ;
also excepting part of the upper Al-Qusur. Between it
(Al-Marwa) and the Holy Mosque is the " Narrow Lane."
If one stands on the Marwa and turns to the House opposite
to the gap, one sees the water-spout and the adjacent portions
of the House.

The distance3 between Al-Safd and Al-Marwa is the
distance between Bdbu 'l-Sand'a* and the Congregational
Mosque* (of Cordova). He who courses between the two
(hills) goes on descending from Al-Safa and proceeding
towards Al-Marwa at a walking pace through the street,
which is the bed of the water-course, with Al-Qusur (?) to
his right and the Mosque to his left. Then the bed of a
water-course (sic) comes in front of him ; when he descends
in it he trots until he comes out of it at the other end.

The street has two green boundary pillars on the two
sides of the water-course (299, i), one, which is the first,
behind the Safe Gate contiguous to the enclosing wall (of the
Haram), the other in front of it, and at a distance from the
wall5. These pillars have been put up in order that the limit

1 Cf. Azraqi, 350".

2 With this curious expression cf. ibid. 296™:

3 Azraqi (35o8) gives this distance as 766 J cubits, and Batndnf (p. 175,
note i) as 420 metres.

4 One of the gates of the palace at Cordova: see Maqqari, i, 245 5.
For the Jami4 of Cordova see ibid. (Index).

5 Rather vague. It seems that not very much earlier than the time of
our author the first pillar of the Masld was situated within the minaret at
the S.E. corner of the Mosque and the second, "the Green pillar," at the
'Abbas Gate of the Mosque. Opposite each of these, on the other side of
the depression, were two more pillars (cf. Azraqi, 394 seq., and Burton,
n, 288). Batniinf, 174 (bottom), speaks of two 'alams 70 metres apart.
Apparently the limits of the Mas'd have varied at times: cf. Ma'drif, 2783

[where && (<>^) jb is to be taken as situated opposite to the S.E. minaret
(Azraqi, 35O12) and ^a*s ^j\ jJL> as the site later occupied by Daru '1-
Qawarir (Baldhauri, 50), i.e. between the Babu '1-Salam and Babu '1-Nabi
(Azraqi, 3247)j. The present limits of the Masld are Babu '1-Baghla to a
place near Babu 'Ali (Batntini, /.<:.), that is, much less extensive.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 431

of the valley in which one has to go at a trotting pace may
be understood thereby.

Mind is a village in the east of Mecca slightly inclined
to the south, outside the Haram (holy) territory, about a
league from it. In it there are edifices and watering places.
The first thing which one meets on going out of Mecca to it
after the Day of Sacrifice in the days of Tashriq is Jamrat
al*Aqaba. In Mind there is a mosque bigger than the
Congregational Mosque of Cordova. It is called the Mosque
of Khaif. It has four covered galleries about the Mihrdb
(the prayer niche) extending breadthwise (299, 5). Its roof
is of palm branches and its columns plastered over with
gypsum. The pulpit is on the left of the Mihrdb and the door
from which the Imam goes out is to its right. In the middle
of the court of the Mosque is a minaret1, with a porch running
all round it.

Al-Muzdalifa, also called Al-Mash'ar al-Hardm, is
situated between Mind and 'Arafa. It is about two leagues
from Mina. Its mosque is plastered over with gypsum, with
no structure in it except the surrounding wall, which contains
the Mihrdb. The door from which the Imam goes out is to
the right (i.e. of the MihrdK] and the middle of the court of
the Mosque2. . . . No one dwells in it.

'Arafa is to the east of Mina at two leagues from it. No
one lives there (either), nor is in it any edifice except the
watering places and the subterranean conduits in which water
flows. In its mosque there is no building (299, 10) except the
enclosing wall containing the Mihrdb. The halting-place of
the people on the Day of 'Arafa is at 'Arafa on the mountain
and at its foot in its vicinity. The mountain is situated to the
north-east of the Mosque, and at the halting-place of the
Imam in it flowing water is to be found. The prayer niches
of Mind, 'Arafa and Al-Muzdalifa are directed towards the
east.

B. Description of the Mosque of the Prophet
(may God bless him and save him).

Its galleries are in the south running from east to west.
Every row of its colonnades has seventeen columns, the space

1 Cf. Azraqi, 408 6.

2 There seems to be a gap after

432

MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

between each pair being large and wide. The columns in the
southern galleries are white, being covered with plaster and
very lofty. /The remaining columns are of marble. The
plastered columns have (299, 15) large square bases and
gilt capitals with decorated gilt cornices (?) on which rests the
roof. The roof also is decorated and gilded. In the front of
the MtArddand in the middle of the galleries is a gallery which
is gilt all over. The galleries from the side of the court are
crossed in order to reach the one atthe J/#r^, but this gallery
cannot be crossed further (to somewhere else). In the gallery
adjacent to the Mikrdb a great deal of gilding has been
done. In the middle of it is the roof of the shape of a huge
shield (but) concave like a mother-of-pearl shell. The
southern wall of the Mosque has a marble wainscotting on
the inside from its base up to a man's height. Joined to this
is a convoluted ornamental cordon of marble of the thickness
of a finger. Above this is another wainscotting narrower
than the first (299, 20), painted with a bright red unguent
called khaluq\ then another like the first one, and containing
fourteen gilt and decorated windows running in a line from
east to west, of the size of the windows in the Cathedral
Mosque of Cordova. Above this is another wainscotting also
of marble, containing an azure space (?) on which are in-
scribed five lines in gold, in thick letters as big as a finger,
out of the chapters of the Qur'an called Qisar-al-Mufassal.
Above this is another wainscotting like the first, i.e. the
lowest, in which there are shields of gold, with decorations.
Between each pair is a column from which branch out
branches of gold. Above this is another narrow wainscotting
of marble, with ornaments. In breadth it is of about the
length of the forearm. It has branches and leaves of gold
in bold relief: in the middle is a square (or rectangular)
(299, 25) mirror said to have been once the property of
'Ayesha1 (may God be pleased with her).

The Vault of the Mikrdb. It is of a v^ery large size, and
has bands, some gilt, others dark brown and black. Under
the vault is a niche (?) of gold, with decorations, under which
are octagonal gold plates in which is a piece of onyx stone
nailed to the wall, of the size of a baby's head. Lower down,
reaching to the ground, is a wainscotting of marble, painted

1 Cf Ibn Jubair, i9410.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Isldm 433

with khaluq. In it is the peg on which the Prophet (may
God bless and save him) supported himself while rising from
his prostrations, in the first Mihrdb. Such is the tradition—
and God knows best. To the right of the Mihrdb is a door
for the Imam to come in or go out. To the left is another
small door in shape like a grating and (299, 30) made firm
with cross-pieces of iron. Between these doors is a fine
level walk.

The Balustrade (al- Mag sura}1. It extends from the
western wall adjoining the Gate to the vestibule (al-Fasl)
adjoining the eastern wall. From this vestibule one can
ascend to the roof of the Mosque. The balustrade is an
ancient structure simply constructed. It is crenellated and
has four doors. Outside it, but not far from it and to the
right of the Mihrdb, is an underground passage2 to which the
descent is by steps which lead to the house of 'Umar b. al-
Khattab (may God be pleased with him).

The Pulpit. It is to the right of the Mihrdb at the
beginning of the third gallery from the Mihrdb within a
Rawda (?) of which the floor is of marble, and which has an
enclosure of the same material. It has steps and at its top a
board has been nailed so that no one may occupy the place
which the Apostle of God (may God bless him, etc.) used to
occupy3 on it. (300, i) It is simply constructed, without
ornament or fineness of workmanship such as is found in the
pulpits of these our times. And the palm-tree trunk4 is in
front of the pulpit. To the east of the pulpit is a case with
which the seat of the Prophet (may God bless him, etc.)
is covered.

The grave of the Prophet (may God bless him, etc.\ It is
to the east of the Mosque at the end of its roofed portion in
the south, adjacent to the court. Between it and the eastern
wall is a distance of about 10 cubits5. It is surrounded by a
wall which is nearly 3 cubits lower than the roof. It has six
corners and is cased in a wainscot of marble, up to more than
a man's (300, 5) height. The surface above this height is
plastered with khaluq.

1 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 193'°; Burton, i, 314, note i. See also Vocabulary s.v.
- Cf. Ibn Jubair, 193".

3 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 192 16.

4 Cf. Wafd al-Wafd of Samhiidi, i, 274 seqq.

5 The distance in Burton's plan (facing i, 308) is 20 ft.

B. P. v. 28

434

MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

The Apostle of God (may God bless him, etc.) has said :
" Between my grave and my pulpit is a meadow of the
meadows of Paradise and my pulpit is at the Gate of the gates
of Paradise." At the roof of the Mosque, opposite to the grave,
is a portion which is walled in so that nobody may tread over it.

The northern (read a*3>aJI) and western galleries are
four in number, opening into each other, some being higher
than the others. In their length along the court, from south
to north there are eighteen columns. The arches of the
Mosque above the courtyard are covered on all sides up to
the tops of the columns with carved pieces of wood. The
Mosque has three minarets1, two in the south and one in the
east. The walls of the Mosque are all decorated on the inside
(300, 10) from end to end with marble and gold and mosaic-
w«>rk. It has eighteen gates2, of which the lintels are gilded.
They are big gates without doors (?) ; four on the north3
(read o^aJI), seven on the east, and seven on the west.

The floor of the court of the Mosque is gravelled4 and has
no mats. The enclosing wall of the Mosque is decorated
on the outside with tufa and so are the pointed ornaments
with which the walls are surmounted.

It behoves him who enters the Mosque to come first to
the Rawda (lit. Meadow), about which the Prophet has said
that it is a meadow of the meadows of Paradise. He should
there perform the prayers of two prostrations, then go to the
grave of the Prophet (may God bless him, etc.) from the
front (300, 15), turn his back to the south (the Qibla] and
face the grave He should then bless the Prophet (may God
bless, etc.) and Abu Bakr and 'Umar (may God be pleased
with them both). He should not cling to the grave5, for that
indeed is an act of the ignorant and is looked upon with dis-
approval. After doing this he should turn to the south (the
Qibla) and pray to God as he may, after blessing the Prophet
(may God bless him, etc., and make us know him and grant
us his intercession with His grace).

1 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 195".

2 Ibn Jubair, i954, makes them 19 gates, as he includes the southern
one, which our author has excluded. In the days of Ibn Jubair only 4
doors were left open.

3 Cf. Ibn Jubair, i9s12.

4 According to Ibnu '1-Faqih (24 18), 'Umar I was the first person to
gravel the Mosque. 5 Cf. Burton, i, 305, bottom.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 435

VOCABULARY
Ju».t J^.1 was cwered with >, said of the surface of a wall cased with

marble, 29918.
jj\ jtjt wainscot, 299™ seq.

«£ ol

pigeon-turrets, 29%*. A^^JI >&U*- domestic turtle-doves,
ibid. Cf. ^5^!>J >*U*- in Dozy s.v. ffjj .

. In the context ^gS22) applied to a structure surrounding
the arched roof of a building. Cf. Lisdn, xin, 54*, aJLbJjl
aJl^xJI JaOJ ^ cJUaCwt jud^ £^ 4»5-> *Usu>. Cf.
Jawaliqi 299, with note.

Jxlb iff^f a gallery or portico, a covered nave in a mosque (Gl. Ibn Jubair),
29916 seq. Called Jjljj by Nasir Khusrau. PL oU»*})b, 297*
et passim.
I (pi. of *5U1 or flJI) hucksters, petty merchants (Dozy), 298*.

j<? for the protection of a relic, 3oo2, 298" (in this instance
a perforated iron one). Cf. Dozy s.v.

G ' J

<u»jj (pi. of u*j3) ornamental shields on a wall, 299™.

aLj written in bold characters (inscription) = JaJLc , 299™.

dJjUbUJI coll. the pagan Arabs. See Lane s.v.

apparently columns and not beams are referred to, though this
sense is unsupported, 29731. Or possibly the word is a corruption
ofjt^L, cf. Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2o20.

the north, 2^, 299", 3oo8. Also L5*>»., 297s4.
piece of wood over the lintel of a door-frame (Lane). The
author speaks of the w^J^». of a single door and distinguishes
^fclaJI by implication fromj-^*s)t ^»-UJ!, 297^.

an enclosed space, access to which is prohibited to the public

3°° •

X i

an enclosed space to the north of the Ka'ba and included in /'/,
297^ seq.

« curved wall, 2981 ^w.

W x

/^.) pi. of ^i»-, arches, 300". See Dozy s.v.

^ mother-of-pearl shell, 29918.

28—2

436 MUHAMMAD SHAF!'

aL* simple, without ornament (Dozy), 3001. Also ^J.^1 3

2Q932.

unguent red and yellow in colour (here used for painting
walls of rooms), 29920'27, 3oo5.

inted with khaluq, ibid.
brown, dark-brown (in Maghrib), 29926. See Dozy s.v.

* applied to the shddhrmvdn around the Ka'ba, 297^; also to
the seat on a pulpit, 29935.

delicacy (of workmanship), 3001.

* circles, or spaces surrounded by circular lines, 298', 299s5.

J capitals of columns, 2977, 29818, 29915.

* x

/laving a head (of nails), 2985.

<:#/, ^^e/« of stone (?), 29815.
« block of marble, 2<$&.

0 x Ox S ' °"

(P^- °f OJJJ or ^j^j) ^^ or apertures in the roof, 29730.
(?), 299s4.

^ underground passage, 299™. See Dozy s.v.
<?</, 29917; pi. Ol^l^w, 29915.
w<^ 297*. See Lane s.v.
azure, sapphire-blue (Dozy), 29921.
wj£ (sic leg.) balustrade, 298^ (Gl. Ibn Jubair).

0 X J Ox •

w/? //^ 0 chess-board (from -j-JjJkw), i.e. in the form of a
gratng, 2^.

«^/ beautiful of columns, 29914.
.^ « splinter of stone, 29729. Cf. Azraqi, I448.

(?), 29920'26.

a convoluted cordon (of marble in the context), 29919.
roof, 29931. Cf. Dozy s.v.
<Llx)t M^ upper or lower piece of wood in a doorway, 297^.
tne cross-pieces of a door, 297**, 29930.
^ breadthwise, 2994'12.

^ j/fl//? (of a door) in which the lock is fastened, 297™. Not
found in the dictionaries in this sense.

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Isldm 437

a bar of lead filling the interstices between two stones in a
building, 298*. Cf. Ibn Khurdaolhbih, 162" where 5j^t
jujLaJI are spoken of. See also Lane s.v.
JaJU- JxJl£ = jj^a*.* (q-v-\ of bold letters in an inscription.

JJU ijte, a great door (?), as in Lane s.v., or perhaps, as in Azraqf 216?",
a fastening for the door, 297°, 300". Cf. Gl. Ibn Jubair s.v.

space (here between columns), 299".
between houses, 298s2.

vestibule, ante-chamber, 299^ &>. The ordinary word for it
is ^joAll, see Dozy s.v. and Nasir Khusrau, 8, bottom.

^UUiJ! explained by the author as ^JUlji. ^^jl jyWi>> 298°,
though ordinarily applied to fine white linen.

2992"12, 3007-15.

southern^ 298^ 299^, 3Oo3. OwjJt ^^Ju yb, 29S28. See
Dozy s.v., and for the development of this meaning of the word,
Batniini, p. 259.

in front, 2ggis.

90. I

^j.5 an arched roof, 298^, 2^$* seq.\ pi. *L5|, 298^; of an arched
shape, 29820-22.

3 (pi. of l3 ?) the sides of a well, 29819. Cf. Lisdn, vi, 380*.
jjJL* grand (Dozy), 29S23, 29925.

the balustrade in the mosque of Medina, 299^ seq. Cf.
Dozy s.v. and see also p. 433, note i.

oS certain ^>^?r/ chapters of the QuSdn (viz. ch. 99 or

93 to the end), 29922.
jot.5 ji^l^S &ww of columns, 299".

ftlS ground floor, 29 y32, 298^ the /<?#*/ ^« r^r/ of a mosque, 300".

« (Dozy), 3oo12. Cf. Ibn Qutaiba, Maldrif, 279.
(pi. of »>£>) windows, 29920.

covered, cased (with marble), said of a wall, 300*.

covered (with stone, gold plates), said of a wall and a spout,
29S2-4.

<^£ frankincense, olibanum, 2<fi™. See Dozy s.v.
v>«p were held together (of the sides of a broken stone), 29728.

438

MUHAMMAD SHAFI'

said of a convoluted cordon at the top

was turned (with
of a wainscot, 29Q19.

about) nearly ', 298", 3oo3 et passim ; something like ', 29S22.

cement^ material with which stones are held together ;
Cf. Ibn Khurdadhbih, 162".
# raised platform for supporting a sacred stone ^ 29816.

cornices (?), 29915.

of galleries opening into each other, 2974, 300'. Cf.
"! i° ^^•f and Ibn Jubair, 90'.
those parts (of columns) 0# which arches rest^ 3Oo7.

6 x

, 29831. Is it^oJJb houses, walls, trees thrown downt

(it) caused (some one) anxiety ; struck (some one) as strange
and made him observe it carefully, 29S25.

middle, 2981.

/Vz /^ middle, 29916.

MUHAMMAD SHAFI(.

QATADAH'S POLICY OF SPLENDID
ISOLATION OF THE

The declaration, issued by Sherif al-Huseyn ibn 'Ali ibn
Muhammad ibn 'Abd-al-Mu'in (June 1916), of his inde-
pendence from his Turkish sovereign, his assumption of the
title of "King of the Hijaz " or " King of the lands of the
Arabs," rumours current about his aspiration after the
Khalifate of Islam, the fact that councils said to represent
the populations of Syria and of Mesopotamia elected the
sons of al-Huseyn, Faysal and 'Abdallah, as kings of those
countries — all these circumstances roused an uncommon
interest in the Holy Land of Arabia and the Sherifate of
Meccah, generally objects of little attention and gross mis-
conceptions in Europe, and even in many Muhammedan
countries.

Al-Huseyn is the 36th lineal descendant of the Prophet's
daughter Fatimah, whose offspring is counted by hundreds
of thousands. His 2Oth ancestor, Qatadah, was the first
member of this branch of the Holy Family who took pos-
session of Meccah in one of the first years of the 1 3th century,
whereas other branches of the 'Alid house had disputed with
each other for authority over the Sacred Town (i.e. the
monopoly of unscrupulous exploitation of its sanctuaries)
down from the middle of the roth century.

More than ninety " sons of Qatadah" ruled Meccah and so
much as variable fortune allowed them of the rest of Western
Arabia between 1200 and 1920 A.D. Even Muhammedans,
accustomed though they are to obey unjust governments,
would not have acquiesced in the tyranny of these 4< lords of
Meccah" but for the bigoted respect paid to the blood of the
Prophet.

Al-Huseyn, who endeavoured until 1914 to defend the
Ottoman interests against rebels in Arabia, owed to the Great
War an opportunity of shaking off the Turkish yoke. At
once he became conscious of his duty to do away with the
intolerable heresies of the Young-Turks, the men of " Union
et Progres," in whose hands the so-called Khalif of Islam

440 C. SNOUCK HURGRONJE

had become a mere tool since the year 1908. For himself
al-Huseyn claimed no higher title than that of " Deliverer
(munqid] of the Arabs," including the inhabitants of Syria
and Mesopotamia as well as those of the Arabian Peninsula,
leaving it to the Arabs, and in general to the Muslims, to
draw whatever consequences, they might wish from the
benefits which he bestowed upon them.

However this may be, al-Huseyn widened the scope of
the Sherifate far beyond Meccah or even the Hijaz. For
seven centuries the Beni Qatadah spent their lives in a rarely
interrupted mutual struggle for the lion's share of the sacred
booty granted them, in their opinion, by Allah, without
aiming at any influence on the course of events in the
Muhammedan world at large. Nobody can predict whether
the pan-arabic or pan-islamic policy of al-Huseyn will prove
a blessing or a disgrace to his family. The founder of the
dynasty, Qatadah himself, would hardly have approved of
such experiments.

All Muslim historians agree in describing Qatadah as a
gallant warrior, a despotic ruler, who feared Allah a little and
cared for no one else in heaven or on earth, and a poet of
some merit. Some authors say expressly that he did not
care for the Khalif, pretending to have by birth more serious
claims to the Khalifate than the Abbasid an-Nasir, practi-
cally a powerless instrument in the hands of soldiers of
inferior descent. But this was mainly an expression of proud
contempt, not involving any political pretension. It had no
more serious meaning than epithets like that of amir al-
mumimn, sultan al-ward, khalifat al-isldm, etc., liberally
dispensed to ruling Sherifs by their court-poets, who lived at
their cost.

There is one poem of Qatadah, consisting of five verses,
quoted partly or completely in a great number of annals and
other works, in which he expressly professes his principle of
political isolation. The fact that induced Qatadah to make
this poetical declaration is differently related. In any case
it was his answer to an urgent invitation of the Khalif to
come and visit Bagdad, an invitation said to have had some
connexion with rude acts of violence committed by the Sherifs
and their slave-soldiers against the pilgrims of Iraq and their
escort, commanded by a high-commissioner of the Khalif.

QcUddaKs policy of splendid isolation of the Hijdz 44 1

The text of the poem given here is mainly that of the
Mandih al-Karam, a history of Meccah written 1684 A.D.
by as-Sinjari, of which I brought the first and, as far as
I know, hitherto unique copy to Europe1. The copy is far
from being correct, but as-Sinjari represents the genuine
Meccan tradition, and therefore his readings are preferable
to those related by authors living outside Arabia, even when
these may be deemed more elegant.

The same text as as-Sinjarl's occurs in the Khuldsat al-
kaldm = Khul. by Ahmad Zenl Dahlan (Cairo, 1 305 H., p. 23)
and, with slight variants, in the 'Umdat at-tdlib — 'Umd.
(2nd ed. Bombay, 1308 H., p. 121). In the footnotes I give
some variants from the Tctrikh of Ibn Khaldun = /.JO.
(Bulaq, 1284 H., vol. iv, p. 105), from Ibn al-Athir, ed.
Tornberg = LA. (vol. xn, p. 263) and from Abu'1-fida = A.F.
(ed. Constantinople, 1286 H., vol. n, p. 137). These three
historians quote the verses 2—5 only.

tit J*l*J-a ^*=> tjj 2

J *£*+ 3

V^'t 4
131 U^ 5
Variants.

Vs. i. lUmd. Ojl*. 3)3, but in marg. oj^- L5^i so ^n (
Mana!ih\ -

Vs. 2. I.Kh. yk.....> Ji

I. A. j^fj ^j^t O^ W^ L5^l3- ^^ J>?-..;
A.F. ly^h.;,^ J^-o? and the rest as in I.A.

Vs. 3. I.Kh. Uj^ ^^ v*j+)\ i)^JU JlaJ ; I.A. the same with
and the 2nd hemistich: »*jj l>^J^a»lo.U lykwj ^5^^-

Vs. 4. ' Ww^. V^^ and ^W*1-* V instead of ^ l^ I-A- and A-F-

...ly) Uo^U- ^yt^l ^ Uyi C-**J V*^-^ LKh- the same with ^P1
instead of U^t . I.Kh. *>~bj) instead of £*3p.

Vs. 5. Instead of ^=3»j-j£ c^j' ^y I-Kh. has ***; J^» ^, A.F. and
I.A.SjJb J£> ^*.

1 See my Mekka, Volume i, preface p. xv.

442 C. SNOUCK HURGRONJE

1. My own country is most dear to me, however ungrateful it may be,
even if I should be left naked and hungry in it.

2. My hand, when I stretch it out, is like a lion's paw, with which I am
doing my business on the day of battle ;

3. Kings are used to kissing its back, while the inside offers a spring
[of benefaction] to people starving from famine.

4. Am I to leave it to chance and to try to get a substitute in its stead?
I were a fool indeed, if I did !

5. I am like musk, able to spread its perfume outside your dominion
only, but with you I should lose all my strength.

The author of the Manaih, as-Sinjari, points to the fact
that these verses are not in the full sense a product of
Qatadah's genius, the Sherif having imitated the model of
an ancient poet, quoted in an anecdote occurring in Ibn
al-Jauzi's Kitdb al-Adkiyd' and running as follows : Ahmad
ibn al-Khasib summoned one of his managers of landed
property, suspected of fraud, intending to put him into prison.
The dishonest trustee was warned and fled, whereupon Ibn
Khasib tried to catch him by means of friendly letters, swear-
ing to him that there was no need whatever of fear and inviting
him urgently to come back. The suspected one sent him in
answer three verses, quoted by him, if as-Sinjari is right,
from a poet of older times. This story is given indeed, almost
in the same wording as the Manaih has it, in the Cairo
edition of the Kitdb al-Adkiyd" (1304 H., p. 48). The verses
follow here according to the text of the Manaih, with a
couple of variants from the Cairo edition (C.) :

Variants.
Vs. i. C. ^XJI instead of aJI. Vs. 3. C. lyJ U^U. instead

As-Sinjari relates two different statements as to what
happened between the Khalif an-Nasir and the Sherif Qata-
dah: one derived from a work called allj! ****.:)! and ascribed
j*-Jt, the other from 'Abd al-Qadir at-Tabari's
The title of the latter is given elsewhere as 5^
>o 43^L«j|, but I have found no copies of it mentioned
as existing in libraries. Al-Mayurqi and his Tuhfah are not
known to me even by name except from the Mand'ih, which
makes a frequent use of both these historical works.

Qatddati s policy of splendid isolation of the Hijdz 443

According to as-Sayyid al-Mayurqi, Qatadah proceeded
to Nejef on his way to Bagdad, but changed his mind when
he saw, in the stately procession sent by the Khallf to meet
him, a lion in chains. " I do not want," he said, " to enter a
country, where lions are kept in chains," and he returned to
Meccah without delay, reciting the verses quoted afterwards
by most writers who devote a couple of pages to his memory.

In 'Abd al-Qadir at-Tabari's version Qatadah never in-
tended to comply with the invitation of the Khalif. A year
after the ill-treatment of the Iraq pilgrims' caravan by
Oatadah's troops, the amir of the hajj(of 619 A.H.) brought rich
presents in money and precious garments from the Khallf to
the Sherif, pretending that the Khalif felt no anger against
him and ascribing the disorder of last year to irresponsible
Sherifs and slaves. At the same time he urgently enjoined
Qatadah to visit the Khalif, the intimacy of their mutual
relations requiring such politeness, and nothing adding so
much to a man's glory in this world and in the other as
kissing the threshold of the Lord of the Believers. Qatadah
asked for a short delay in order to consider what he should
answer. He called his nearest relations together, explained to
them the deceitful character of the amir's speech and con
tinued thus : "O you sons of the Glorious Lady (Fatimah) !
Your glory until the world's end is in your being neighbours
of this Building (the Ka'bah) and in your living together in
its valley. Take a firm resolution from this day not to com-
mit any mischief against those people, then they will pay
respect to you from temporal and eternal motives without
being able to seduce you by their wealth or their numbers1,
for Allah has granted security to you and your country by its
isolation and by making its access impossible save with the
utmost exertion."

Let this speech be historical or fictitious, in any case it is
a valuable complement to Qatadah's poem. Both together

1 The sentence "take... numbers" is an attempt at translation of an
inaccurately related text, known to us through as-Sinjari alone. If once we
get a copy of at-Tabari's book, we may be able to reproduce the remarkable
speech of Qatadah more exactly. The dubious sentence as given in the
Manftih is :

444 C. SNOUCK HURGRONJE

most clearly depict the attitude of the Sherifate of Meccah
towards the rest of the Muhammedan world from Qatadah's
time down to the 2oth century.

Qatadah's advice not to commit any more acts of violence
against the pilgrims protected by plenipotentiaries of the
Khalif was continuously neglected, but the other part of his
political testament, his warning against meddling with the
world outside the Hijazandhis injunction to put full confidence
in the protection of the power of his family in this country,
rendered inhospitable by Heaven and by nature, was recog-
nized by all his descendants as the leading principle of the
politics of his house and was strictly observed by them until
the day of the foundation of the "Hashimite dynasty"
so the adherents of al-Huseyn ibn 'Ali like to call it — the
very name of which recalls the memory of the glorious
beginning of the Abbasid Khalifate, and which made its
entrance into the international world by sending a deputy
to the Peace Conference.

C. SNOUCK HURGRONJE.
LEIDEN, July 1920.

LEXICOGRAPHICAL JOTTINGS

This brief glossary is composed of a number of lexico-
graphical notes which supplement in different ways the
information available in the existing Arabic dictionaries.
Naturally the explanations given are in some cases only
tentative. In the absence of definite statements by lexico-
graphers or others and in default of the help of analogy
the meaning of a word can only be inferred from its context.
I f the word is known only from a single passage, it may be
impossible to ascertain its precise signification, since more
than one meaning may be appropriate. If several passages
can be compared there is an increased probability, though
of course no certainty, of reaching a definite conclusion.

With regard to the abbreviated titles of books, it will, I hope, be
sufficient to state that Adhkiya? = Kitab al-Adhkiya? by Ibn al-jauzl (Cairo,
1304), Bayan = al-Bayan wdl-tabyin by al-Jahiz (Cairo, 1332), Faraj—al-
Faraj ba'd al-shiddah by al-Tanukhi (Cairo, A.D. 1903-4), Hayawan = Kitab
al-Hayawdn by al-Jahiz (Cairo, 1325), lyas = BadcCi1- al-zuhur by Ibn lyas
(Bulaq, 1311-14), Muhabbar = Kitab al-Muhabbar by Muhammad ibn
Hablb (British Museum MS), Rasctil= Majmu'at Rastiil by al-Jahiz
(Cairo, 1324). Tuhfat al-majalis is the work of al-Suyutl published at
Cairo in 1326. Mufld al-lulum is the work which was described by
Brockelmann in his Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur, Vol. I, p. 499,
and which was published at Cairo in 1323/1906.

\$\. Modern Arabic writers use this word in the sense of "whether"
in indirect questions: e.g. al-Bayan (the Cairo periodical),
December 1917, p. i718:

Sirr al-najah (Dr Y. Sarruf s translation of Smiles's Self-Help^
pub. Beyrout, 1884), p. 210 :

(in the English original " and not knowing whether India was
lost or held"). The particle &\ is similarly used: cf. al-Bata-
num's al-Rihlah al-Hijaztyah (2nd ed. Cairo, 1329), 106, 4 a. f.:

446 C. A. STOREY

European influence (cf. French st, English z/") may be responsible,
at least in part, for the currency of this usage at the present day,
but it is noteworthy that, as Dr R. A. Nicholson has pointed
out, 131 appears to be used in this sense in the Kitdb

22518:

£j| JU

If the indirect question is governed by a preposition, the word
U is inserted between the preposition and lij, e.g. Sirr taqaddum
al-Inkiliz al-Saksuriiyin (translation of A quoi tient la suptriorite
des Anglo-Saxons? by Ed. Demolins, Cairo, 1329), p. 44 :

The expression 4JJ1 ^ ^.1 (cf. TabarT glossary s.v. ^y) occurs in
Muwashsha (Cairo, 1324), 12' :

cf. tf/tf. i65: rC.^.. 4ji.t CUJ

1 "by the time that," "before," e.g. Bayan, i 584 :

U CJIS ^^ C^to- *^£» ly) J13

Faraj, i i5320 : A man who has spent a sum of money entrusted
to him by a Khurasan! about to start on a pilgrimage says :

AIM b .ij ot U t-I^O) JUJt tj

7220:

al-dunyd waH-dm (Cairo, 1328), I4614:
U OA*.J jljT oix> C^Aft U juu j^JI

Lexicographical Jottings 44 7

al~fsharah, vid. infra].
Von Kremer in his Beitrage zur arabischen Lexikographie
mentions the word f-b/i* [with ha* not kht?\ which he trans-

lates " Betriiger, Schwindler," and gives a reference to Musta-
/ra/(Cairo, 1268), n s6ls. The procedure of a swindler of this
type is described in the Kitdb al-Ishdrah ild mahdsin al-tijdrah,
p. 54, 6 a. f. (see Dr H. Fitter's translation in Der Islam, Bd.
vn (1916), pp. 1-91).

v denom. from ^ytJ, "to be troubled by mosquitoes," Haya-
wan, v i2o8.

e\JJ " masonry," "stonework," al-Rihlah al-Hijdzlyah, 106, 4 a. f.
(cited supra s.v. lit), io53.

The Lisan al-^Arab (v I2416) explains the word ^>-^ as follows:

The explanation of the To/ al-larus is practically the same.
In al-Faraj bald al-shiddah, n I2915, we read as follows :

Finally we have a passage in the Kitdb al-Hayawdn, Vol. I,

p. 7 1 penult. : — ^>« [prob. a corruption o

lJ [read

Perhaps it may not be too hazardous to infer from these
passages that the word was a term applied to the offspring of
mixed marriages between Muhammadan sailors, settlers etc
and Indian women. There is a possibility that it may be con-
nected with the Hindi word besar, " a mule."

n "to train," Hayawdn, v 668 :

448 C. A. STOREY

"to extirpate," lyas, in 95 ult. :

JI SpU-, ii 514, 28, 2 a. f.
In ii 8, 4 a. f. we have ^LJU^ ij*UJt V^IUI j^-o ^JJt

v c. ace. pers. "to attack," "to overcome" (of fits of fainting,
disease etc.) as also ^L^.3, Muruj al-dhahab^ i 220 :

2L£ft <CJUU^3 rt^,a> IS! ^

(cf. the parallel passage, Aghanl, xv i25:

Jamharat ashlar al-lArab (Cairo, 1330), 2i9u:

JXst
(cf. Muwashsha, 2o9:

"the office of chamberlain" (^A^U.), lyas, n 6o10, 9326,
2, in 73 penult, etc.

, see s.v. Sj

L*. . This word is applied to various things which are placed
between two other things and fill up the whole or part of the
intervening space. In Hayawan^ v I2219, it is used of the
medial legs of a locust :

"ill-feeling," "grudge," lyas, in 496 :
. a-JUa
Jjkl 0

^/^. 7514, 79, 5 a. f., i i3818, 205, 3 a. f., 2289, n 3712. The
plural ^-A-Jt Js»^Ja&- occurs in lyas, i ng15.
Von Kremer (Beitrage, p. 44) gives

, Fehde, Kampf. Aghany, xvi, 49, Z. 9.

In this passage, however, OL»U». is probably a corruption of
OteU*' (see Lane s.v. and compare Abu Hatim al-Sijistanfs
Kitab al- Wasaya (Cambridge MS), fol. 79 a :

Lexicographical Jottings 449

" aside, apart, at some distance, from him" (like

4*U ^u*-U and 4*U ^a*»>; cf. Lane and, for the latter, Faraj,
ii 185, 3 a. f., i883'"), Muhabbar, 79 a4:

iv ^ ...£'» *£**•»! "he disheartened him," Muhadarat al-abr&r
(Cairo, 1324), n 230°:

s&jj* JUS &* ^JLX^ JLJ*\ A^l LT
"apart from," "not to mention," lyas, HI 48" :

so15, 10 117 etc.

iv ou-Jt i^^l*.!. The tradition mentioned by Lane will be found
in Ibn Hisham, 44Q5. Lane's translation should be deleted,
since the context shows that «Ju-JI oUU.t has the same
meaning as ^4*.»Jt ^Jt «juj oLU.1.

' S

. This irregularly formed nisbah occurs in §ubh al-Alsha,
vn i2613:

lyas, in 2 716:
(Persian) "a pass." Abu 'l-Fida? (Cairo, 1325), iv 3, 5 a. f.:

"* "
v denom. from ^jA3, "to become an atheist," Jahiz, Rastfil, I302.

j *

j. The statement that vj is always followed by a verb in the
perfect (cf. Wright, n 2146, Reckendorf, 144) needs modifi-

cation, since sentences of the type LJJ w^vJ ^JL^P ^j are not
very rare (several instances will be found in the section of
Maidam containing proverbs beginning with the letter rd').

Jy-9 "simple," "not compound," Hayawan, v 33*:

iv "to cause to lie down," like ^01, Sukkardan al-Sultdn, 126*:

<<a hybrid," Hayawan^ \ 65, 66, io53.
"a travelling merchant," ^Va^ al-Isharah ila mahasin
al-tijarah (see supra s.v. -^J»j^«), 4O4, 51'.

B.P.V. 29

450 C. A. STOREY

- Cf. Dozy s.v. ueWjU- Kitab al-Isharah, 86 :

(See Dr H. Ritter's translation in Der Islam, Bd. vn (1916),
P- 52-)

. ii c. acc. " to carry on," "continue," Da&il al-tyaz (Cairo, 1331),
I343:

"the inscription on a coin," Adhkiyd\ 521:
U

"simplicity," "ingenuousness," "guilelessness." Yahya
b. 'Adi in his Tahdhib al-akhldq (Cairo, 1913), p. 27, gives the
following definition :

i«^]L> by itself is also used in this sense, e.g. Hayawdn^ 1 48, 3 a.f.:

ioo13:

p,-i>. »<5^J' L/**^ "to some extent, somewhat," Ibn Khaldun, Muqad-
dimah (ed Quatremere), Notices et Extraits, xvn i 346*:

33413-

o. i This verb is frequently followed by J in the same sense as

e.g. Hisham, i;12: ly) t^j^-od lyJ ^-cJb ^^3^0^, Naq&id,
6662, Shu'dra1 al-Nasranlyah, 173 penult, etc.

Ju*a>. 3ju^o <{ a redjtjt," Buhturi, Dlwdn (Constantinople, 1300),! I092:

Faraj, n Sg9:

***JI

Lexicographical Jottings 451

*JLo. v Irshad al-arlb, \ 28o12: J^UjJI <j'$^> ^ f ^^ u^ ^ t*ie
duty of examining and correcting the letters drafted by the
wjU^, cf. Subh-al-a'sha.) i 113.

in Hayawan, \ 852, is a corruption of rt'ypt?, since it is the tiger
that, according to Aristotle, is one of the parents of the
Indian dog.

C%f*i» is used of earthenware as well as of metal vessels, e.g. Tuhfat al-

"a wide, a far-reaching, claim," lyas, in 83, 6 a. f.:

Daltfil al-?jaz, io610:

Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah (ed. Quatremere), Notices et Extraits,
xvi i 3815:

- Noteworthy is the use of this preposition in al-Imdmah
w<Jl-siyasah (Cairo, 1325), n i6816:

.I b <J J15

v "to enjoy oneself," "to lead a pleasant life," Ibn al-Muqaffa',
al-Adab al-kablr (Cairo, 1331), 23':

The plural ,j£** is sometimes used of the eyes of a single person,
e.g. BaihaqI, Mahasin (ed. Schwally), 64513:

SuyutI, al-Ashbdh wdl-naza'ir^ i 210 :

U JU.

29 - 2

452

C. A. STOREY

"m tne presence of," Muhabbar, 76 b ult. :

, Adhkiyd\ 5216:
J13 A^ ^J JA ^JlkU JUs lt^ t^Jlw U J15

iv c. U "to plagiarise." Yatimat al-dahr^ I Q21

0^5
JU5 ^i

JumahT, Tabaqat al-shulara\ I4721, Irshad al-arib, vi 4744,
Mehren, Zte Rhetorik der Araber^ 23iia.

3 in the sense of Sj.5 J-o^ (cf. Faraj^ n 75, 8 a. f.), Farcy, n
134, 8 a. f.:

jjuJJ J^ J^xJ ^ ^ U£» JJLfr Ul C
ibid. i799.

tj " immediately," "at once" (like jj*)\ ^ and
which Dozy mentions), /aM al-Qarib (ed. van den Berg), 318,
Kashf al-mukhabbd (by Ahmad Faris, Constantinople ed.), 204.

i ^t ^-J» " to divide into " (cf. Dozy) is common . ^.t^*** occurs
in the same sense, Nithar al-azhar (Constantinople, 1298),
I456:

151 penult.:

-/Wa' (by Husain Wall, Cairo, 1322),
lj [i.e. the word £5

/^/^. 1 4 14, 239®.

. Instances of the uncommon use of ^) with the pronouns are Ul£=>,

P
Muwashsha (Cairo), 124 ult., ^^JJl^D, Ibn Hisham, 68 14,

j&r** Kit&b al-lsharah ila mahasin al-tijarah, 65, 5 a. f.

. i c. ^.U pers. ato learn the art of writing from," Irshad al-arlb,
in 156".

c. %A pers. "to send a letter by the hand of," Ya'qubl, i i774,
Bundari, Hist, of Saljuqs (Cairo, 1318), 35 ult.

Lexicographical Jottings 453

vin "to enlist," Hayawan, I 94":

No grammarian or lexicographer, so far as I know, has
recorded the use of l«JL£r» to introduce sentences which in
English would begin with "the more," "the less," etc. [I^atin
QUO...CO]. Dr Paul Schwarz in his pamphlet entitled Zum
Verstandnis des Makrlzl (Leipzig u. Berlin, 1913), pp 5-6,
drew attention to this fairly common usage, and his remarks need
only to be supplemented by references to a number of other,
including some earlier, instances [cf. op. cit. 5^: " Nach einem
wahrscheinlich jiingeren Sprachgebrauch, den ich erst fur das
vierte Jahrhundert d. H. belegen kann, entspricht l«JL£-> un-
serem deutschen 'je mehr '..."]. These instances are as
follows -.—Bayan, I 712: j^t J&> ^1 ^tJUl O^> UA£>>
ibid, i 4219, i so12, i i6615, Hayawan, in i283, iv 74 penult.,
81, 4 a. f.: ^^t ^ O>*> o-~" ^ ^>*-*> U^,
ibid, iv i227, v 223, 39, 8 a. f., 5 a. f., 8814, 129 penult, 144,
4 a. f., vi 613: U^ft j£*\ AJ iyl=> ^>^\ r^\ ^\£=> UJL^,
78 penult., Bukhala\ 44": <J>« C«* ^> jl^l ^o^J^> U>^==>3
V^t ji^t, Jahiz, ^«^V/ (Cairo, 1324), 13, 6 a. f., 64, 7 a. f.,
162, 3 a. f. Muwashshd (Cairo), n62, Kitab al-Luma^ 7i18,
Ibn Hindu, al-Kalim al-ruhamyah, 117:

al-dunya wdl-dln (Cairo, 1328), 2915, I9612, Mufld
al-'ulum (Cairo, 1323), i4o13: o& J^»h^ ^ O^ UJ^>^
j^^-t AJ^J, al-Isharah ila mahasin al-tijarah, 222, 2416:

al-Itqan (Cairo, 1317), i 137, 5 a. f., Kashf al-mukhabba\ 17 72.
In Kashkul (Cairo, 1316), p. n817, much the same sense is

6 *

expressed by means of ,>*

cf. Mufid al-lulum, 271*. Similarly U J^ in the nominative
occurs in Suluk al-malik fl tadblr al-mamdlik (Cairo, 1329), if:

Another method of expressing this idea is noted in Socin's
Arabische Grammatik (7th ed. Berlin, 1913), p. i48' " Durch
zwei im Genetiv von Elativen abhangende Satze mit U wird

454 C. A. STOREY

unser *je — desto' ausgedriickt wie (sic)

X XJ 0<* .» .» X X J X»»

*L)J>M O>^ to O-*' 'Je mem" das Volk in Furcht ist, desto
sicherer sind die Wezlre V Other instances of this construction
are Ibn al-Muqaffa', al-Adab al-saghtr (Cairo, 1912), 42*:

Vu o^ to vyi jtjt AJ^

Jahiz, Rastiil, 1 1 ult. :

al-Lumal, 65* :

Ibn Hindu, al-Kalim al-ruhariiyah (Cairo, 1318/1900),

•j*$ L53 £^ && U ^^ *** L53 C^^1 0^!
Kashkul, IO223, *^4/« al-adab wd l-siyasah (Cairo, 1318), I7615

U JJI «N)l^>bUiJt ^ 0yCi U

v c. U3 or L5Xc, like ^y ^>j (cf. Dozy) "to be in charge of,"
Zubdat Kashf al-mamalik, 134, lyas, I 2202, u 8o18, 141, 6 a. f.,
20 17, in 43 etc.

The information given by Dozy and von Kremer can be supple-
mented from Jahiz, Rastiil, 8o10 :

^ [i.e. the Indians] ^3

is frequently used in the sense *' much more " or " much
less" according to the context, e.g. Biruni, India, n17:

Hamasah (Bulaq, 1296), I 137, Hayawan, iv 30 ult, Dald'il
al-i'jdz, 196" etc., etc.

^» v£JU» U3 is used in a similar sense, e.g. Bayan, i 816,
Hayawan, u 645, in 130 ult., iv 6o3, Daltfil al-i'jaz, 215* etc.,
etc.

J.J. JJ, nom. unit. AJLJ (s.v.l.), "shell-fish," Hayawan, iv i516:
iJtjuo^l o>». ^y ^JJt v<rrfcJJl y^ JJJI
fi iv I398.

Lexicographical Jottings 455

"excrement," Mufid al-'ulUm (Cairo, 1323), 98', 380*:

I^J ^JtfJl i*U*J J£»l ^^4 til frilly

Jjj. ii "to suppose," "to assume hypothetically," Ibn Abl Usaibi'ah
(Cairo, 1299), i 6» 6*, 7", 716-

-j£ "irregular," BatanunI, al-Rihlah al-Hijaztyah, 105,
5a.f.:

. If Jjb introduces an indirect question which is governed by a
preposition, the word AJ! is inserted between the preposition
and ^JA, e.g. Mufid al-'-ulum^ 92*:

SuyutT, al-Ashbah wa'l-naza'tr, II i666:
JI J«Jb tJ^JWI

Jju > ^1 ^ o^UJI

. ii c. ace. and ^1 , " to ascribe, to attribute a thing to," ffayawan,

i 710:

- Dozy gives two equivalents for this phrase :
(i) autrefois, anciennement, dans les siecles passes, (2) depuis
un temps immemorial.

Instances which may be translated on the lines of Dozy's
first explanation are Faraj, n 41 ult. :

j^ JfbU ^ ^^J S^JI
gayawan, v I424:

A) AJI

Bukhalti, 241.

In the following passages the sense seems to be "throughout
the ages " :
gayawdn, in 447 :

n> n 2i2:

456 C. A. STOREY

Ifayawan, I 3510:

(^ JA O-« -Ul^ £l O]

Daltiil al-iljaz, 714:

J -5

In Jahiz, Rasa'il, 101 ult. :

and Ifayawari) iv io63:

a*t g ju.pt ^-^^

we have two instances which show how the phrase can refer
both to long and to short periods.

i ^^aJI IJAO^. This phrase was not the invention of Freytag,
as Dozy supposed. It occurs in Ibn Hisham, 836":

(cf. ibid. 67910 and Hamasah (Bulaq ed.), I iQi10).
i c. ^jXfr " to apply to, be applicable to, refer to," Jahiz, Bay an,

io63:

ibid. 1 1 3s2, Rasail, i737etc.

So ^^Xft 4*53! = "he applied it to," Hayawan, i i6614,
iv 2816.

C. A. STOREY.

THREE DIFFICULT PASSAGES IN
THE KORAN

i. "RAQIM" AND DECIUS
18, 8-25

In the first part of the i8th Sura Mohammed alludes, in
a characteristically cryptic way, to the Seven Sleepers of
Ephesus, Christians who took refuge in a cave, at a time of
severe persecution, and after being walled in by their pursuers
slept there for about two hundred years, at the end of which
time they were awakened and came forth.

It is plain that Mohammed has heard the story recently
and been interested by it ; that he has tried to tell it for the
edification of his followers, but has been embarrassed by the
questions of certain unbelievers, who very possibly knew
the story better than he did. He accordingly produces a
"revelation, "in which he tiptoes around the story, incidentally
giving his divine authority for refusing to answer foolish
queries.

In verse 8 he introduces the subject with the question,
"What think you of those associated with the cave and with
al-Raqlml Was not their experience a wonderful sign?"
What the word raqlm means here has been an unsolved
mystery. Some commentators explain it as the name of the
mountain in which the cave was, others regard it as the
name of the valley below. Others, starting from etymology,
suppose it to designate a tablet or scroll, something inscribed
(verb ^3j), which may have been put up over the mouth
of the cave in which they lay. But the popular explanation,
approved by the majority of native commentators (always
with express caution, however), is this, that^yi is the name
of the dog that accompanied, the sleepers, mentioned in
verses 17 and 21. This explanation is intrinsically most
unlikely. " Raqlm" is all but impossible as a name; more-
over, Mohammed could hardly have chosen the form of words
which he uses, if this had been his meaning. The dog him-

458 C. C. TORREY

self was U^&\ ^-•.lo, or one of "those of the cave," and
he plays no important part in the story in any of its forms.
It is true that Mohammed shows some interest in this dog,
and it is therefore no wonder that his oriental followers, with
their love of the whimsical, and their own interest in domestic
animals, should have given the preference to this explanation
of the strange word. But very few scholars, either oriental
or occidental, have expressed themselves as really persuaded.

The second of the passages in which the dog is mentioned
is interesting as exhibiting Mohammed's somewhat anxious
eagerness to show himself well acquainted with the legend.
Verse 21 : "They will say, Three, and the fourth was their
dog; others will say, Five, and the sixth was their dog (guess-
ing wildly [or, as the Arabic might be rendered, 'throwing
stones in the dark ']) ; still others will say, Seven ; the eighth
was their dog. Do thou say, My Lord knows best how many
there were, and very few others know." It is plain that the
Prophet felt " shaky " as to some details of the story ; yet it
is quite evident on the other hand that he had heard it in a
complete version, and knew it well. There was indeed varia-
tion in the versions current at that time as to the number of
the sleepers ; for example, a Syriac manuscript of the 6th
century gives the number as eight (Wright's Catalogue of
the Syriac MSS in the British Museum, 1090).

There is, however, one important and constant feature of
the legend, apparently omitted in the Koranic version, which
is perhaps really present here in a curious disguise. In all
the extant ancient versions of the tale, the tyrant who was
the author of the persecution, before whom the seven youths
appeared and from whom they fled to their cavern, is the
emperor Decius. He is made very prominent in the story, and
his name occurs many times. See for instance the texts
published in Guidi's important monograph, I Sette Dormienti
di Efeso, where the name Decius is found (repeatedly in each
case) in two Coptic (Sahidic) versions, pp. 5 ff., 13 f. ; three
Syriac versions, 18 ff., 24 ff., 36 ff. ; two Ethiopic versions,
66 f., 87; and two Armenian versions, 91, 96 ff. In two
Syriac manuscripts the name is miswritten as Duqs, or
Dukus, and in still other ways, and in the Christian Arabic
version printed by Guidi (51 ff.) the form is Decianus
; but such occasional corruptions count for nothing.

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 459

The ordinary way of writing the name Decius in Aramaic
would be D'pT, 00^.1, and this is the orthography which

occurs uniformly in the oldest and best Syriac texts, as
in the version of this legend in Land's Anecdota Syriaca, in,
87, 6, 10 ; 90, 12; 91, 3; 93, 7, etc., and in the version
published by Guidi, 36, 2 a f. It is therefore a tempting hypo-
thesis, and to me at least it seems very probable, that when
Mohammed's informant, who read or narrated to him this
legend of the Seven Sleepers, saw in the text before him the
name *p "* t? ~] he read it D'pn instead of D'pT Not only

the Hebrew characters, but also the Aramaic characters of
that time and region, could very easily be ambiguous, as any
extensive table of ancient Semitic alphabets will show1, and
the coincidence appears too striking to be accidental, in view
of the supporting circumstances.

2. THE EXCEPTION IN FAVOUR OF
"THE BLIND, THE CRIPPLE, AND THE SICK"

24, 60

A considerable part of Sura 24 is taken up with prescrip-
tions concerning decent behaviour. Mohammed and his
immediate circle of followers have been greatly disturbed by
the Ayesha scandal, and in dealing now with this most
important matter the Prophet takes occasion also to lay down
rules in regard to general considerations of chastity, modesty,
and allied subjects. According to his mental habit, illustrated
in a multitude of Koranic passages, he passes abruptly from
one subject to another, and occasionally returns again sud-
denly to a theme which he had previously discussed and
seemingly finished.

Inverse 27 Mohammed introduces the subjectof intruding
on the privacy of men or women — but especially women — in

1 For the Hebrew characters, see Euting's Tabula Scripturae Hebraicac
(accompanying Chwolson's Corpus Inscriptionum Hebraicarum), cols.
67-83, 5th and 6th centuries A.D. ; and for the Aramaic, Euting's Tabula
Scripturae Aramaicae, 1890, cols. 41-53, and also 33-40. The ambiguity
might have occurred in any one of several varieties of the West-Semitic
script of about Mohammed's time; but it is perhaps most probable that the
document in question was written in Hebrew characters.

460 C. C. TORREY

their own houses or apartments. He then goes on to speak,
in verse 31, of the duty of believing women to avoid uncover-
ing themselves before those who are not members of their
families. These are matters which lingered in his mind, for
he returns to them in this Sura and also treats them, in this
same order, in Sura 33. The translation (24, 27 ff.) : "O ye
who believe ! enter not into other houses than your own,
until ye have asked leave and have saluted its people. That
is better for you ; perhaps ye will be mindful. 28 And if ye
find no one therein, enter not until permission is given you;
if it is said to you, 'Go back/ then go back. That is more
decent behaviour on your part ; and God knows what ye do.
29 It is no trespass for you to enter uninhabited houses, if ye
have need to do so ; God knows what ye reveal and what ye
conceal. 30 Say to the believers that they should restrain
their eyes and guard their chastity. That is more decent
behaviour for them ; verily God knows what they do.
3 1 And say to the believing women that they should restrain
their eyes and guard their chastity ; they should not display
their ornaments, except those which are outside; they should
pull their veils over their bosoms and not show their
ornaments, except to their husbands or fathers, or their
husbands' fathers, or their sons, or their husbands' sons, or
their brothers, or their brothers' sons, or their sisters' sons,
or their women, or their slaves, or the male attendants who
are incapable, or to children who do not notice women's
nakedness."

In Sura 33, 53 ff. he brings forward the same two closely
related subjects, in a looser and less concise mode of pre-
sentation : " O ye who believe ! enter not into the houses
of the prophet, unless permission is given you, to partake of
food, without awaiting his convenient time. When ye are
bidden, then enter ; and when ye have partaken, then dis-
perse ; without being familiar in conversation, for this would
annoy the prophet and he would be ashamed for you ; but
God is not ashamed of the truth. And when ye ask them
(the prophet's wives) for anything, ask it from behind a
curtain ; that is purer for your hearts and for theirs....
54 Whether ye reveal a thing or conceal it, verily God
knows all things. 55 It is no trespass for them (the wives
of the prophet) to show themselves unveiled to their fathers,

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 46 1

or their sons, or their brothers, or their brothers' sons, or
their sisters' sons, or their women, or their slaves ; but let
them fear God, verily God is witness over all.... 590 thou
prophet! say to thy wives and thy daughters, and to the
wives of the believers, that they should let down their veils
over them. That is more likely to make them understood
aright and to protect them from annoyance ; God is for-
giving and merciful."

The way in which the one of these two passages parallels
the other is very noticeable ; presumably the passage in
Sura 33 is the older of the two. As has already been
remarked, Mohammed returns again to these subjects farther
on in Sura 24, namely at verse 57: "O ye who believe! let
your slaves and those of you who have not reached puberty
ask permission of you (before coming into your presence) at
three times in the day : before the prayer of dawn, and when
ye put off your garments at mid- day, and after the evening
prayer ; three times of privacy for you. It is no trespass for
you or for them, after these times, when you are going about
from one to another. Thus God makes clear to you the
signs, and he is knowing and wise. 58 But when your
children arrive at puberty, then let them ask leave of you, as
did those before them. Thus God makes clear to you his
signs, and he is knowing and wise. 59 As for those women
who are past childbearing and have no hope of marriage, it
is no trespass for them if they put off their garments, but in
such a way as not to display their ornaments ; yet if they
abstain from this, it is better for them ; and God both hears
and knows."

The next verse is commonly rendered, and the text
seems to require that it be rendered, as follows: 60 "It is no
sin for the blind, nor the cripple, nor the sick, nor for you
yourselves, to eat in your own houses, or in those of your
fathers, or your mothers, or your brothers, or your sisters, or
your uncles on the father's side, or your aunts on the father's
side, or your uncles on the mother's side, or your aunts on
the mother's side, or in those houses of which ye possess the
keys, or in the house of your friend ; there is no trespass for
you in eating either together or separately."

In spite of all attempted explanations of the first part of
this verse, the fact remains that "the blind, the cripple, and

462 C. C. TORREY

the sick" have nothing whatever to do with this prescription
in regard to eating. Goldziher, in his Vorlesungen uber den
Islam, 33 f., in expressing his conviction that some passages
in the Koran have been misplaced with very disturbing
result, points to this clause at the beginning of 24, 60 as the
outstanding example. He proceeds (p. 34) : "Jedoch bei
naherer Betrachtunggewahrenwir, dassder in diesemZusam-
menhange fremdartige Passus aus einer anderen Gruppe
von Verordnungen hierher verschlagen wurde. Er bezieht
sich ursprimglich nicht auf Teilnahme an Mahlzeiten ausser
dem eigenen Hause, sondern auf die an den kriegerischen
Unternehmungen des jungen Islams." He then points out
that these same words, " There is no compulsion for the blind,
nor for the cripple, nor for the sick," are found also in 48, 1 7,
where the Prophet, after threatening those who hold back
from the warlike expeditions of the Muslims, makes this
exception in favour of those who are effectually hindered by
physical disability, and he draws the conclusion that the
phrase has somehow been taken from 48, 1 7 and forced into
this context in 24, 60 where it is now so disturbing: " Dieser
Spruch ist nun als fremdes Element in jenen anderen Zusam-
menhang versprengt worden und hat augenscheinlich die
Redaktion des Verses beeinflusst, dessen urspriinglicher
Anfang nicht in sicherer Weise rekonstruiert werden kann."
Goldziher is certainly right in holding that the clause, as
it has traditionally been understood both by Arab com-
mentators and by occidental scholars, is out of place and
inexplicable, but it cannot be said that he has accounted for
its presence in Sura 24. It is hardly conceivable that either
Mohammed or any one of his followers should have intro-
duced here purposely the exception as to participants in the
holy war, for it is not merely isolated from every context
dealing with that subject, but as it stands it quite plainly
means something else. On the other hand, no theory of the
accidental transfer of the clause to this place could be made
to seem plausible. But we are not reduced to any such desper-
ate straits as Goldziher's suggestion would imply. Is not the
solution of the difficulty rather this, that the troublesome
clause is to be connected with the preceding context, and
that the dispensation in favour of "the blind, the lame, and
the sick" refers to the regulations regarding modesty with

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran

463

which the Prophet has been so variously busied ? We have
seen how, in each place where he treats of these matters, he
makes some provision for the natural exceptions, those
members of the family to whom the freedom of the house
must of necessity be given, or who cannot be held under the
same restriction as others in regard to privacy and the
exposure of their persons in clothing and unclothing them-
selves ; not making the same exceptions in each case, but
giving utterance to them as they happen to occur to him.
In 33, 55 he excepts (of course) the nearest members of the
family, and adds, that the women of whom he is speaking
have no need to be careful about unveiling or unclothing
themselves before other women or before their own slaves.
In 24, 31 he makes similar exceptions (but in considerably
different terms, showing that he had not formulated the
matter carefully for himself), and adds to the list eunuchs and
children. And finally, in the passage under discussion, 24,
57 ff., he mentions as exceptions the slaves and children, and
then adds, that the restrictions do not apply in their strin-
gency to women who have passed the age of marriage. To
this he further adds as an afterthought (if I am right), that a
similar liberty is to be allowed to the members of a household
who are under serious physical disability. The justice of this,
even its necessity, is quite obvious.

The one objection which could be urged is the abruptness
of the transition from the first clause of verse 60 to the passage
which immediately follows, treating of a different subject but
in its grammatical construction a continuation of the closest
description. But this sudden and unexpected leap is, I would
contend, thoroughly characteristic of Mohammed's mental
habit. The verse granting dispensation to old women is
brought to an end with the usual rhyming appendix ; a new
verse is then begun as follows :

fs o t

" Upon the blind, the cripple, and the sick there is no strict
prohibition. Nor is there (such prohibition) upon you your-
selves, against your eating in your own houses, or the houses
of your fathers," etc. This is the mental habit — essentially

464 C. C. TORREY

dramatic — of him who composed the oft-quoted verse 1 2, 29,
in which the transition is equally unexpected and even more
abrupt, taking place, as in the present instance, in the middle
of a sentence. Other illustrations of the same general
character will occur to all those who are familiar with the
Koran. As for the verbal agreement of the clause with 48,
17, this is by no means the only instance in which Moham-
med repeats an extended phrase in widely different contexts.

3. " His MOTHER is HAWIYA"
101, 6-8

In an essay entitled "Eine Qoran- Interpolation" con-
tributed to the Noldeke Festschrift, i, 33-55, August Fischer
attempts to demonstrate that the last two verses. 7 and 8, of
Sura 101 are a later interpolation. He returns to the subject
in the Z.D.M.G., vol. 62 (1910), 371-374, bringing some
additional evidence in support of his contention, which he
regards as sufficiently established. Goldziher, in his Vor-
lesungen uber den Islam (1910), 33, refers to this demonstra-
tion of Fischer's in a way that seems to show that he regards
it as conclusive. Any modern critical edition of the text of
the Koran, he says, "wird...auf Interpolationen (vgl. August
Fischer, in der Noldeke Festschrift, 33 ff.) ihr Augenmerk
richten mlissen."

The matter is one of considerable importance for the
early history of the Koran, inasmuch as interpolations in the
sacred book (excepting those made by Mohammed himself)
have not hitherto been demonstrated in a convincing way.
Fischer's examination of the evidence is in some particulars
very thorough, and makes a first impression of being ex-
haustive. He has failed, however, to take into account one
or two factors of capital importance, as I shall endeavour
to show.

Sura 101 is one of the most vigorous and picturesque of
Mohammed's early utterances, a veritable gem. It is a terse
characterization of the coming Dies Irae, when the last hour
strikes, in the universal crash of dissolving heavens and
earth, and the just and unjust of mankind are sent to the
abodes they have deserved. It also has the external
appearance of being a very characteristic specimen of the

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 465

Prophet's peculiar rhetoric. It begins and ends with brief,
exclamatory phrases, while the middle portion is made up of
slightly longer sentences. There are two rhymes, of which
the principal is the "asonante" termination with the vowels
a-i-ah, the woeful ah! in particular, with its voiced h, being
just suited to the theme. This rhyme, after appearing in
verses i and 2, is replaced by another in the purely descrip-
tive verses 3 and 4, and is then resumed in 5-8. The text
of these last four verses reads as follows :

ntf

Ulj

Ox x Of

4UA U Jtjil Uj V

This is ordinarily translated somewhat as follows: "5 Then
as for the one whose balances are heavy, he (enters) into a
joyful life ; 6 but as for him whose balances are light, his
abode is the pit. 7 And how dost thou know what this is?
8 A raging fire ! "

The starting point of Fischer's argument is the difficult

phrase at the end of verse 6, a^l* a^l*. He urges, very justly,
that the current renderings (similar to the one just given) are
more than questionable. AJ^IA (without the article !) ought
not to be rendered " the pit." There is indeed a well-known
Arabic noun appearing in a variety of forms, of which this
is one, meaning " pit, abyss, precipice," and the like; but
there are good reasons why we cannot believe that Moham-
med is using it here. He could not have omitted the article,
in such a context, unless he intended Hawiya as a proper
name, and it seems quite unlikely that he would have made
this transformation of a noun of the native speech. More
important still is the fact, emphasized by Fischer (Festschrift ',
45), that the immediately following phrase, ma adraka etc.,
is always used in a very significant way by Mohammed,
in connection with new and strange vocables of his own
introducing : " sonst stets nur an Worter angekniipft, die er
entweder selbst der Form oder dem Inhalt nach neu gepragt
hatte, oder die doch fur seine Zuhorer vollig neu sein
mussten." Fischer argues further, that <ut (literally "his
mother"} with the meaning "his abode" or "his lot" is not a
natural use of the word, but sounds artificial. Finally he
shows, with a thoroughness of demonstration that leaves
B.P.V. 3°

466 C. C. TORREY

nothing to be desired, that the phrase <£\ O^A, as used by the
Arabs in and before Mohammed's time, meant " his mother
is bereft (of him)." That is, — and to this every Arabic
scholar must give assent, — the only natural translation of
verse 6 taken by itself is: "And as for the one whose
balances are light, his mother is (now to be) childless." But
verses 7 and 8 are absolutely incompatible with this render-
ing, for they presuppose a reference in the phrase to the
place of abode of the wicked. Hence Fischer sees himself
forced to the conclusion that the sura originally ended with
verse 6, and that verses 7 and 8 are a later mistaken addition.
The argument seems a strong one at first sight, but the
more one thinks it over the less convincing it appears. The
very considerations which make the present reading difficult
stand opposed to the hypothesis of an interpolation ; just in

proportion as it is strange that <Ul should mean " his abode,"
and evident that *^U in its present context is an anomaly,
does it become improbable that any later hand should have
created this manifest incongruity deliberately, making a
stupid and quite useless addition to what was clear, and
changing the meaning of the sacred words. Sura 101, be it
remembered, is one of the oldest of Mohammed's Mekkan
utterances, and from its contents, as well as from its striking
form, we should suppose it to have been one of the most
widely familiar. Very many of his Companions and followers
must have known it by heart, from the first. Fischer
attempts to break the force of this obvious objection to his
theory by arguing (p. 51 f.) that Mohammed's Companions
and their contemporaries in Mekka and Medina were un-
familiar with the phrase ummuhu hawiya, and did not know
that it meant "his mother is bereaved." The Prophet, he
thinks, got this idiom from the classical speech (^ drably a),
which was too high style for his Companions generally. I do
not believe that many Arabic scholars will find help in this
extraordinary suggestion of Professor Fischer. It is easy to
show, as he does by the citations in Tabarl, that some of the
Companions were more or less perplexed by the phrase as it
stands in this sura, but this gives no evidence whatever that
they were ignorant of its " classical " use. Moreover, Mekka
and Medina were not beyond the reach of the 'arablya ;
if Abu Bekr and Omar did not know the classical idioms of

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 467

their day, as Mohammed used them in the Koran, they had
only to ask their meaning ; there were plenty at hand who
knew. It should be added, with emphasis, that if the sura had
originally ended with verse 6, as Fischer contends, its con-
cluding words would never have made any difficulty. Every
one who knew the typical meanings of the verb ^yk (and did
not the Companions of the Prophet know as much as this ?)
could have guessed without fail the signification of the idiom.
Fischer explains (p. 52), that when they were perplexed by
it, they " saw from the context " that the words must contain
an allusion to the place of punishment. Thereupon some
Koran expert, "von den besten Absichten geleitet," added
verses 7 and 8 — in order to make everything plain ! But the
context, up to the end of verse 6, gives no such indication ;
nor is there anything in either form or content of any of
Mohammed's other utterances in the Koran which could
naturally lead the reader to infer from 101, i-6a that verse
6b contained a designation of hell.

The supposed motive of the interpolation, then, is certainly
not cogent; when closely examined it is not even plausible.
We are left simply with the fact of a difficult reading and the
question whether the supposition of two writers, one of whom
misunderstood the other, — always a desperate expedient, — is
the probable solution.

Examination of the two verses, 7 and 8, supposed by
Fischer to have been added by a later hand, shows that,
apart from the postulated incongruity with verse 6, they give
no support whatever to his theory, but rather testify strongly
against it. Fischer remarks (p. 51) on the strangeness of
Jub, at the end of verse 6 : " sonst nicht im ganzen Qoran! "

But the very strangeness is testimony that Mohammed, and
not another, wrote it. This is one of the rhymes in which he
especially revels, in some of the earliest and most fiery
passages of his book. A good example is 69, 4-29, where
for the sake of this very same " asonante " rhyme a-i-ah he
builds out the suffix of the first person singular, changing
etc. into <U£» Ijli^L,, etc. in six different

instances. The Z* U of 101, 7 is merely another case of
exactly the same sort. We can recognize in it at once the

30-2

468 C. C. TORREY

voice of Mohammed, knowing his rhetorical habits as we do ;
but it would not readily have suggested itself as an imitation
of the Prophet, and no mere interpolator would ever have
produced it. The imitator, had there been such, would in-
fallibly have written : (or a^lyl!) *jjU U Jl^t U$, since this is
the way in which Mohammed proceeds in every other
instance of the kind. It is from the originator of these
forms, not from lesser scribblers, that we expect such sporadic,
yet characteristic variation.

Fischer's assertion (ibid.} in regard to verse 8 is so
astonishing that one is tempted to see in it a virtual admission
of the weakness of his argument as it touches the verses
supposed to be interpolated1. In the process of attempting
to show that this "appendix" to the sura is made of inferior

stuff, he says that the phrase IloU. jU is the weakest and

least poetical of all the expressions for "hell" in the Koran
("der prosaischste und platteste Ausdruck") and designates
it again as "armselig." If this is a deliberate judgment and
not a mere hasty utterance, we can only be thankful that
the impassioned Mekkan suras were composed by Moham-
med and not by his critic. It would be possible, of course,
to employ six words, or a dozen, or more, instead of the
two used here ; or to search out strange locutions, or cir-
cumlocutions, instead of taking the most familiar noun in
the Arabic language and the adjective made obvious by
sense and metre; but the man who thinks ll raging fire"
not forcible enough as a description of the future abode of
the wicked is the one who is labouring with an argument,
not the one who (like many of Mohammed's contemporaries)
thinks himself in danger of going there. The fact is, it is
impossible to conceive a more powerful ending of the little
chapter than this which it has. From the standpoint of
rhetoric, the termination with verse 6 would have been very
tame in comparison.

The whole sura was composed by Mohammed himself,
whatever may be the solution of the difficulty at the end of
verse 6. This is the conclusion very strongly indicated by all
the evidence at hand. We can then hardly escape the further
conclusion, that ^ujU was intended by him as a proper name,

1 A similar tacit admission is to be seen in the suggestion on p. 52, that
verses 7 and 8 may, after all, have been "an old Koran fragment"!

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 469

as it certainly was intended as a designation of hell. But if
the word was familiar to him and his fellows as a common
noun, why did he not treat it as such, using the article ;
and — an equally puzzling question — why did he choose the

strange <Jt, instead of ai^U or a similar word ?

It seems to me that Professor Fischer has left out of
account, in his argument, one of the most important char-
acteristics of the Prophet's literary art, namely his singular
fondness for mystifying words and phrases. This tendency
is especially conspicuous, and often especially crude in its
manifestation, in the oldest portions of the Koran. He coins
words of his own, and far oftener borrows them from foreign
languages, with what seems to us an almost childlike delight
in the awesome riddles which he thus furnished to his hearers.
We certainly have an example of the kind, and apparently a
twofold example, in the passage before us.

Mohammed chose the phrase a^u A!I, not because the
people of Mekka did not know the meaning of the idiom

a*t oyb, but precisely because he knew it was so familiar to
them all. Whoever heard Sura 101 for the first time would
suppose verse 6 to contain the threat: "He whose balances
are light shall perish, (his mother shall be bereaved)." But
as the Prophet went on, the hearer would see that the threat
was far more terrible. a^U, instead of being the participial
adjective, was a mysterious name of a blazing fire, while *It
contained the grimly ironical assurance that his acquaintance
with Hawiya would not be merely temporary; she would be
his permanent keeper and guardian. This is word-play of a
kind in which the Arabs have always taken especial delight ;
but it is more than this, it is Mohammed through and
through, in its combination of mystery and threat. The
quality of strangeness, in fact, is present in every part of this
little sura, not by accident.

Finally, in regard to the word a^U, I believe that the
supposition of a borrowed word, always the most probable
hypothesis when a strange theological term is encountered in
the Koran, has not in this instance been given the attention
it deserves. I should not deny the possibility that Mohammed
may have created the proper name from a native Arabic
noun, but the supposition is an unlikely one, as Fischer and
others have argued with good reason. The only excuse for

470 C. C. TORREY

such a proceeding here would be the wish to make the word-
play just described, but even this could hardly have seemed
a sufficient reason. Moreover, it is not likely that Mohammed
would have used his ^)\^\ u with reference to a noun whose
meaning was already known ; the case of adjectives such as
fejUjt, 33UJI, and the like, is obviously quite different. He
employs the very significant phrase only after using words
whose meaning must really have remained obscure without
the interpretation which he — by the help of Gabriel-
proceeded to give them.

Among the old Hebrew words for the final catastrophe
which is to overtake the wicked, there is one which cor-
responds exactly, in both form and meaning, to Mohammed's
Hawiya. The passage in which it occurs most significantly
is Isaiah xlvii. n, in a chapter which describes in very
striking and picturesque language the doom of Babylon.

iTWD3 ^n fc6 Hin yhv Sbn, "There will fall upon thee

T . - • : T I • - T

Disaster which thou wilt not be able to propitiate." In
form, this word Plin is the active participle feminine of the

qal stem of PlIPI "to fall." Just what sort of "disaster" the
Prophet had in mind is made plain in the following verses, in
which Babylon's helpers and advisers are promised a share
in her doom ; vs. 14: "They shall be as stubble, the fire shall
burn them ; they shall not deliver themselves from the grasp
of the flame. It will not be coals to warm at, nor a fire to sit
before ! " We have, then, in one of the most striking passages
in the Hebrew Bible, the same word, with the same meaning,
which we find in our Koran passage. It occurs in the Old

Testament also in Ezekiel vii. 26, PliPl 7$? HIPI, " Disaster
upon disaster," and is therefore not a word upon which any
doubt can be thrown.

It would be interesting to discuss the corresponding or
most nearly related words in Hebrew and the Aramaic
dialects, the complicated questions of borrowing from one
language by another, and so on ; but all this would be
a mere waste of time as concerns the present question. We
have before us a perfect explanation of the troublesome
passage in Sura 101, and have no need to look further. In
every detail of the composition we can see Mohammed's
own well-known habits and mental processes : his high-

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 47 1

sounding rhetoric, his fondness for strange vocables, the
gleaning of new terms from Jewish sources — of whatever
sort. There is not the slightest difficulty in explaining how
Mohammed got hold of this particular word ; every educated
Jew had it at his tongue's end. The whole splendid passage
in Isaiah may well have been recited to Mohammed many
times, with appropriate paraphrase or comment in his own
tongue, for his edification. The few "hell-fire passages" in
the Hebrew Scriptures must have been of especial interest
to him, and it would be strange if some teacher had not been
found to gratify him in this respect.

Observe further — and the fact is most important — that
the pet phrase ,s)!pt U is used here in the very same significant
way as elsewhere, that is, after a truly cryptic utterance; see
especially Fischer's own words, quoted above. Note in
particular that in seven of the ten other occurrences of the
phrase in the Koran, the strange term to which it calls
attention is either a designation of the Last Judgment or else
(twice; 83, 8, 19) of certain definite features of the judgment
scene ; three of the terms, ^Ju,, ^.^ .-.-.-, and ^^Jk, are proper
names, apparently created by Mohammed himself; three of
them, ,jJLw, oW^j and CH^!^> are borrowed from Jewish

sources.

As for the word i*j, the scholar Khafajl was quite right in
regarding it as an example of Mohammed's "sarcasm"
(Fischer, p. 41), and the word-play which I have described
above, with its sudden and ironical transformation of the
familiar into the strange and terrible, is as characteristic as
anything in the Koran. The word Hawiya should of course
be written ij^li, as a diptote. As originally used in this Koran
passage, by Mohammed and his followers, it had the ending
of neither diptote nor triptote, but merely the rhyming
termination ah. That the native commentators, even the
oldest, should have stumbled over the phrase was not only
natural but also quite inevitable. The word was Mohammed's
own, and they had no means of knowing where he got it.

The translation of verses 6 ff. :

As for him whose balances are light, his mother is
Hawiya! And how knowest thou what that is? A raging
fire !

C. C. TORREY.

A FREAK OF ARABIC VERSIFICATION

The seven pages containing the poem from which ex-
tracts are given below were found in a bundle of MS. frag-
ments. The text is in a beautiful African hand in that
variety of the script called Soudanese by Houdas. The
writing is very distinct. Doubt as to the reading is only
possible with certain final letters ; /, n and r are often diffi-
cult to distinguish, also J and o. At the end of the poem
the words ^Xi£=> t are written twice ; they seem to be a
corruption of a charm used in Persia and India to protect
books from insects.

The poem is ascribed to one 'All ibn Husain, though it
has not been possible to identify him. The author is named
in two lines which precede the poem.

4.3

There is no indication of a date, but to judge from the
colour of the paper the MS. is not very recent. As there
are numerous mistakes, while the rules of i'rab are observed,
it is to be presumed that the present text is only a copy.

On the margins of the pages and between the lines
many notes are scrawled. They vary from transcriptions of
the text through explanations and interpretations to state-
ments of the number of times a letter occurs in the Qor'an.
These notes are by various hands and never by the copyist
of the poem.

The subject of the poem is the vanity of this world, the
sinfulness of men and their need of repentance in order to
enjoy the goodness of God. It is the rhyme that calls for
remark. The poem consists of twenty-nine five-line stanzas,
each stanza rhyming in one letter of the alphabet ; the
rhymes following the African order of the letters. The
metre is Wafir though the writer seems to have had little
regard for the fetters of rhythm.

In line 105 he was unable to bring his thought within
metrical bounds, for the second half is too long by a foot—

if the text is correct. Elsewhere a line begins with <U)t.

A Freak of Arabic Versification 473

Several of the stanzas are printed below with a few
necessary corrections and the pertinent marginal remarks
are given in the notes.

1 MS.

2 MS.

6 MS. J
8 MS.

11 MS.
13

5 MS.
7 MS.

9 MS. u

I2 MS.

474

L. S. TRITTON

— n i SL.^JI

U3jJt JU

b 31

LjJjJI

* *
1 MS. U

Si-t.

2 MS. t^juu.
5 MS. UUJJ.

MS.

MS.
O-*

MS.

readjU^I.

A Freak of Arabic Versification 475

116

Sll

^Jt pU^Jt jl^ lit OIJL3U.

TRANSLATION.

i. "Blessed be the Exalted and Magnificent who is
alone in majesty and permanence. He set death over all
creatures and they all are hostages of destruction. Our
world is bound for dissolution though we rely on it and
enjoyment in it is long. Trust in the abode of destruction
(it is deceitful) is indeed anxiety. Its population is quick to
depart, from it though the greedy are bent towards it.

1 ^^Jt juj. Perhaps read OU^Jt. 2 MS. tp. 3 MS. UUi*.
4 a^,jJI £U>jt J^ Ob- 5 J^1 &• 6 MS. ^U .

7 J*5t3 ; ^V v**>5> possibly read

9 The half line is a whole foot too long. One might suggest :

£W J£D $\ dl
but probably the author scorned metre.

476 A. S. TRITTON

6. " They soon descend from splendid palaces to the
house of dust ; wherein they are at peace, exiled, alone and
enveloped by the pallor of separation. Worse than all is the
fear of the judgment assembly when man is called to account
and finds in the book every good deed he brought and
every evil he committed. If we are wise it is time to make
provision and take advantage of what remains of youth.

n. " The end of all wherein we are is change from the
crowded gathering to separation. What we hoarded, whether
lawful or not, is divided among sons and daughters, and
among those whom we, before our death, did not think
worthy of a copper or the price of a grain. When our com-
panionship is over and we are mouldering bones, our friends
forget us ; as though there had been no loving association,
no obedient friend among them.

1 6. ''Deluded one! For whom do you hoard the
abundant store and the chattels ? You will pass, unpraised,
alone ; and your wife's husband is sole possessor of the
heritage. The heir fails you and disregards your wishes and
a doubtful business is not set right. You took on you an
excessive burden that blocks the path of (spiritual) progress,
and fear of God is your only guard and refuge and help.

21. "All sickness is eased by drugs, but there is no
remedy for the sickness of your sin save that you humble
yourself in purity, devout fear and sincere hope before the
Merciful ; save long watching in desire for pardon in the
dark night under the veil of gloom and showing penitence
at all time for the crooked ways of your life. Perhaps you
may be to-morrow fortunate in the reward of the victor and
the joys of the saved.

26. " Keep back your soul from its desire, for nothing
is sweeter than salvation. Every morning prepare for your
fate as if you were not to live to evening. Many a one of
us has been in health at even and before morn the mourners
wailed for him. Forward with repentance for your great
offences before death ; for it is not the laggard who takes
high place but he who girded himself for salvation.

31. "If you are true and faithful to a friend, with the
Merciful make alliance. Count nothing equal to trust in
God and throw off weariness and reliance on others. How
can you find pleasure in the world when the days of life

A Freak of Arabic Versification 477

haste away ? According to our knowledge the chief of its
pleasures are mingled with tears and cries ; yet man is blind
and sees not : his blindness makes his ears deaf.

51. " Does a youth boast grandly of wealth ? The glory
that is in it (the world) passes. He seeks dominion of the
world madly though its dominion is kin to shame. We and all
in it are as travellers on the point of journeying in haste.
We are ignorant of it as if we had never experienced it in
spite of long fears and consolations. We know not that
there is no abiding in it and no comfort save passing
through.

1 1 6. " Deluded one ! Will you build on swamps ? The
swamps have no foundation. Your sins are a multitude,
repeated and great ; your tears are frozen, your heart hard.
The days wherein you disobeyed God are recorded against
you but you forget. How can you bear in the day of judg-
ment the weight of sins heavy as mountains ? That is the
day in which there is no love, no prestige and no comforter.

TO i. " The impious alone sought high rank in it and
pride of soul. Should he obtain aught eminent and valuable
the possession of it does not give good digestion. If he
obtain his desire in rank and power he will turn back and
grow weak on attainment ; like a castle whose two sides
have fallen in ruin when the building comes to an end.
I say, and I have seen the kings of my time : Let the
wicked alone seek power.

131. " God is forgiving, merciful, accepting the penitence
of every wanderer. I expect that he will fully pardon me
and inflame the eye of the Devil who opposes him. He
benefits me by my admonition and speech, and benefits each
who hears and repeats. To him whom sin has scorched of
his set purpose there is no healer except the pardon of the
Preserver. My sins have branded my flank ; sins are indeed
the branding irons."

Verse 22. If the verse is to scan -o3 must be read as an

imperfect I ; although the next verse and the general use
of ij**' suggest the infinitive V.

Verse 103. JLj^bl. This is very probably a mistake for
which at any rate gives a suitable meaning.

A. S. TRITTON

As it stands the poem is chaotic and there is little con-
nexion between some of the stanzas. In the ^o stanza is an
account of the perseverance that alone can obtain salvation,
and the careless are compared to cattle. The next stanza,
c, is about the final separation at death and the slight

chance of finding pleasure in the world. Stanza o is in the
first person and the next, u«, is in the second.

By arranging the poem in the usual order of the alphabet a
little improvement is made. Stanza u*» follows well on J while
^H continues the description of the last day and ends with
an exhortation which is carried on by ±jo. The comparison
of the careless to cattle (u^) leads to a further account of the
man who delights in evil (1»). Further on it is stated in <3
that the only lasting good is religion and judgment is near;
yet (,£)) sinners go on heaping up sin though (J) the grave is
the end. The theme then passes through judgment to the
goodness of God and a final exhortation.

This rearrangement would still leave some awkward
transitions, but the author was a man of little originality and
did little more than dress up religious commonplaces and
reminiscences from the work of the "Mu'ammarun," not to
mention the stock in trade of an Arab poet. With the
Mu'ammarun he moralizes on the wealth that a man must
leave behind him at death, on the great ones of the past who
are now dust, the strong man exulting in his health at even
who is cut off before morning, and gives his own experience
of the swift passing of life. The account of men as pUaJl) ,>>U)

recalls the old man who was c~Jt j*5 *~AJ (cf. Goldziher,
Abhandlungen zur arabischen Phiiologie, Kitabu 'l-Mu'am-
marm p. r-, 1. v Y).

The poem is an attempt to brighten the qaslda and as
such it stands alone. It differs from the muwassaha in
keeping the one metre throughout and from the terjl'-bend
of Persian and Turkish poetry in doing without a refrain.
If the poem was written in the East, as is also suggested by
the corrupt charm, the idea of the stanza form may have
come from the terjl'-bend. The metre too may have been
suggested by its likeness to the hezej, common in Turkish
and Persian. The Rev. T. H. Weir kindly called my atten-
tion to a poem in the Escorial library and the authorities of
the library kindly sent fuller information than was contained

A Freak of Arabic Versification 479

in the catalogue. M. Derenbourg describes this poem in
the catalogue of the Escorial manuscripts (no. 470") as an
alphabetical takhmis in Maghribl script. In this poem
however only four half lines in each stanza have the common
rhyme ; the fifth being half a line from the poem of. Imru-
ul-Qais beginning U.Uo^ ^1. The first stanza runs :

fcUU

JUJt 1

The author of the takhmis was Safwan ibn Idrls who
died in 598/1202. It is only the alphabetical order of the
rhyme that is common to his poem and that of 'All ibn
Husain.

A closer parallel is shown by a collection of panegyrics
(Berlin, no. 7873) by All ibn Abi Talib ibn al-Hasan ibn All
\fl. 790/1 388). This contains twenty-nine poems of ten lines
apiece ; one poem for each letter of the alphabet. Every line
in a poem begins and ends with the same letter and the
poems are arranged in the Yemenite order of the alphabet.
The metre is Basit and the first line of the collection is :

tj£t Jptj jJU ^o~~J lj I tj£ JLL« ^5^JI J>jUU C

This system of the rhyming letter running through the
alphabet is almost unique. Although the poem belongs to a
decadent age of literature as is proved by the scant respect
shown for metrical rules, there is nothing in the language
that can be proved to belong to the West. Certain indica-
tions and the parallel from the Yemen suggest an Eastern
origin.

NOTE. The author gratefully acknowledges the help
given by wise and kindly suggestions from Dr R. A.
Nicholson.

1 Derenbourg j^a. z Read »ly. 3 Probably read

A. S. TRITTON.

THE REVOLUTION IN PERSIA AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE i8TH CENTURY

(from a Turkish MS in the University of Glasgow)

Monsieur La Mamye-Clairac at the beginning of his
Histoire de Perse, published in Paris in the year 1 750, gives
a list of works cited in this History. Among these are four
which owed their origin to a Georgian named Joseph, who
acted as interpreter to the French Consul at Isfahan. These
are as follows : ( i ) Mtmoire sur la difference du rit entre
les Turcs et les Per sans, cited as " Mem." (2) Notes de
M. Joseph. They are explanations which Joseph made ver-
bally to M. La Mamye-Clairac in regard to his own written
narrative (mentioned next) and two others, and of which he
took notes, cited as " Not." (3) Relazione della Rivoluzione
di Persia, cited as " I Rel." This document covers the im-
portant events in Persia from the beginning of the troubles
down to the end of the year 1724. (4) Relazione della Rivo-
luzione di Persia, seconda parte, cited as "II Rel." It
supplies some events omitted, and brings the narrative down
to the end of the year 1725. It was originally composed in
Turkish for the Grand Vezir by Joseph who was then in
Constantinople, and who wrote out this translation for La
Mamye-Clairac.

There is in the Hunterian Library of the University of
Glasgow a MS written in Turkish either by or to the dic-
tation of the same Joseph dealing with the same events, which
may be the narrative referred to above drawn up for the in-
formation of the Vezir, or may be an independent source
from the same hand.

The MS, which covers 60 pages of 15 lines each, each
line containing some six or seven words, is written in an
extremely neat naskhi, but it shows signs of having been
written in considerable haste. The writer forgot that he was
using an oriental language and began on the recto of the
first folio. After writing 12 lines he discovered his mistake,
turned the MS upside down and began again on the inside
of the same folio. The rubrics have been filled in for the

The Revolution in Persia 481

first 29 pages only : in the rest of the MS spaces are left for
them. There are slips in regard to words and even proper
names, and words are wrongly spelled. There are also one
or two sentences which do not seem to be intelligible, but
whether this is due to the MS or to my ignorance, I cannot
say. The ground covered is nearly the same as that in the
first four books of La Mamye-Clairac's work ( = M. C. below)
or in vol. in of Jonas Han way's Historical Account of the
British Trade over the Caspian Sea with the Revolutions of
Persia, London, 1753 (=J. H.).

The MS begins with four lines of preface : " One Josepho,
coming from Isfahan after a stay there of eight years, having
gained information by the witness of his own eyes, gives the
following account of the news he learned, in the year 1 138 "
(began gth Sept. 1725 A.D.). It then goes on to state how
" your humble servant," a native of Tim's, travelled when a
mere boy into Europe, in order to gain proficiency in western
languages. Returning in a ship of Venice to Constantinople,
he eventually attached himself as interpreter to the " am-
bassador " Monsieur Gardanne, whom " the king of France "
(Louis XIV) had dispatched to Persia. As soon as M. Gar-
danne had made the necessary arrangements for the journey,
he went by sea toTrebizond,and thence overland by Erzerum,
Erivan, Nakhshivan, Tebriz and Sultaniyah to Kazvin. This
was in the year 1717 A.D. or 1 129 A.H. As Shah Husain had
also arrived at Kazvin from Isfahan, Gardanne presented his
credentials.

The MS is now divided into sections each of which was
to have been headed by a rubric, but the first nine rubrics
only have been filled in. The rest are now supplied within
parentheses.

Reason for the Shahs visits to Kazvin. The reason given
is the great extent of the province of Khorasan, and its being
divided into two independent governments, those of Herat
and of Mashhad-Tus, under a Khanler- Khan or Begler-Beg.

Account of Herat. The Shah's governor, Mohammad
Zaman Khan, having abused his position, the Afghans revolt
under Asad Allah. Mohammad Zaman Khan and his army
of 1500 are defeated and flee to Isfahan. Herat becomes
independent of Persia. This was in 1 1 29. Asad Allah's par-
ricide (M. C. p. 114, I Rel.) is not mentioned.

B.P.V. 31

482 T. H. WEIR

Account of Mashhad-Tus. The Shah's governor of
Sijistan was Melik Mahmud Khan. Though a Shiite, he is
friendly with Mir Mahmud of Kandahar, and does not hinder
his raid into Kirman, and, later, when he comes to the help
of the Shah, besieged in Isfahan, and Mir Mahmud sends
to him Nasr Allah (also a Sijistani), he and his 8000 go back
and seize Mashhad-Tus, which also becomes lost to Persia
(M. C. p. 327 ff. I Rel. : J. H. p. 140 ff.). This was not till
1722. A note occurs here in the MS : " We also on our part,
having stayed three months, set out with the Ambassador for
Isfahan, Shah Husain having presented to our Ambassador
a richly appointed palace there."

Preparations/or Relief of Herat and suppression of A sad
Allah. The Shah in Kazvin raises 30,000 troops under Safi
Kuli Khan. Asad Allah, getting wind of this, appeals to the
Uzbegs. The Sultan of Balkh sends him 1 2,000 men. These,
caught napping by the Persians, " drain the cup of martyr-
dom," for the Kizilbash take no prisoners. Asad Allah with
1 3,000 to 1 5,000 Abdalis, after a five hours' battle, " turns the
firmness of the Persians to flight." 8000 Kizilbash are killed
and 3000 Afghans. Safi Kuli Khan is slain, his ammunition
dump and 20 guns captured (M. C. p. 123 ff. I Rel. whose
numbers here agree with the MS ; but he makes the acting
general Safi Kuli's son. So J. H. p. 64 ff.).

Mir Mahmud' s Raid into Kirman. Mir Mahmud, aided
by the Baluchis, passes Sijistan and raids Kirman, and returns
to Kandahar. Hearing of this " disaster," the Shah leaves
Kazvin for Tihran. Here Durri Efendi, the Turkish am-
bassador, comes and presents his credentials. There is no
word in the MS of Mir Mahmud having been defeated by
Lutf AH Khan. In fact Lutf Ali Khan is nowhere mentioned
in the MS (M. C. p. 135 ff. I Rel. and Not. : J. H. p. 69 ff.).

Account of the Imam of Maskat and the Province called
Bahrain. The I mam invades Bahrain. The Persians, being
weak in ships, call in the friendly Portuguese, and meantime
gather an army at Bandar- Kong and Bandar- Rik. The Por-
tuguese arrive from Diu and cast anchor off Bandar- Kong.
Their admiral, before he will do anything, demands a sum
of money. While they are disputing about this, the ships of
the Imam heave in sight. The Portuguese give battle, the
Persians " enjoying the spectacle " from the shore. The

The Revolution in Persia 483

Portuguese turn and depart for Diu. The Portuguese am-
bassador comes later to the Shah in Tihran (Durri Efendi
being still there), but they cannot agree as to the amount of
compensation due. In the end a wealthy customhouse officer
of Bandar-Abbas advances 208 purses of silver on behalf of
the Shah, and Bahrain is returned to Persia. The MS adds
that the latest news is that, on the pretext of the capture of
Isfahan, it is heard say that the Imam is again invading
Bahrain. This narrative differs from those of M. C. (p. 1 29 ff.
Mem., Not. and I Rei.) and J. H. (p. 66 ff.) in that the latter
speak only of Bandar- Abbas as the site of the Persian camp
and the scene of the naval battle, and of Goa, instead of Diu,
as the port from which the Portuguese fleet sailed. They do
not mention the payment of the ransom for Bahrain, nor the
renewed attack upon it.

Account of the Kingdom of Kandahar. After describing
the struggle between the Emperor of India and Shah
Abbas 1 1 for the possession of this province, and the part
the Afghans took in it, and the privileges they were accorded
therefor, and how they grew from 40,000 houses to 70,000,
and the tyranny of the later Persian governors, the MS
describes the disaffection of the Afghans, the coming of the
Georgian Gurghin Khan (Shah Nuwaz Khan), and the trans-
portation of Mir Wais in fetters to Isfahan (M. C. p. 13 ff.
I Rel. and Not.: J. H. p. 25 ff.). The MS gives the num-
ber of Georgian troops as 4000 (omitted by M. C. and J. H.).

How Mir Wais employed himself in the Prison of Isfahan.
With the aid of Feth Ali Khan (who had with his father
been kidnapped from Daghistan, and brought up in the palace
until he became prime-minister) and the chief Eunuch, both
hearty enemies of Gurghin Khan, Mir Wais is set free, and
sent to Kandahar to watch Gurghin Khan (M. C. p. 31 ff.
I Rel.: J. H. p. 33 ff.). The MS omits all mention of Mir
Wais' supposed pilgrimage to Mecca and the rather fantastic
story of the Russian ambassador (given by M. C. p. 46 ff.
from another source and J. H. p. 37 ff). The MS gives the
number of sashes distributed by Mir Wais as 20,000, not
30,000. It then goes on to describe how Mir Wais lulled
the suspicions of the Khan, but it altogether omits the story
of his daughter given in all the accounts (M. C. p. 57 ff. from
a French translation of a Turkish source: J. H. p. 42 ff.).

31—2

484 T. H. WEIR

An (unnamed) Afghan tribe refuse to pay their tax. Mir
Wais advises the Khan to extirpate them, and so gets the
Georgian soldiers out of the way. He then invites the Khan
to his farm outside Kandahar in order to receive the sub-
mission and gifts of two recalcitrant but now penitent Beys.
The Khan falls into the trap, and in the banquet that follows
is slain with all his retinue (M. C. p. 65 ff. I Rel. : J. H.
p. 45 ff).

Rescue of Kandahar from the Kiztlbash. The Mir at
once puts on the uniform of the Khan and bids his men do
the same. Thus disguised and in Georgian formation they
appear one hour after sundown before the citadel. The gar-
rison, thinking " The Khan has come," come down with
torches to let him in. They are soon cut to pieces and the
place taken. The inhabitants are warned to stay within doors
until morning. Next day they choose Mir Wais as their chief
(M. C. p. 68 ff. I Rel. : J. H. p. 47 ff.). The only variation
of the MS is the statement that Afghans had been drafted
into the town by means of boats a few days before.

(Return of the Georgians.") The very next day the troops
which had been sent to the hills return and find the town
occupied. They return home. Both M. C. (p. 76 ff. I Rel.
and Not.) and J. H. (p. 49 ff.) say " after three days." This
fine retreat is well described by Han way.

( The Shahs Expedition."] The Shah, who had left Tihran
for Isfahan, determines to see this thing through himself.
With great forces and munitions, he sets out for Kandahar,
and arrives at Mashhad. The Afghans are alarmed, and
betake themselves to the hills ; but the Shah, also afraid,
contents himself with visiting the tomb of the Imam Rida,
and returns home. M. C. refers to this journey of the Shah,
but thinks it took place before the revolt of Mir Wais
(p. xxxii f.). Other sources do not appear to mention it.

(Expeditions of Khusraw Khan and Rustem Kkan.)
Gurghin Khan's nephew is nominated to avenge him. He
invests Kandahar, in which Mir Wais had left a garrison.
Mir Wais lays waste the province. The Persians dwindle
until only 200 Georgians are left, whom the Afghans slay
with their maces (M. C. p. 86 ff. I Rel. and J. H. p. 53 ff.
mention attempts before this one by the Khans of Herat and
Tebriz). After this the Georgians refuse to take service

The Revolution in Persia 485

against the Afghans. Next Rustem Khan is sent, but does
not venture to attack (M. C. p. 96 f. from a Turkish MS
translated: J. H. p. 57. These state that the Georgians
volunteer for service after this on condition that they go
alone].

( The Princes of Georgia.} Shah Nuwaz Khan, Khusraw
Khan, Wakhtang Khan and Mohammad Kuli Khan had
all turned renegade. The first famous Khan of Georgia was
Theimuras Khan. From him Mohammad Kuli derives
through the male line, Wakhtang through the female. They
have never ceased to fight one another for the rule of Georgia.
At last Tiflis was conferred on Shah Nuwaz, and Mohammad
Kuli's father (Irakli) fled to Moscow. Then, Shah Nuwaz
becoming disaffected, he was brought back and Georgia was
given to him. Again Shah Nuwaz gave in and was pardoned,
and made governor of Kirman, commander-in-chief of Persia
(Sipahsalar Iran) and Wali of Kandahar. It is only after
this that Wakhtang turns renegade, and is made prince of
Georgia. But when summoned to the relief of Isfahan, he
prefers the Russian alliance. So, when Shah Husain becomes
a prisoner, Tahmasp, laying claim to the Shahlik, appoints
Mohammad Kuli to Georgistan ; and he is the person most
in favour there now (M. C. Vol. n, p. 93 ff. I Rel. : J. H.
p. 86 f., 132 f., 169).

(The Russian Advance.} The Lesghians of Daghistan
invade Shirvan and seize Shamakhi. Mir Mahmud not being
yet dreamed of, and Persia and Russia being friendly, the
Shah hires 2000 troops of the Tzar. The Tzar, Wakhtang
Khan and the Shamakhi Beys, under cover of friendship,
seize Derbend and garrison it. Then, Mahmud appearing,
the Tzar sends 2000 troops in ships to Ghilan, who occupy
Resht. The Persians ask them to come to Kazvin and
Isfahan, but they prefer to await reinforcements. Next year
from 4000 to 5000 more Russians arrive. Isfahan being now
in the hands of the Afghans, the Persians again beg the
Russians to garrison Kazvin, but they reply, " Our orders
from our Tzar are not to advance beyond this." There are
reports of more Russians coming (M. C. Vol. n, p. 42 ff.
partly after I Rel. and 119, I Rel.: J. H. p. 154^)-

(Death of Mir Wais.) The Mir, having saved and ruled
Kandahar, his time coming, dies, and Mir Mahmud, a youth

486 T. H. WEIR

of 1 8, having overcome his uncle Mir Abdallah, becomes
ruler (M. C. Vol. i, p. 98 : J. H. p. 57).

(Accession of Mir Mahmud} The people incline to Mir
Mahmud. Mir Abdallah asks help of the Shah. Fearing
renewal of Persian suzerainty, Mir Mahmud with 12 other
conspirators kills his uncle during siesta. Mir Mahmud is
proclaimed ruler (M. C. p. 106 ff. I and II Rel.: J. H. p. 58 ff.
They both say " forty conspirators ").

(Makmud's first Raid.) He, with Baluchis, raids Kirman
and returns to Kandahar. (See under fifth rubric above.)

(Feth Ali Khan dismissed?) Being a Lesghi (who had
just invaded Shirvan, Shamakhi and Ardabil), and a Sunni,
and responsible for liberating Mir Wais, the prime-minister
(Ptimad ed-Dawlat} falls into disgrace and his eyes are put
out. Mohammad Kuli succeeds him (M. C. p. 142 ff. I Rel. :
J. H. p. 72 ff. The long account which these give of the trial
is from another source).

(Portents of Disaster?] The astrologers had already pre-
dicted the downfall of the Safavid Dynasty, and disaster to
Isfahan. Their calculations are confirmed by conjunctions
of planets, and accidents befalling the Shah on setting out
from Tihran for Isfahan (M. C. p. 200 ff. I Rel. partly :
J. H. p. 92 f.).

(Confidence restored.} When the Shah had been nine
months in Isfahan and nothing had happened, everyone for-
got these things, until news comes that Mir Mahmud has
set out a second time for Kirman. A council is held. Some
would appeal to the Porte for help : others think the Shah
should remove to Kazvin. Both proposals are rejected (M. C.
p. 256 ff. I Rel. : J. H. p. 1 10 ff. Both these place this council
after the battle of Gulnabad. Neither of them mentions the
appeal to the Sultan). Mir Mahmud, having rested after his
first raid, raises 1 8,000 troops, crosses Sijistan, and lays siege
to Kirman. After three months, he accepts 100 purses of
silver and leaves for Isfahan, where he arrives with 14,000
men. The Beys of the districts of Isfahan and Hamadan raise
18,000 troops. At a blockhouse called W z r n h (Varzana),
four stages from Isfahan, they offer the Mir 600 purses of
silver to stay his march, but he hastens on, and on Monday
the 8th Jumada I, 1 134, pitches his camp at Gulnabad, four
hours from Isfahan (M. C. p. 211 ff. I Rel. and Not.: J. H.

The Revolution in Persia 487

p. 97 ff. These sources vary as regards the figures. They
state that Mir Mahmud attacked Yezd on his way (omitted
in the MS) ; but they omit the name of the place ( = Zuvarah,
Uzvarah?) where the purses were offered. They give no
date: that of the MS = 24th Feb. 1722 A.D.).

( The Persian Forces?) These total 5 2,000, of whom 4000
are equipped with pick and shovel : also ten long range
battering guns, four pieces of long guns, 10,000 loads of
powder, and much munitions, under charge of a French
gunner. The Shah remains in the City: the prime-minister
and the rest march out. " Thinking the Mir an ant, they
find an adder : his Saturday they find a mighty Sunday "
(M. C. p. 222 ff. I Rel. and Not. and J. H. p. 101 f. do not
give these details. They say two daughters of one of the
Khans fought on the side of the Persians ; which the MS
omits, cf. M. C. Vol. n, p. 282).

(Panic of Mir Mahmud."] The M ir at sight of the Persian
host is ready to flee with 1000 swift runners ; but Aman Allah
Sultan, the Sirdar, encourages him to stand. He points out
the weakness of the enemy, and their own strength, citing
the oft-quoted " Many a little party has overcome a great
party by leave of God," and so " changes his purpose of flight
to firmness" (M. C. p. 226 f. I Rel. rejects this tale : J. H.
omits it, p. 105). The Afghan right of 5000 is put under
Aman Allah, the left of 3000 under the one-eyed Sijistani
Nasr Allah, the centre of 6000 under the Mir (M. C. p. 230 ff.
I Rel., but he adds a fourth division from another source :
so J. H. p. 104).

(Order of Persian Battle?) These were a confused mass
under 12 Sirdars: the right under the prime-minister and
others : the left under the Kular Aghasi and Khudeizah
Khan ; and the centre under the Kurji Bashi and others.
(For " right " of the MS read " left," and for " left " "right" :
so below and M. C. p. 227 ff. I Rel. and Not.: J. H. p. 103).
The prime-minister's advice is to entrench and await attack
(M. C. p. 235 ff. I Rel. and Not. : J. H. p. 105 f. Khudeizah
Khan is Abdallah Khan, Wali of Arabia).

(Battle ofGulnabad.) The description of the battle agrees
with those of La Mamye-Clairac taken from I Rel. (p. 237 ff.)
and Hanway (p. 106 ff). The MS, however, makes no
mention of elephants in the Afghan army. It states that the

488 T. H. WEIR

arquebuses which the camels carried were those called in
Persian zemburak. It also omits a number of details as to
the fate of individuals and sections composing the armies. It
gives the Persian killed as 5000, which Han way (following
the missionary Reynal) raises to 15,000. The Afghan loss
is 500.

(After the Battle^ Mahmud rests three days. The Per-
sians lay their 1 50 guns round the City. The Afghans attack
Shahristanah. The guns keep them off. They lose 78 killed
(M. C. p. 265 f. I Rel. : J. H. p. 114, who say "attack the
City from Shahristan ").

(The Fate of Julfa^) This town, deserted by the Shah,
surrenders. They pay the Mir 2800 purses, 800 in cash, and
the rest in the form of a bond. Mahmud occupies the Royal
park of Farhabad. He attacks the City, but with no success
(M. C. p. 268 ff. I Rel.: J. H. p. 114^).

(Isfahan invested. ) At last the Afghans invest the City,
so that 'none can come in or go out. Stripping the country
lying around, they gather stores enough for five years in
Ardistan(P) (M. C. p. 293 says " several months").

(Defeat of the Khans.) Ali Merdan, Khan of Luristan,
being appointed commander-in-chief, makes Khaun-Sar the
rendezvous, but the Khans set out separately for Isfahan.
Mahmud, getting wind of this, sends 6000 men under Nasr
Allah, who defeats the Khan of Hamadan with 6000, Ali
Rida of Pars with 1 2,000, and the Khan Kasim also with
12,000 (M. C. p. 262, I Rel., 299 f. I Rel., 307, I Rel., 297 f.
I Rel., which make the Afghan chief Aman Allah : so J. H.
p. 127 ff.). Ali Merdan Khan therefore sees to the defence
of Khurramabad (M. C. p. 317, I Rel.: there is no mention
in the MS of the incident of Ben- Isfahan).

(Escape of the Crown- Prince.') After near five months
the Shah's fourth son Tahmasp, with 1000 horse under cover
of night, breaks through the enemy lines and reaches Kazvin
(M. C. p. 310 ff. I and II Rel. says " 2ist June escorted by
300 horse," following the brother of M. Gardanne : so also
J. H.p. I34ff.).

(Capitulation determined on.) The Shah, to save life,
offers to surrender the City. The French consul at once
sends Joseph to Mir Mahmud with valuable gifts, asking for

The Revolution in Persia 489

protection. This is granted with good result (M. C. p. 337 fif.
Not. and I Rel. Vol. n, p. 17 : J. H. p. 144).

(Shah Husain surrenders and abdicates?) After eight and
a half months the Shah, wearing crown and aigrette, along
with the prime-minister and other chiefs, comes to Farhabad.
They are kept waiting half-an-hour outside. Entering the
audience hall, the Shah gives the Salam alaikum. He and
the Mir sit, each in one corner on quilts of down spread over
the Angora felt carpet. The others stand. The Shah repeats
" O God, Ruler of the kingdom," to the end of the verse
(Kor. iii. 25), and then gives the gist in Persian. He goes
on : " The Absolute King, God most High, is just ; and to
whom do they say, * He makes him head ' ? At one time to
me, now to you. At last, my son, I also submit to you. God
alone be blessed." He hands the aigrette to Aman Allah
Sultan, but seeing the Mir annoyed, he himself places it on
the Mir's head. Then they bring in coffee and the water-
pipes called " galleons," and the Mir being in the frame of
mind to comfort the Shah a little, says, " My Shah, let not
grief take up its abode in your heart. The rule of the world
passes from hand to hand, flowing with the destiny of God
who does not cease. You also are in the place of my father,
and, except it hold with the opinion and arrangement of
yourself, I will do no business." The Khan of the Baluch
also says, " My Shah, whatever business is being done, we,
being your servants, now make ourselves servants to the
Afghan." The Shah, alluding to the words of the Mir, replies,
" The rule is God's." The Shah then takes his leave and
retires to his apartments where he still remains. The MS

ends, " Your obedient servant " (M. C. p. 340 ff. I Rel.

and Not. The other details here given are not found in the
MS: so J. H. p. 144 ff.).

From the above description the most obvious conclusion
is that this MS is the one which was drawn up, as La Mamye-
Clairac says in his preface, by the Georgian Joseph for the
Turkish Grand Vezir. Of course, if that document is in
existence elsewhere, this must be another version from the
same hand of the same events. It will be noticed that it
differs from the accepted accounts of these events mainly in

31—5

490 T. H. WEIR

the way of omission, and the things it omits are for the
most part somewhat unlikely to have happened.

The MS is very far from being what it claims to be—
the narrative of an eye-witness. The only events of which
Joseph can have been an eye-witness are what happened in
Kazvin and Isfahan.

Jonas Han way states that he is indebted for his narrative
to Father Kruzinschi, but Hanway agrees so closely in word
and phrase with La Mamye-Clairac where he follows Joseph,
that there must have been an even closer relation between
Kruzinschi and Joseph.

To sum up, it does not seem too much to claim for the
Glasgow MS that it is a primary source for the events which
it narrates, and God knoweth best.

T. H. WEIR.

THE REFUSED DIGNITY
I

In the third chapter of the Book of Exodus it is told how
God reveals himself to Moses from the thornbush and lays
upon his shoulders the task of delivering the people of Israel
from Egyptian slavery. Moses feels this task as a burden
which he is not able to bear and answers (v. n) : "Who
am I, that I should go unto Pharaoh, and that I should bring
forth the children of Israel out of Egypt ? " But God promises
his assistance and corroborates this promise by miraculous
signs. Moses excuses his lack of eloquence (Ch. iv. 10):
" O my Lord, I am not eloquent, neither heretofore, nor
since thou hast spoken unto thy servant : but I am slow of
speech, and of a slow tongue." When God has argued
against this objection, Moses' depression reaches its height
in the words (iv. 1 3) : "O my Lord, send, I pray thee, by the
hand of him whom thou wilt send." But finally he gives way.

This beautiful episode does not stand by itself in history.
It returns, in some way or another, in the biography of
many great heroes. It is as if all the coming struggles, the
woes of the whole career which follows, are condensed and
forefelt in such a dark hour.

We find some other examples in Biblical history. When
the people of Israel is called together by Samuel at Mispa
and Saul has been appointed a king by lot, he is sought in
vain. And it is an oracle which shows that he has hidden
himself among the luggage. " And they ran and fetched
him thence1."

The same moment occurs in Jeremia's life. When Jahwe
calls him, saying: " Before I formed thee in the belly I knew
thee; and before thou earnest forth out of the womb I
sanctified thee, and I ordained thee a prophet unto the
nations" (i. 5), he answers: "Ah, Lord God! behold, I cannot
speak; for I am a child." But Jahwe encourages him and
simply proceeds to the act of initiation. We know, however,

1 i Samuel x. 21 sqq.

492 A. J. WENSINCK

Jeremia's character very well and we fully realise what his
objection means for a man so highly sensitive as he was.

Analogous to some extent is Ezekiel's case. When he
has been called and initiated, a wind drags him along and he
goes to the exiles, " bitter, in the heat of his spirit" and during
seven days he sits among them in amazement (iii. 14 sq.).
There is no formal refusal, but the depression is described
in plain words and moreover indicated by the statement
that the hand of the Lord was strong upon him (iii. 14).

The Old Testament does not give more instances of
the phenomenon. Jona's case is different. He seeks to flee
from the prophetic dignity, not because the task crushes his
weak person, but because he forefeels Jahwe's merciful
intentions regarding the people of Ninive.

It is in the story of Mohammed's prophetic calling that we
find a description which reminds us of Ezekiel's depression.
It is told in a lively manner by Tabari1. While Mohammed
is abiding on Mount Hira' in solitude, he is suddenly ad-
dressed by a divine being: "O Mohammed, thou art the
Apostle of God." "Then I fell down on my knees, and while
my breast and shoulders (\^j>\*>) were panting, I dragged
myself forth till I reached Kliadidja, crying: 'Envelop me,
envelop me,' till the anguish had left me. Afterwards the
divine being visited me again, saying : ' O Mohammed, thou
art the Apostle of God.' Then I was going to throw myself
down from a peak of the mountain. But he prevented me
from carrying out this intention, saying: 'O Mohammed,
I am Gabriel, and thou art the Apostle of God.' Then he
said: 'Recite.' And I said: 'What shall I recite?' Then
he took me and pressed me three times, so that I could
scarcely bear it."

Later, during the so-called pause (*s&) in the revela-
tions, Mohammed, in a new fit of depression, again takes
up the idea of throwing himself down from the mountain
(Tabari i, p. 1155).

This phenomenon, which seems a spontaneous one in
the examples adduced, is ranged by later generations among
the acts of humility and discretion, which have to be imitated.

1 Annales i, p. 1147.

The Refused Dignity 493

How strong the idea of imitation prevailed may appear
from the fact that according to Theodoretus of Cyrrhus
Jeremia already imitated Moses' example : fu/zcmu KOL rr)v
Moxrew? evKdfteiav1. Discretion becomes obligatory in re-
ligious things, just as it is now in social things. Origenes
says very plainly : " Imitatores ergo nos esse expedit
humilium ipsius Domini sermonum atque factorum et apostoli
ejus et facere quod factum est a Moyse ut etiamsi vocatur
aliquis ad principatum dicat : Provide alium quern mittasV

Exactly the same attitude is prescribed by Judaism.
In the Babylonian Talmud the following baraita is com-
municated. "Our masters have taught thus : If anyone is
invited to stand before the reading-desk, he has to refuse.
If he does not refuse he resembles meat without salt. If he
refuses longer than is due, he resembles meat spoiled by too
much salt. How then should he act ? The first time [he is
invited], he has to refuse ; the second time he has to show
hesitation ; the third time he has to stretch his legs and go3."

Jewish and Christian views on this point being akin,
it would be astonishing if Islam had taken a different
direction. As a matter of fact we find a trace of the
Biblical influence in Muslim tradition. The following saying
is put into the mouth of Mohammed: "Do not seek the
dignity of an Emir; if it is given you on your request,
you are delivered to it; if it is given you without asking,
you receive [divine] help in fulfilling it4." Abu Musa '1-Ash'ari
tells that he visited the Apostle of God, accompanied by two
of his relatives, who begged to be appointed as 'amil. Then
Mohammed said: "We do not appoint anyone who wishes
to be appointed; take the place, O Abu Musa5."

Abu Dharr relates a similar story concerning himself.
He also begged Mohammed to appoint him as an 'amil and

1 Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. 81, col. 500.

2 Migne, o.c., vol. 13, col. 239.

Berakot 34a : W

:no& DKI rh& ia jw WanS nan aioa
DJ?S neny wn ivoxn rte inmpnp
mvi vS:n n« tons rvsrS&r anano

4 Muslim, §ahlh, kitab al-Imara, trad. 13.
6 /£., trad. 15 ; cf. trad. 14.

494 A. J. WENSINCK

received the answer: "O Abu Dharr, you are weak; the
office is a post of confidence, but on the day of resurrection
it will prove a cause of shame and rue, except for him
who has fulfilled it rightly and carried out all the duties it
imposed on him1."

The last-named tradition is also given in a different re-
daction. Mohammed answers Abu Dharr in this way :
"O Abu Dharr, I see that you are weak; I wish for you
only what I wish for myself. Do not exercise command over
two persons and do not undertake the administration of the
possessions of an orphan2."

The traditions of Abu Dharr are commented upon by
Nawawi under the head " Disapproval of [accepting] the
dignity of an Emir without necessity." And on the Prophet's
saying: " Do not exercise command, etc.," he remarks:
" This is a strong motive for avoiding dignities, especially
for those who are too weak to fulfil the duties which they
imply." But he also declares that the good discharge of
a function is meritorious. — It is to be kept in mind that Abu
Dharr is one of the saints of early Islam.

Ill

It is obvious that the Biblical examples mentioned above
have exercised a strong influence. Leaving the domain of
theory and casting a glance on history, we find a great
many data showing that theory has largely affected practice.
We shall see, however, that in a number of cases the imi-
tators go farther than the examples ; in other words, that
refusal is peremptory and that the motive has changed.

The oldest example known to me is that of Juda ben
Tabbai, a contemporary of the famous Simeon ben Shetah.
The people of Jerusalem appointed him as a nasl\ but he
fled and went to Alexandria3. We are not acquainted with
his motives ; we cannot even make out whether the story is
authentic ; but it is typical.

The biography of Ephraim Syrus contains some instances
of the same kind. When Ephraim's literary and theo-

1 Muslim, $ahiht kitab al-Imara, trad. 16.

2 Ib., trad. 17 :^& JU ^^

3 Talmud Jerushalml) Hagiga n 2.

The Refused Dignity 495

logical genius is discovered by the people of Edessa, they
visit him in his lonely dwelling-place on the mountain,
apparently in order to admire the author of the commentary
on Genesis, or perhaps even with the intention to place him
at the head of their school. But he, perceiving their approach,
flees and disappears from their eyes. When he has reached
a certain wad! the angel of the Lord appears to him and
reproaches him with his flight. He answers : "My Lord, I am
weak and unworthy." Then the angel persuades him to
return to Edessa1.

It is clear that the episode has been largely influenced by
Biblical examples, especially by that of Elija when he flew
before Jezebel2.

It is further told, that Ephraim, allured by the fame of
Basilius, went to Caesarea in Cappadocia in order to come
in contact with the saintly bishop. The meeting of the two
is described with many miraculous features. Basilius is in-
formed in a supernatural way of the exceptional significance
of Ephraim and desires to convey to him the dignity of a
deacon. But Ephraim refuses, saying: "I am a sinner, O
Father." Basilius replies: " Would to God, that thy sins
were mine! " He simply orders him to kneel, lays his hand
upon him, and says the prayer of deaconship3.

A different redaction of the biography gives the episode
in the following form : Basilius urged him greatly that he
should accept the office of a priest. But he could not per-
suade him ; and under strong compulsion he accepted the
deaconship4.

In a third redaction there is question of the dignity of a
presbyter. Apparently the author means to say that Ephraim
refuses steadfastly. It runs thus: "And when Basilius desired
to make him a presbyter by laying his hand on him, he
beseeched him earnestly that he should not do this, because
he was not worthy of God6."

We find the ^^/another time in Ephraim's biography.
When he is since long back in Edessa, Basilius sends two

1 Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, ed. Bedjan, m 636.

2 i Kings xix.

3 Acta Martyrum, in 647 sq.

4 St Ephrami Syri opera omnia, edd. Benedictus et Assemani, Syriac
texts in p. xlvii.

5 Brockelmann, Syrische GrammatiJ?, p. 36*.

496 A. J. WENSINCK

deacons in order to convey to him the dignity of a bishop.
He warns them that they must take him even if he should
assume the attitude of a madman. When Ephraim has be-
come acquainted with their approach, he puts on his cloak of
many colours, goes in the streets eating his bread, and lets
his spittle drop. " This he did because he was afraid of the
priestly dignity." The deacons do not recognise him and
return to Basilius without having reached their aim1.

We know that similar cases of refusal originating from
humility have occurred several times in the Eastern Church
where ascetic tendencies soon gained a mighty influence.
Concerning the holy Porphyry of Gaza it is related that
" Praylius eum arcessivit et invitum ordinavit presbyterum2."
And in the Syriac texts concerning the bishops of Mesopo-
tamia, edited by Mingana, it is told that a certain Paul who
had been a teacher of Christianity in Adiabene was made
bishop of Nisibis by compulsion3.

So it is not astonishing to find steadfast refusal especially
in ascetic circles. Evagrius is said to have refused the dignity
of a bishop. John Climacus speaks of the demon who allures
the monk by the representations of the episcopate and other
dignities and who is to be repelled4.

Significant in this respect is what Isaac of Ninive relates
in his work on monastic life. One of the saints, while living
in the desert, used to be consoled by divine grace. But when
he had accepted the episcopal chair, this source of con-
solation dried up. Then he asked God, saying : " Is it that
grace has been withdrawn from me on account of my epis-
copal dignity?" The answer is: "No; but now men provide
for you and previously God provided for you5."

There is reason to suppose that the man in question was
Isaac himself, who as a matter of fact was ordained bishop of
Ninive, but soon left his see. How this happened, is told in
a short biography preceding the Arabic translation of Isaac's
works. When he sat in his episcopal cell, there came to him
two litigants. One brought before him a claim against the

1 Ada Martyrum, in 655 sq.

2 Migne, o.c^ vol. 65, col. 1216.

3 Mingana, Sources Syriaques, p. 75.

4 Scald) ed. Raderus, p. 278 : ^r\ TrapaSe'^0 avrov CTrurKoinjv croi KOL yyov-

SiSa(TKaAiav VTro(3a.X\ovra.

5 Ed. Bedjan, p. 248.

The Refused Dignity 497

other on account of money which he had lent but never
received back. When the claim was pressed, Isaac argued,
referring to the Gospel, that loans had not to be demanded
back. But the litigant was not content with this answer and
threatened to bring the case before the worldly judge. Then
Isaac felt that contemplative life did not square with the
duties of a bishop and returned to the wilderness1.

The episcopate, in the eyes of monks, is a worldly dignity,
and here is a strong motive for refusal on their part. Too
often the bishops seem to have been guilty of covetousness.
Gregory of Nazianzus thinks them so fond of money that
they would have preferred a plurality of gods to monotheism,
only for the sake of making money by selling each of them2.

The above story concerning Isaac of Ninive shows not
only that the episcopate was considered by monkish piety as
a worldly dignity, but also that it implied, to some extent,
the duties of a judge, a feature known even in modern
times.

It is worth while to observe that pious Muslim circles
considered the dignity vi&kadi from the same point of view.
Though the office of the kadi has its fixed place in the
Muslim legal system and is not open to objections from this
side, it partakes, in the eyes of the pious, of the character
ascribed (especially in Sufi circles) to the office of the sultan.
On the one hand the kadi is considered as an instrument of
the highest powers of the state, on the other hand as an
object of bribery on the part of litigants. It is not astonishing,
therefore, to find that in the circles mentioned there existed
an aversion to kadlship. " Anecdotes of famous scholars
who could not be prevailed upon by imprisonment or casti-
gation to accept the office of kadi are innumerable. Those
who succumbed to the temptation forfeited the respect of the
circle to which they had belonged3." Consequently I cannot
think of enumerating the cases in which the office of kadi
was offered to pious Muslims and refused by them. I only

1 Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, I 444.

2 Migne, o.c., vol. 37, col. 1087.

3 Snouck Hurgronje, Mohammedanism (New York and London 1916),
p. 112.

498 A. J. WENSINCK

choose some examples containing a new proof of the paral-
lelism between the attitude of Christians and Muslims in
cardinal questions.

Abu 'Abd Allah Mohammed ibn Harith al-Khush(a)ni
has written a book on the kadis of Cordova, which has been
edited and translated by Ribera. On p. 8 sqq. of the Arabic
text there is an enumeration of persons who refused kadi-
ship. It appears from the text that some simply refused.
Others swore they would divorce their wives or free their
slaves in the case of accepting. A certain one is clad with
the dignity ; but when night falls, he flees, as Juda ben
Tabbai did when he was made a nasl.

Many instances of the same kind are contained in
al-Kindfs book on the judges of Egypt1. I choose only those
which are remarkable from our present point of view. When
'Abd al- Rahman ibn Hudjaira had been made a kass*, his
father said : " Praised be God, my son invokes God and

makes others to invoke" (j£>>j ^\ j^=»*3)- When he had
become a kadi, his father said: "My son is lost and destroys

others (^Ul^ ^yjl ^IU4). — In an analogous way the relation
between kass and kadi is considered in another saying. To
Sulaim b. 'Itr it is said: " When you were a kass, two angels
would give you advice ; but now that you have become a
kadi, you are accompanied by two sjiaitaris who turn you
from truth and try to seduce you5."

It is only natural that this view of the office of the kadi
has been embodied in sayings ascribed to Mohammed.
" Of three kadis two will go to hell6." And : " Whoever is
made a kadlvs slaughtered without a knife7."

Out of the instances of refusal communicated_by al-Kindi,
I will mention two only. When 'Amr ibn al-'As is wall of
Egypt, 'Omar orders him to make a certain iio ^ ^ot£>
kadi of the country. On 'Amr's demand he replies, however,
that he refuses to return to the djahitlya*. The man had

1 Edited by Gottheil and in a fuller form by Guest. The latter edition
is cited here.

2 On this office cf. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, n 161 sqq.

3 I am not quite certain of the sense of these words.

4P-3i5- "P-3"-

6 As communicated in Snouck Hurgronje's Mohammedanism, p. 112.

7 Kind!, p. 471. 8 p. 302.

The Refused Dignity 499

been a hakam in pre-islamic times. Here it appears that the
kadi is considered as a Muslim counterpart of the old- Arabian
hakam. The parallelism between the kadi and the bishop
becomes closer by this fact ; for the old- Arabian judge is in
many respects the replica of the bishop. In his instructive
study on the mimbar1, C. H. Becker has shown that throne
and staff were the attributes of the old- Arabian judge. It is
well known that they were also the attributes of the bishop.
And Sprenger2 mentions a passage in the Kitab al-Aghanl
according to which the first who used the staff was Koss the
bishop of Nadjran. That in its turn the episcopal chair is an
imitation of the example of the judge's throne in the classical
world, is also mentioned by Becker3.

Finally I will point to the story of 'Abd Allah ibn Wahb,
whom 'Abbad ibn Mohammed, the wall of Egypt under
Ma'mun, wished to appoint as kadi. He refuses and hides
himself in a house. When 'Abbad has a part of the house
pulled down, some one says: " Does that fellow ('Abd
Allah) desire the kadiship so fervently that he hides him-
self?" When 'Abd AllSh hears this, he invokes God's wrath
upon the rogue, who is stricken with blindness4. — Perhaps we
may conclude from this satirical saying that it had become a
matter of good taste to refuse dignities even in cases when
they were desired. Then this could be considered as a last
symptom of indirect influence of the Biblical examples
mentioned above.

It appears from the communicated facts that these Biblical
examples as well as that of Mohammed which are to be con-
sidered as originating in purely spontaneous psychological
phenomena, have become normative in Judaism and Chris-
tianity, to some extent also in Islam. When asceticism
becomes a mighty current in the church, peremptory refusal
becomes obligatory, for dignities belong to the domain of
''vainglory." Finally, when the church and Islam have
developed a temporal side together with the old spiritual
one, dignities, especially that of bishop and kadi, are reckoned
as dignities of a worldly character and consequently shunned
by those who belong to the pious circles.

1 Die Kanzel im Kultus des alien Islam, Noldeke-Festschrift, p. 331 sqq.

2 Leben Mohammed's, i 102. 3 /. c., p. 351. 4 Kind!, p. 417 sq.

A. J. WENSINCK.

M.A.

OAN25

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Full text of "A volume of oriental studies presented to Edward G. Browne on his 60th birthday (7 February 1922)"

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